On 19 July 2018, the CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet against former Union Home Minister and Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, his son Karti Chidambaram and five other public officials including a former Secretary, a Joint Secretary, an Under Secretary and a Joint Director of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Finance in the Aircel Maxis case. This case in which the CBI filed fresh charges against Chidambaram four years after the first chargesheet filed was yet another case where the government in power was using the CBI for conducting a political witch-hunt. |
The Aircel Maxis case started in 2006 when politician-advocate Subramanian Swamy moved the Supreme Court and demanded an investigation. In 2014, the CBI filed a chargesheet against the two Maran brothers -Dayanidhi and Kalanidhi, the first of whom had been Union Minister of Communications, while the other was at the helms of the Sun Media Group - and some other officials, but the case was dismissed by the Special CBI Judge OP Saini who concluded that no criminal offence had occurred. After the BJP government came to power, the CBI reopened the case, and it is now under revision. |
Meanwhile, Swamy had been insisting from the very beginning that Chidambaram should be criminally charged, alleging that he had earlier been the approving authority for the deal between Aircel and Maxis. But then, this had always been the charge against Chidambaram. So, the question was: why did the CBI fail to prosecute Chidambaram earlier? Should we not assume that it was because, back then, they were under the influence of the UPA government? |
The alternative assumption would be that there was no case, and that they are influenced by the BJP government now. Either way, it shows the CBI m a very bad light. The bureau's officials must explain this gap in their investigation, which seems to have changed its course with the change in government. |
Successive governments, irrespective of party affiliation, have used the CBI to score political points over its political opponents. The irony is that several political regimes that came to power on an anti-corruption agenda conveniently steered clear of making real efforts to clean up the system. Yet the same leaders shout the loudest against corruption when they are part of the Opposition. In this circus, the people of India are taken for a ride. They repose their trust in political leaders who promise to take serious measures to tackle corruption, but every leader has so far failed them. |
This trendy phrase that sounds like jargon from a futuristic science fiction movie was an order issued by the central government way back in the mid-eighties, which made it mandatory for the CBI to take prior approval of the -government before initiating even preliminary investigations against corrupt officers in all civil services of the rank/grade of Joint Secretary and above. |
In effect, the provision was an instrument of political interference that undermined the CBIs autonomy. In a case where a CBI official has reason to believe that an offence has been committed, she or he would still need the governments permission to investigate the case. It put the watchdog on a short leash. |
On 19 July 2018, the CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet against former Union Home Minister and Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, his son Karti Chidambaram and five other public officials including a former Secretary, a Joint Secretary, an Under Secretary and a Joint Director of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Finance in the Aircel Maxis case. This case in which the CBI filed fresh charges against Chidambaram four years after the first chargesheet filed was yet another case where the government in power was using the CBI for conducting a political witch-hunt. |
The Aircel Maxis case started in 2006 when politician-advocate Subramanian Swamy moved the Supreme Court and demanded an investigation. In 2014, the CBI filed a chargesheet against the two Maran brothers -Dayanidhi and Kalanidhi, the first of whom had been Union Minister of Communications, while the other was at the helms of the Sun Media Group - and some other officials, but the case was dismissed by the Special CBI Judge OP Saini who concluded that no criminal offence had occurred. After the BJP government came to power, the CBI reopened the case, and it is now under revision. |
Meanwhile, Swamy had been insisting from the very beginning that Chidambaram should be criminally charged, alleging that he had earlier been the approving authority for the deal between Aircel and Maxis. But then, this had always been the charge against Chidambaram. So, the question was: why did the CBI fail to prosecute Chidambaram earlier? Should we not assume that it was because, back then, they were under the influence of the UPA government? |
The alternative assumption would be that there was no case, and that they are influenced by the BJP government now. Either way, it shows the CBI m a very bad light. The bureau's officials must explain this gap in their investigation, which seems to have changed its course with the change in government. |
Successive governments, irrespective of party affiliation, have used the CBI to score political points over its political opponents. The irony is that several political regimes that came to power on an anti-corruption agenda conveniently steered clear of making real efforts to clean up the system. Yet the same leaders shout the loudest against corruption when they are part of the Opposition. In this circus, the people of India are taken for a ride. They repose their trust in political leaders who promise to take serious measures to tackle corruption, but every leader has so far failed them. |
This trendy phrase that sounds like jargon from a futuristic science fiction movie was an order issued by the central government way back in the mid-eighties, which made it mandatory for the CBI to take prior approval of the -government before initiating even preliminary investigations against corrupt officers in all civil services of the rank/grade of Joint Secretary and above. |
In effect, the provision was an instrument of political interference that undermined the CBIs autonomy. In a case where a CBI official has reason to believe that an offence has been committed, she or he would still need the governments permission to investigate the case. It put the watchdog on a short leash. |
On 19 July 2018, the CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet against former Union Home Minister and Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, his son Karti Chidambaram and five other public officials including a former Secretary, a Joint Secretary, an Under Secretary and a Joint Director of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Finance in the Aircel Maxis case. This case in which the CBI filed fresh charges against Chidambaram four years after the first chargesheet filed was yet another case where the government in power was using the CBI for conducting a political witch-hunt. |
The Aircel Maxis case started in 2006 when politician-advocate Subramanian Swamy moved the Supreme Court and demanded an investigation. In 2014, the CBI filed a chargesheet against the two Maran brothers -Dayanidhi and Kalanidhi, the first of whom had been Union Minister of Communications, while the other was at the helms of the Sun Media Group - and some other officials, but the case was dismissed by the Special CBI Judge OP Saini who concluded that no criminal offence had occurred. After the BJP government came to power, the CBI reopened the case, and it is now under revision. |
Meanwhile, Swamy had been insisting from the very beginning that Chidambaram should be criminally charged, alleging that he had earlier been the approving authority for the deal between Aircel and Maxis. But then, this had always been the charge against Chidambaram. So, the question was: why did the CBI fail to prosecute Chidambaram earlier? Should we not assume that it was because, back then, they were under the influence of the UPA government? |
The alternative assumption would be that there was no case, and that they are influenced by the BJP government now. Either way, it shows the CBI m a very bad light. The bureau's officials must explain this gap in their investigation, which seems to have changed its course with the change in government. |
Successive governments, irrespective of party affiliation, have used the CBI to score political points over its political opponents. The irony is that several political regimes that came to power on an anti-corruption agenda conveniently steered clear of making real efforts to clean up the system. Yet the same leaders shout the loudest against corruption when they are part of the Opposition. In this circus, the people of India are taken for a ride. They repose their trust in political leaders who promise to take serious measures to tackle corruption, but every leader has so far failed them. |
This trendy phrase that sounds like jargon from a futuristic science fiction movie was an order issued by the central government way back in the mid-eighties, which made it mandatory for the CBI to take prior approval of the -government before initiating even preliminary investigations against corrupt officers in all civil services of the rank/grade of Joint Secretary and above. |
In effect, the provision was an instrument of political interference that undermined the CBIs autonomy. In a case where a CBI official has reason to believe that an offence has been committed, she or he would still need the governments permission to investigate the case. It put the watchdog on a short leash. |
On 19 July 2018, the CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet against former Union Home Minister and Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, his son Karti Chidambaram and five other public officials including a former Secretary, a Joint Secretary, an Under Secretary and a Joint Director of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Finance in the Aircel Maxis case. This case in which the CBI filed fresh charges against Chidambaram four years after the first chargesheet filed was yet another case where the government in power was using the CBI for conducting a political witch-hunt. |
The Aircel Maxis case started in 2006 when politician-advocate Subramanian Swamy moved the Supreme Court and demanded an investigation. In 2014, the CBI filed a chargesheet against the two Maran brothers -Dayanidhi and Kalanidhi, the first of whom had been Union Minister of Communications, while the other was at the helms of the Sun Media Group - and some other officials, but the case was dismissed by the Special CBI Judge OP Saini who concluded that no criminal offence had occurred. After the BJP government came to power, the CBI reopened the case, and it is now under revision. |
Meanwhile, Swamy had been insisting from the very beginning that Chidambaram should be criminally charged, alleging that he had earlier been the approving authority for the deal between Aircel and Maxis. But then, this had always been the charge against Chidambaram. So, the question was: why did the CBI fail to prosecute Chidambaram earlier? Should we not assume that it was because, back then, they were under the influence of the UPA government? |
The alternative assumption would be that there was no case, and that they are influenced by the BJP government now. Either way, it shows the CBI m a very bad light. The bureau's officials must explain this gap in their investigation, which seems to have changed its course with the change in government. |
Successive governments, irrespective of party affiliation, have used the CBI to score political points over its political opponents. The irony is that several political regimes that came to power on an anti-corruption agenda conveniently steered clear of making real efforts to clean up the system. Yet the same leaders shout the loudest against corruption when they are part of the Opposition. In this circus, the people of India are taken for a ride. They repose their trust in political leaders who promise to take serious measures to tackle corruption, but every leader has so far failed them. |
This trendy phrase that sounds like jargon from a futuristic science fiction movie was an order issued by the central government way back in the mid-eighties, which made it mandatory for the CBI to take prior approval of the -government before initiating even preliminary investigations against corrupt officers in all civil services of the rank/grade of Joint Secretary and above. |
In effect, the provision was an instrument of political interference that undermined the CBIs autonomy. In a case where a CBI official has reason to believe that an offence has been committed, she or he would still need the governments permission to investigate the case. It put the watchdog on a short leash. |
On 19 July 2018, the CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet against former Union Home Minister and Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, his son Karti Chidambaram and five other public officials including a former Secretary, a Joint Secretary, an Under Secretary and a Joint Director of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Finance in the Aircel Maxis case. This case in which the CBI filed fresh charges against Chidambaram four years after the first chargesheet filed was yet another case where the government in power was using the CBI for conducting a political witch-hunt. |
The Aircel Maxis case started in 2006 when politician-advocate Subramanian Swamy moved the Supreme Court and demanded an investigation. In 2014, the CBI filed a chargesheet against the two Maran brothers -Dayanidhi and Kalanidhi, the first of whom had been Union Minister of Communications, while the other was at the helms of the Sun Media Group - and some other officials, but the case was dismissed by the Special CBI Judge OP Saini who concluded that no criminal offence had occurred. After the BJP government came to power, the CBI reopened the case, and it is now under revision. |
Meanwhile, Swamy had been insisting from the very beginning that Chidambaram should be criminally charged, alleging that he had earlier been the approving authority for the deal between Aircel and Maxis. But then, this had always been the charge against Chidambaram. So, the question was: why did the CBI fail to prosecute Chidambaram earlier? Should we not assume that it was because, back then, they were under the influence of the UPA government? |
The alternative assumption would be that there was no case, and that they are influenced by the BJP government now. Either way, it shows the CBI m a very bad light. The bureau's officials must explain this gap in their investigation, which seems to have changed its course with the change in government. |
Successive governments, irrespective of party affiliation, have used the CBI to score political points over its political opponents. The irony is that several political regimes that came to power on an anti-corruption agenda conveniently steered clear of making real efforts to clean up the system. Yet the same leaders shout the loudest against corruption when they are part of the Opposition. In this circus, the people of India are taken for a ride. They repose their trust in political leaders who promise to take serious measures to tackle corruption, but every leader has so far failed them. |
This trendy phrase that sounds like jargon from a futuristic science fiction movie was an order issued by the central government way back in the mid-eighties, which made it mandatory for the CBI to take prior approval of the -government before initiating even preliminary investigations against corrupt officers in all civil services of the rank/grade of Joint Secretary and above. |
In effect, the provision was an instrument of political interference that undermined the CBIs autonomy. In a case where a CBI official has reason to believe that an offence has been committed, she or he would still need the governments permission to investigate the case. It put the watchdog on a short leash. |
Hardly ten days after Chhutki left, Badki fell ill. Despite the medication administered by the village quacks, there was no improvement in her condition whatsoever. She made pilgrimages to the various holy places hoping for a cure. When she eventually informed her husband by telephone, he came down, bore her off to the city where he worked and made an appointment for her with a general physician who not only had a successful practice, but also made home visits. |
The doctor asked the patient about her symptoms, to which Badki replied in a weak voice, 'I've lost my appetite. I always have a splitting headache. I suffer from insomnia and indigestion. It has been days since I have had a normal bowel movement.' |
'Stick out your tongue,' ordered the doctor. Badki did as she was bid. 'Open your mouth wide'. Badki obeyed again. The doctor hurriedly said, 'Okay, that's enough.' |
He then listened to her heartbeat with a stethoscope before checking her pulse. 'Her digestion is affected, producing the other symptoms', he declared. He accepted his fee and wrote out a prescription. He said he would need to see her after three days. |
Badki's husband dropped her back to the village after buying her medicines. Although Badki religiously took her medicines as prescribed, she found no relief even after the stipulated three days. |
Badki's husband brought her back to the city. This time he showed her to a specialist who ran a battery of tests. 'I can't find anything wrong with these results, said the mystified specialist. 'Let me prescribe some other medicines, however. Come back to me after five days.' |
Badki flounced out of the doctors cabin in a huff and her embarrassed husband ran after her. She turned on him furiously. 'What kind of a quack is this guy? He knows nothing. How In the name of the devil will he treat me?' And with that she returned home, deeply annoyed. |
At night, she said to her elder son, 'Call your cousins in Agra. I want to talk to your maasi.' |
The soldier, who had just come home from work, answered, 'Hello, who is this?' |
'It's me. . . Golu.' |
'Yes, Golu. Tell me ... is everything okay?' |
'Everything is fine.' |
'Is budhi-maa okay?' he said, referring to his mother; all the kids were used to calling their grandmother budhi-maa or 'old-mother'. |
'Yes, she is. Please give the phone to maasi. Ammi wants to talk to her.' |
The soldier handed the phone to Chhutki. 'A call from home.' |
Chhutki snatched the phone. I'm Chhutki. Who is this?' |
'It's me ... Badki. ' |
''Idiot! Why this urgent need to talk to me?' |
'Did you see the Red Fort and the Taj Mahal?' |
'May you suffer, dari. |
''Im already very unwell.' |
'You'll die suffocating,' Chhutki retorted, unsympathetically. |
'Did you sit in the aeroplane?' |
'Don't you dare talk, witch! Im also unwell. Agra's water doesn't suit me.' |
'You left me behind to go gallivanting with your husband. You had to pay, so pay!' |
'You're a monster from another life, dari!' |
'And acting like a lioness just because you are at a safe distance, you hedgehog! If you have any guts, and are a red-blooded man's daughter, I dare you to come to the village and face me ...' Badki challenged again. 'Trying to behave like a soldiers wife from far away!' |
'I'll be back in two days, dari . . . and then see if I don't grab your braids, twirl you around and hurl you a hundred yards out! Then you'll know whether I'm the daughter of a red-blooded roan or not!' |
Hardly ten days after Chhutki left, Badki fell ill. Despite the medication administered by the village quacks, there was no improvement in her condition whatsoever. She made pilgrimages to the various holy places hoping for a cure. When she eventually informed her husband by telephone, he came down, bore her off to the city where he worked and made an appointment for her with a general physician who not only had a successful practice, but also made home visits. |
The doctor asked the patient about her symptoms, to which Badki replied in a weak voice, 'I've lost my appetite. I always have a splitting headache. I suffer from insomnia and indigestion. It has been days since I have had a normal bowel movement.' |
'Stick out your tongue,' ordered the doctor. Badki did as she was bid. 'Open your mouth wide'. Badki obeyed again. The doctor hurriedly said, 'Okay, that's enough.' |
He then listened to her heartbeat with a stethoscope before checking her pulse. 'Her digestion is affected, producing the other symptoms', he declared. He accepted his fee and wrote out a prescription. He said he would need to see her after three days. |
Badki's husband dropped her back to the village after buying her medicines. Although Badki religiously took her medicines as prescribed, she found no relief even after the stipulated three days. |
Badki's husband brought her back to the city. This time he showed her to a specialist who ran a battery of tests. 'I can't find anything wrong with these results, said the mystified specialist. 'Let me prescribe some other medicines, however. Come back to me after five days.' |
Badki flounced out of the doctors cabin in a huff and her embarrassed husband ran after her. She turned on him furiously. 'What kind of a quack is this guy? He knows nothing. How In the name of the devil will he treat me?' And with that she returned home, deeply annoyed. |
At night, she said to her elder son, 'Call your cousins in Agra. I want to talk to your maasi.' |
The soldier, who had just come home from work, answered, 'Hello, who is this?' |
'It's me. . . Golu.' |
'Yes, Golu. Tell me ... is everything okay?' |
'Everything is fine.' |
'Is budhi-maa okay?' he said, referring to his mother; all the kids were used to calling their grandmother budhi-maa or 'old-mother'. |
'Yes, she is. Please give the phone to maasi. Ammi wants to talk to her.' |
The soldier handed the phone to Chhutki. 'A call from home.' |
Chhutki snatched the phone. I'm Chhutki. Who is this?' |
'It's me ... Badki. ' |
''Idiot! Why this urgent need to talk to me?' |
'Did you see the Red Fort and the Taj Mahal?' |
'May you suffer, dari. |
''Im already very unwell.' |
'You'll die suffocating,' Chhutki retorted, unsympathetically. |
'Did you sit in the aeroplane?' |
'Don't you dare talk, witch! Im also unwell. Agra's water doesn't suit me.' |
'You left me behind to go gallivanting with your husband. You had to pay, so pay!' |
'You're a monster from another life, dari!' |
'And acting like a lioness just because you are at a safe distance, you hedgehog! If you have any guts, and are a red-blooded man's daughter, I dare you to come to the village and face me ...' Badki challenged again. 'Trying to behave like a soldiers wife from far away!' |
'I'll be back in two days, dari . . . and then see if I don't grab your braids, twirl you around and hurl you a hundred yards out! Then you'll know whether I'm the daughter of a red-blooded roan or not!' |
Hardly ten days after Chhutki left, Badki fell ill. Despite the medication administered by the village quacks, there was no improvement in her condition whatsoever. She made pilgrimages to the various holy places hoping for a cure. When she eventually informed her husband by telephone, he came down, bore her off to the city where he worked and made an appointment for her with a general physician who not only had a successful practice, but also made home visits. |
The doctor asked the patient about her symptoms, to which Badki replied in a weak voice, 'I've lost my appetite. I always have a splitting headache. I suffer from insomnia and indigestion. It has been days since I have had a normal bowel movement.' |
'Stick out your tongue,' ordered the doctor. Badki did as she was bid. 'Open your mouth wide'. Badki obeyed again. The doctor hurriedly said, 'Okay, that's enough.' |
He then listened to her heartbeat with a stethoscope before checking her pulse. 'Her digestion is affected, producing the other symptoms', he declared. He accepted his fee and wrote out a prescription. He said he would need to see her after three days. |
Badki's husband dropped her back to the village after buying her medicines. Although Badki religiously took her medicines as prescribed, she found no relief even after the stipulated three days. |
Badki's husband brought her back to the city. This time he showed her to a specialist who ran a battery of tests. 'I can't find anything wrong with these results, said the mystified specialist. 'Let me prescribe some other medicines, however. Come back to me after five days.' |
Badki flounced out of the doctors cabin in a huff and her embarrassed husband ran after her. She turned on him furiously. 'What kind of a quack is this guy? He knows nothing. How In the name of the devil will he treat me?' And with that she returned home, deeply annoyed. |
At night, she said to her elder son, 'Call your cousins in Agra. I want to talk to your maasi.' |
The soldier, who had just come home from work, answered, 'Hello, who is this?' |
'It's me. . . Golu.' |
'Yes, Golu. Tell me ... is everything okay?' |
'Everything is fine.' |
'Is budhi-maa okay?' he said, referring to his mother; all the kids were used to calling their grandmother budhi-maa or 'old-mother'. |
'Yes, she is. Please give the phone to maasi. Ammi wants to talk to her.' |
The soldier handed the phone to Chhutki. 'A call from home.' |
Chhutki snatched the phone. I'm Chhutki. Who is this?' |
'It's me ... Badki. ' |
''Idiot! Why this urgent need to talk to me?' |
'Did you see the Red Fort and the Taj Mahal?' |
'May you suffer, dari. |
''Im already very unwell.' |
'You'll die suffocating,' Chhutki retorted, unsympathetically. |
'Did you sit in the aeroplane?' |
'Don't you dare talk, witch! Im also unwell. Agra's water doesn't suit me.' |
'You left me behind to go gallivanting with your husband. You had to pay, so pay!' |
'You're a monster from another life, dari!' |
'And acting like a lioness just because you are at a safe distance, you hedgehog! If you have any guts, and are a red-blooded man's daughter, I dare you to come to the village and face me ...' Badki challenged again. 'Trying to behave like a soldiers wife from far away!' |
'I'll be back in two days, dari . . . and then see if I don't grab your braids, twirl you around and hurl you a hundred yards out! Then you'll know whether I'm the daughter of a red-blooded roan or not!' |
Hardly ten days after Chhutki left, Badki fell ill. Despite the medication administered by the village quacks, there was no improvement in her condition whatsoever. She made pilgrimages to the various holy places hoping for a cure. When she eventually informed her husband by telephone, he came down, bore her off to the city where he worked and made an appointment for her with a general physician who not only had a successful practice, but also made home visits. |
The doctor asked the patient about her symptoms, to which Badki replied in a weak voice, 'I've lost my appetite. I always have a splitting headache. I suffer from insomnia and indigestion. It has been days since I have had a normal bowel movement.' |
'Stick out your tongue,' ordered the doctor. Badki did as she was bid. 'Open your mouth wide'. Badki obeyed again. The doctor hurriedly said, 'Okay, that's enough.' |
He then listened to her heartbeat with a stethoscope before checking her pulse. 'Her digestion is affected, producing the other symptoms', he declared. He accepted his fee and wrote out a prescription. He said he would need to see her after three days. |
Badki's husband dropped her back to the village after buying her medicines. Although Badki religiously took her medicines as prescribed, she found no relief even after the stipulated three days. |
Badki's husband brought her back to the city. This time he showed her to a specialist who ran a battery of tests. 'I can't find anything wrong with these results, said the mystified specialist. 'Let me prescribe some other medicines, however. Come back to me after five days.' |
Badki flounced out of the doctors cabin in a huff and her embarrassed husband ran after her. She turned on him furiously. 'What kind of a quack is this guy? He knows nothing. How In the name of the devil will he treat me?' And with that she returned home, deeply annoyed. |
At night, she said to her elder son, 'Call your cousins in Agra. I want to talk to your maasi.' |
The soldier, who had just come home from work, answered, 'Hello, who is this?' |
'It's me. . . Golu.' |
'Yes, Golu. Tell me ... is everything okay?' |
'Everything is fine.' |
'Is budhi-maa okay?' he said, referring to his mother; all the kids were used to calling their grandmother budhi-maa or 'old-mother'. |
'Yes, she is. Please give the phone to maasi. Ammi wants to talk to her.' |
The soldier handed the phone to Chhutki. 'A call from home.' |
Chhutki snatched the phone. I'm Chhutki. Who is this?' |
'It's me ... Badki. ' |
''Idiot! Why this urgent need to talk to me?' |
'Did you see the Red Fort and the Taj Mahal?' |
'May you suffer, dari. |
''Im already very unwell.' |
'You'll die suffocating,' Chhutki retorted, unsympathetically. |
'Did you sit in the aeroplane?' |
'Don't you dare talk, witch! Im also unwell. Agra's water doesn't suit me.' |
'You left me behind to go gallivanting with your husband. You had to pay, so pay!' |
'You're a monster from another life, dari!' |
'And acting like a lioness just because you are at a safe distance, you hedgehog! If you have any guts, and are a red-blooded man's daughter, I dare you to come to the village and face me ...' Badki challenged again. 'Trying to behave like a soldiers wife from far away!' |
'I'll be back in two days, dari . . . and then see if I don't grab your braids, twirl you around and hurl you a hundred yards out! Then you'll know whether I'm the daughter of a red-blooded roan or not!' |
Hardly ten days after Chhutki left, Badki fell ill. Despite the medication administered by the village quacks, there was no improvement in her condition whatsoever. She made pilgrimages to the various holy places hoping for a cure. When she eventually informed her husband by telephone, he came down, bore her off to the city where he worked and made an appointment for her with a general physician who not only had a successful practice, but also made home visits. |
The doctor asked the patient about her symptoms, to which Badki replied in a weak voice, 'I've lost my appetite. I always have a splitting headache. I suffer from insomnia and indigestion. It has been days since I have had a normal bowel movement.' |
'Stick out your tongue,' ordered the doctor. Badki did as she was bid. 'Open your mouth wide'. Badki obeyed again. The doctor hurriedly said, 'Okay, that's enough.' |
He then listened to her heartbeat with a stethoscope before checking her pulse. 'Her digestion is affected, producing the other symptoms', he declared. He accepted his fee and wrote out a prescription. He said he would need to see her after three days. |
Badki's husband dropped her back to the village after buying her medicines. Although Badki religiously took her medicines as prescribed, she found no relief even after the stipulated three days. |
Badki's husband brought her back to the city. This time he showed her to a specialist who ran a battery of tests. 'I can't find anything wrong with these results, said the mystified specialist. 'Let me prescribe some other medicines, however. Come back to me after five days.' |
Badki flounced out of the doctors cabin in a huff and her embarrassed husband ran after her. She turned on him furiously. 'What kind of a quack is this guy? He knows nothing. How In the name of the devil will he treat me?' And with that she returned home, deeply annoyed. |
At night, she said to her elder son, 'Call your cousins in Agra. I want to talk to your maasi.' |
The soldier, who had just come home from work, answered, 'Hello, who is this?' |
'It's me. . . Golu.' |
'Yes, Golu. Tell me ... is everything okay?' |
'Everything is fine.' |
'Is budhi-maa okay?' he said, referring to his mother; all the kids were used to calling their grandmother budhi-maa or 'old-mother'. |
'Yes, she is. Please give the phone to maasi. Ammi wants to talk to her.' |
The soldier handed the phone to Chhutki. 'A call from home.' |
Chhutki snatched the phone. I'm Chhutki. Who is this?' |
'It's me ... Badki. ' |
''Idiot! Why this urgent need to talk to me?' |
'Did you see the Red Fort and the Taj Mahal?' |
'May you suffer, dari. |
''Im already very unwell.' |
'You'll die suffocating,' Chhutki retorted, unsympathetically. |
'Did you sit in the aeroplane?' |
'Don't you dare talk, witch! Im also unwell. Agra's water doesn't suit me.' |
'You left me behind to go gallivanting with your husband. You had to pay, so pay!' |
'You're a monster from another life, dari!' |
'And acting like a lioness just because you are at a safe distance, you hedgehog! If you have any guts, and are a red-blooded man's daughter, I dare you to come to the village and face me ...' Badki challenged again. 'Trying to behave like a soldiers wife from far away!' |
'I'll be back in two days, dari . . . and then see if I don't grab your braids, twirl you around and hurl you a hundred yards out! Then you'll know whether I'm the daughter of a red-blooded roan or not!' |
Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. |
Everything was in confusion in the Oblonsky's house. The wife had discovered that the husband was carrying on an intrigue with a French girl, who had been a governess in their family, and she had announced to her husband that she could not go on living in the same house with him. This position of affairs had now lasted three days, and not only the husband and wife themselves, but all the members of their family and household, were painfully conscious of it. Every person in the house felt that there was no sense in their living together, and that the stray people brought together by chance in any inn had more in common with one another than they, the members of the family and household of the Oblonskys. The wife did not leave her own room, the husband had not been at home for three days. The children ran wild all over the house; the English governess quarreled with the housekeeper, and wrote to a friend asking her to look out for a new situation for her; the man-cook had walked off the day before just at dinner time; the kitchen-maid, and the coachman had given warning. |
Three days after the quarrel. Prince Stepan Arkadyevitch Oblonsky-Stiva, as he was called in the fashionable world-woke up at his usual hour, that is, at eight o'clock in the morning, riot in his wife's bedroom, but on the leather-covered sofa in his study. He turned over his stout, well-cared-for person on the springy sofa, as though he would sink into a long sleep again; he vigorously embraced the pillow on the other side and buried his face in it; but all at once he jumped up, sat up on the sofa, and opened his eyes. |
"Yes, yes, how was it now?" he thought, going over his dream. "Now, how was it? To be sure! Alabin was giving a dinner at Darmstadt; no, not Darmstadt, but something American. Yes, but then, Darmstadt was in America. Yes, Alabin was giving a dinner on glass tables, and the tables sang, II mio tesoro-not II mio tesoro though, but something better, and there were some sort of little decanters on the table, and they were women, too," he remembered. |
Stepan Arkadyevitchs eyes twinkled gaily, and he pondered with a smile. "Yes, it was nice, very nice. There was a great deal more that was delightful, only there's no putting it into words, or even expressing it in one's thoughts awake". And noticing a gleam of light peeping in beside one of the serge curtains, he cheerfully dropped his feet over the edge of the sofa, and felt about with them for his slippers, a present on his last birthday, worked for him by his wife on gold-colored morocco. And, as he had done every day for the last nine years, he stretched out his hand, without getting up, towards the place where his dressing-gown always hung in his bedroom. And thereupon he suddenly remembered that he was not sleeping in his wife's room, but in his study, and why: the smile vanished from his face, he knitted his brows. |
"Ah, ah, ah! Oo! ..." he muttered, recalling everything that had happened. And again every detail of his quarrel with his wife was present to his imagination, all the hopelessness of his position, and worst of all, his own fault. |
Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. |
Everything was in confusion in the Oblonsky's house. The wife had discovered that the husband was carrying on an intrigue with a French girl, who had been a governess in their family, and she had announced to her husband that she could not go on living in the same house with him. This position of affairs had now lasted three days, and not only the husband and wife themselves, but all the members of their family and household, were painfully conscious of it. Every person in the house felt that there was no sense in their living together, and that the stray people brought together by chance in any inn had more in common with one another than they, the members of the family and household of the Oblonskys. The wife did not leave her own room, the husband had not been at home for three days. The children ran wild all over the house; the English governess quarreled with the housekeeper, and wrote to a friend asking her to look out for a new situation for her; the man-cook had walked off the day before just at dinner time; the kitchen-maid, and the coachman had given warning. |
Three days after the quarrel. Prince Stepan Arkadyevitch Oblonsky-Stiva, as he was called in the fashionable world-woke up at his usual hour, that is, at eight o'clock in the morning, riot in his wife's bedroom, but on the leather-covered sofa in his study. He turned over his stout, well-cared-for person on the springy sofa, as though he would sink into a long sleep again; he vigorously embraced the pillow on the other side and buried his face in it; but all at once he jumped up, sat up on the sofa, and opened his eyes. |
"Yes, yes, how was it now?" he thought, going over his dream. "Now, how was it? To be sure! Alabin was giving a dinner at Darmstadt; no, not Darmstadt, but something American. Yes, but then, Darmstadt was in America. Yes, Alabin was giving a dinner on glass tables, and the tables sang, II mio tesoro-not II mio tesoro though, but something better, and there were some sort of little decanters on the table, and they were women, too," he remembered. |
Stepan Arkadyevitchs eyes twinkled gaily, and he pondered with a smile. "Yes, it was nice, very nice. There was a great deal more that was delightful, only there's no putting it into words, or even expressing it in one's thoughts awake". And noticing a gleam of light peeping in beside one of the serge curtains, he cheerfully dropped his feet over the edge of the sofa, and felt about with them for his slippers, a present on his last birthday, worked for him by his wife on gold-colored morocco. And, as he had done every day for the last nine years, he stretched out his hand, without getting up, towards the place where his dressing-gown always hung in his bedroom. And thereupon he suddenly remembered that he was not sleeping in his wife's room, but in his study, and why: the smile vanished from his face, he knitted his brows. |
"Ah, ah, ah! Oo! ..." he muttered, recalling everything that had happened. And again every detail of his quarrel with his wife was present to his imagination, all the hopelessness of his position, and worst of all, his own fault. |
Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. |
Everything was in confusion in the Oblonsky's house. The wife had discovered that the husband was carrying on an intrigue with a French girl, who had been a governess in their family, and she had announced to her husband that she could not go on living in the same house with him. This position of affairs had now lasted three days, and not only the husband and wife themselves, but all the members of their family and household, were painfully conscious of it. Every person in the house felt that there was no sense in their living together, and that the stray people brought together by chance in any inn had more in common with one another than they, the members of the family and household of the Oblonskys. The wife did not leave her own room, the husband had not been at home for three days. The children ran wild all over the house; the English governess quarreled with the housekeeper, and wrote to a friend asking her to look out for a new situation for her; the man-cook had walked off the day before just at dinner time; the kitchen-maid, and the coachman had given warning. |
Three days after the quarrel. Prince Stepan Arkadyevitch Oblonsky-Stiva, as he was called in the fashionable world-woke up at his usual hour, that is, at eight o'clock in the morning, riot in his wife's bedroom, but on the leather-covered sofa in his study. He turned over his stout, well-cared-for person on the springy sofa, as though he would sink into a long sleep again; he vigorously embraced the pillow on the other side and buried his face in it; but all at once he jumped up, sat up on the sofa, and opened his eyes. |
"Yes, yes, how was it now?" he thought, going over his dream. "Now, how was it? To be sure! Alabin was giving a dinner at Darmstadt; no, not Darmstadt, but something American. Yes, but then, Darmstadt was in America. Yes, Alabin was giving a dinner on glass tables, and the tables sang, II mio tesoro-not II mio tesoro though, but something better, and there were some sort of little decanters on the table, and they were women, too," he remembered. |
Stepan Arkadyevitchs eyes twinkled gaily, and he pondered with a smile. "Yes, it was nice, very nice. There was a great deal more that was delightful, only there's no putting it into words, or even expressing it in one's thoughts awake". And noticing a gleam of light peeping in beside one of the serge curtains, he cheerfully dropped his feet over the edge of the sofa, and felt about with them for his slippers, a present on his last birthday, worked for him by his wife on gold-colored morocco. And, as he had done every day for the last nine years, he stretched out his hand, without getting up, towards the place where his dressing-gown always hung in his bedroom. And thereupon he suddenly remembered that he was not sleeping in his wife's room, but in his study, and why: the smile vanished from his face, he knitted his brows. |
"Ah, ah, ah! Oo! ..." he muttered, recalling everything that had happened. And again every detail of his quarrel with his wife was present to his imagination, all the hopelessness of his position, and worst of all, his own fault. |
Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. |
Everything was in confusion in the Oblonsky's house. The wife had discovered that the husband was carrying on an intrigue with a French girl, who had been a governess in their family, and she had announced to her husband that she could not go on living in the same house with him. This position of affairs had now lasted three days, and not only the husband and wife themselves, but all the members of their family and household, were painfully conscious of it. Every person in the house felt that there was no sense in their living together, and that the stray people brought together by chance in any inn had more in common with one another than they, the members of the family and household of the Oblonskys. The wife did not leave her own room, the husband had not been at home for three days. The children ran wild all over the house; the English governess quarreled with the housekeeper, and wrote to a friend asking her to look out for a new situation for her; the man-cook had walked off the day before just at dinner time; the kitchen-maid, and the coachman had given warning. |
Three days after the quarrel. Prince Stepan Arkadyevitch Oblonsky-Stiva, as he was called in the fashionable world-woke up at his usual hour, that is, at eight o'clock in the morning, riot in his wife's bedroom, but on the leather-covered sofa in his study. He turned over his stout, well-cared-for person on the springy sofa, as though he would sink into a long sleep again; he vigorously embraced the pillow on the other side and buried his face in it; but all at once he jumped up, sat up on the sofa, and opened his eyes. |
"Yes, yes, how was it now?" he thought, going over his dream. "Now, how was it? To be sure! Alabin was giving a dinner at Darmstadt; no, not Darmstadt, but something American. Yes, but then, Darmstadt was in America. Yes, Alabin was giving a dinner on glass tables, and the tables sang, II mio tesoro-not II mio tesoro though, but something better, and there were some sort of little decanters on the table, and they were women, too," he remembered. |
Stepan Arkadyevitchs eyes twinkled gaily, and he pondered with a smile. "Yes, it was nice, very nice. There was a great deal more that was delightful, only there's no putting it into words, or even expressing it in one's thoughts awake". And noticing a gleam of light peeping in beside one of the serge curtains, he cheerfully dropped his feet over the edge of the sofa, and felt about with them for his slippers, a present on his last birthday, worked for him by his wife on gold-colored morocco. And, as he had done every day for the last nine years, he stretched out his hand, without getting up, towards the place where his dressing-gown always hung in his bedroom. And thereupon he suddenly remembered that he was not sleeping in his wife's room, but in his study, and why: the smile vanished from his face, he knitted his brows. |
"Ah, ah, ah! Oo! ..." he muttered, recalling everything that had happened. And again every detail of his quarrel with his wife was present to his imagination, all the hopelessness of his position, and worst of all, his own fault. |
Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. |
Everything was in confusion in the Oblonsky's house. The wife had discovered that the husband was carrying on an intrigue with a French girl, who had been a governess in their family, and she had announced to her husband that she could not go on living in the same house with him. This position of affairs had now lasted three days, and not only the husband and wife themselves, but all the members of their family and household, were painfully conscious of it. Every person in the house felt that there was no sense in their living together, and that the stray people brought together by chance in any inn had more in common with one another than they, the members of the family and household of the Oblonskys. The wife did not leave her own room, the husband had not been at home for three days. The children ran wild all over the house; the English governess quarreled with the housekeeper, and wrote to a friend asking her to look out for a new situation for her; the man-cook had walked off the day before just at dinner time; the kitchen-maid, and the coachman had given warning. |
Three days after the quarrel. Prince Stepan Arkadyevitch Oblonsky-Stiva, as he was called in the fashionable world-woke up at his usual hour, that is, at eight o'clock in the morning, riot in his wife's bedroom, but on the leather-covered sofa in his study. He turned over his stout, well-cared-for person on the springy sofa, as though he would sink into a long sleep again; he vigorously embraced the pillow on the other side and buried his face in it; but all at once he jumped up, sat up on the sofa, and opened his eyes. |
"Yes, yes, how was it now?" he thought, going over his dream. "Now, how was it? To be sure! Alabin was giving a dinner at Darmstadt; no, not Darmstadt, but something American. Yes, but then, Darmstadt was in America. Yes, Alabin was giving a dinner on glass tables, and the tables sang, II mio tesoro-not II mio tesoro though, but something better, and there were some sort of little decanters on the table, and they were women, too," he remembered. |
Stepan Arkadyevitchs eyes twinkled gaily, and he pondered with a smile. "Yes, it was nice, very nice. There was a great deal more that was delightful, only there's no putting it into words, or even expressing it in one's thoughts awake". And noticing a gleam of light peeping in beside one of the serge curtains, he cheerfully dropped his feet over the edge of the sofa, and felt about with them for his slippers, a present on his last birthday, worked for him by his wife on gold-colored morocco. And, as he had done every day for the last nine years, he stretched out his hand, without getting up, towards the place where his dressing-gown always hung in his bedroom. And thereupon he suddenly remembered that he was not sleeping in his wife's room, but in his study, and why: the smile vanished from his face, he knitted his brows. |
"Ah, ah, ah! Oo! ..." he muttered, recalling everything that had happened. And again every detail of his quarrel with his wife was present to his imagination, all the hopelessness of his position, and worst of all, his own fault. |
Although I am not disposed to maintain that the being born in a workhouse, is in itself the most fortunate and enviable circumstance that can possibly befall a human being, I do mean to say that in this particular instance, it was the best thing for Oliver Twist that could by possibility have occurred. The fact is, that there was considerable difficulty in inducing Oliver to take upon himself the office of respiration,-a troublesome practice, but one which custom has rendered necessary to our easy existence; and for some time he lay gasping on a little Hock mattress, rather unequally poised between this world and the next: the balance being decidedly in favour of the latter. Now, if, during this brief period, Oliver had been surrounded by careful grandmothers, anxious aunts, experienced nurses, and doctors of profound wisdom, he would most inevitably and indubitably have been killed in no time. There being nobody by, however, but a pauper old woman, who was rendered rather misty by an unwonted allowance of beer; and a parish surgeon who did such matters by contract; Oliver and Nature fought out the point between them. The result was, that, after a few struggles, Oliver breathed, sneezed, and proceeded to advertise to the inmates of the workhouse the fact of a new burden having been imposed upon the parish, by setting up as loud a cry as could reasonably have been expected from a male infant who had not been possessed of that very useful appendage, a voice, for a much longer space of time than three minutes and a quarter. |
As Oliver gave this first proof of the free and proper action of his lungs, the patchwork coverlet which was carelessly flung over the iron bedstead, rustled; the pale face of a young woman was raised feebly from the pillow; and a faint voice imperfectly articulated the words, 'Let me see the child, and die.' |
The surgeon had been sitting with his face turned towards the fire: giving the palms of his hands a warm and a rub alternately. As the young woman spoke, he rose, and advancing to the bed's head, said, with more kindness than might have been expected of him: |
'Oh, you must not talk about dying yet.' |
'Lord bless her dear heart, no!' interposed the nurse, hastily depositing in her pocket a green glass bottle, the contents of which she had been tasting in a comer with evident satisfaction. |
'Lord bless her dear heart, when she has lived as long as I have, sir, and had thirteen children of her own, and all on 'em dead except two, and them in the wurkus with me, she'll know better than to take on in that way, bless her dear heart! Think what it is to be a mother, there's a dear young lamb do.' |
Apparently this consolatory perspective of a mother's prospects failed in producing its due effect. The patient shook her head, and stretched out her hand towards the child. |
The surgeon deposited it in her arms. She imprinted her cold white lips passionately on its forehead; passed her hands over her face; gazed wildly round; shuddered; fell back-and died. They chafed her breast, hands, and temples; but the blood had stopped forever. They talked of hope and comfort. They had been strangers too long. |
'It's all over, Mrs. Thingummy!' said the surgeon at last. |
Although I am not disposed to maintain that the being born in a workhouse, is in itself the most fortunate and enviable circumstance that can possibly befall a human being, I do mean to say that in this particular instance, it was the best thing for Oliver Twist that could by possibility have occurred. The fact is, that there was considerable difficulty in inducing Oliver to take upon himself the office of respiration,-a troublesome practice, but one which custom has rendered necessary to our easy existence; and for some time he lay gasping on a little Hock mattress, rather unequally poised between this world and the next: the balance being decidedly in favour of the latter. Now, if, during this brief period, Oliver had been surrounded by careful grandmothers, anxious aunts, experienced nurses, and doctors of profound wisdom, he would most inevitably and indubitably have been killed in no time. There being nobody by, however, but a pauper old woman, who was rendered rather misty by an unwonted allowance of beer; and a parish surgeon who did such matters by contract; Oliver and Nature fought out the point between them. The result was, that, after a few struggles, Oliver breathed, sneezed, and proceeded to advertise to the inmates of the workhouse the fact of a new burden having been imposed upon the parish, by setting up as loud a cry as could reasonably have been expected from a male infant who had not been possessed of that very useful appendage, a voice, for a much longer space of time than three minutes and a quarter. |
As Oliver gave this first proof of the free and proper action of his lungs, the patchwork coverlet which was carelessly flung over the iron bedstead, rustled; the pale face of a young woman was raised feebly from the pillow; and a faint voice imperfectly articulated the words, 'Let me see the child, and die.' |
The surgeon had been sitting with his face turned towards the fire: giving the palms of his hands a warm and a rub alternately. As the young woman spoke, he rose, and advancing to the bed's head, said, with more kindness than might have been expected of him: |
'Oh, you must not talk about dying yet.' |
'Lord bless her dear heart, no!' interposed the nurse, hastily depositing in her pocket a green glass bottle, the contents of which she had been tasting in a comer with evident satisfaction. |
'Lord bless her dear heart, when she has lived as long as I have, sir, and had thirteen children of her own, and all on 'em dead except two, and them in the wurkus with me, she'll know better than to take on in that way, bless her dear heart! Think what it is to be a mother, there's a dear young lamb do.' |
Apparently this consolatory perspective of a mother's prospects failed in producing its due effect. The patient shook her head, and stretched out her hand towards the child. |
The surgeon deposited it in her arms. She imprinted her cold white lips passionately on its forehead; passed her hands over her face; gazed wildly round; shuddered; fell back-and died. They chafed her breast, hands, and temples; but the blood had stopped forever. They talked of hope and comfort. They had been strangers too long. |
'It's all over, Mrs. Thingummy!' said the surgeon at last. |
Although I am not disposed to maintain that the being born in a workhouse, is in itself the most fortunate and enviable circumstance that can possibly befall a human being, I do mean to say that in this particular instance, it was the best thing for Oliver Twist that could by possibility have occurred. The fact is, that there was considerable difficulty in inducing Oliver to take upon himself the office of respiration,-a troublesome practice, but one which custom has rendered necessary to our easy existence; and for some time he lay gasping on a little Hock mattress, rather unequally poised between this world and the next: the balance being decidedly in favour of the latter. Now, if, during this brief period, Oliver had been surrounded by careful grandmothers, anxious aunts, experienced nurses, and doctors of profound wisdom, he would most inevitably and indubitably have been killed in no time. There being nobody by, however, but a pauper old woman, who was rendered rather misty by an unwonted allowance of beer; and a parish surgeon who did such matters by contract; Oliver and Nature fought out the point between them. The result was, that, after a few struggles, Oliver breathed, sneezed, and proceeded to advertise to the inmates of the workhouse the fact of a new burden having been imposed upon the parish, by setting up as loud a cry as could reasonably have been expected from a male infant who had not been possessed of that very useful appendage, a voice, for a much longer space of time than three minutes and a quarter. |
As Oliver gave this first proof of the free and proper action of his lungs, the patchwork coverlet which was carelessly flung over the iron bedstead, rustled; the pale face of a young woman was raised feebly from the pillow; and a faint voice imperfectly articulated the words, 'Let me see the child, and die.' |
The surgeon had been sitting with his face turned towards the fire: giving the palms of his hands a warm and a rub alternately. As the young woman spoke, he rose, and advancing to the bed's head, said, with more kindness than might have been expected of him: |
'Oh, you must not talk about dying yet.' |
'Lord bless her dear heart, no!' interposed the nurse, hastily depositing in her pocket a green glass bottle, the contents of which she had been tasting in a comer with evident satisfaction. |
'Lord bless her dear heart, when she has lived as long as I have, sir, and had thirteen children of her own, and all on 'em dead except two, and them in the wurkus with me, she'll know better than to take on in that way, bless her dear heart! Think what it is to be a mother, there's a dear young lamb do.' |
Apparently this consolatory perspective of a mother's prospects failed in producing its due effect. The patient shook her head, and stretched out her hand towards the child. |
The surgeon deposited it in her arms. She imprinted her cold white lips passionately on its forehead; passed her hands over her face; gazed wildly round; shuddered; fell back-and died. They chafed her breast, hands, and temples; but the blood had stopped forever. They talked of hope and comfort. They had been strangers too long. |
'It's all over, Mrs. Thingummy!' said the surgeon at last. |
Although I am not disposed to maintain that the being born in a workhouse, is in itself the most fortunate and enviable circumstance that can possibly befall a human being, I do mean to say that in this particular instance, it was the best thing for Oliver Twist that could by possibility have occurred. The fact is, that there was considerable difficulty in inducing Oliver to take upon himself the office of respiration,-a troublesome practice, but one which custom has rendered necessary to our easy existence; and for some time he lay gasping on a little Hock mattress, rather unequally poised between this world and the next: the balance being decidedly in favour of the latter. Now, if, during this brief period, Oliver had been surrounded by careful grandmothers, anxious aunts, experienced nurses, and doctors of profound wisdom, he would most inevitably and indubitably have been killed in no time. There being nobody by, however, but a pauper old woman, who was rendered rather misty by an unwonted allowance of beer; and a parish surgeon who did such matters by contract; Oliver and Nature fought out the point between them. The result was, that, after a few struggles, Oliver breathed, sneezed, and proceeded to advertise to the inmates of the workhouse the fact of a new burden having been imposed upon the parish, by setting up as loud a cry as could reasonably have been expected from a male infant who had not been possessed of that very useful appendage, a voice, for a much longer space of time than three minutes and a quarter. |
As Oliver gave this first proof of the free and proper action of his lungs, the patchwork coverlet which was carelessly flung over the iron bedstead, rustled; the pale face of a young woman was raised feebly from the pillow; and a faint voice imperfectly articulated the words, 'Let me see the child, and die.' |
The surgeon had been sitting with his face turned towards the fire: giving the palms of his hands a warm and a rub alternately. As the young woman spoke, he rose, and advancing to the bed's head, said, with more kindness than might have been expected of him: |
'Oh, you must not talk about dying yet.' |
'Lord bless her dear heart, no!' interposed the nurse, hastily depositing in her pocket a green glass bottle, the contents of which she had been tasting in a comer with evident satisfaction. |
'Lord bless her dear heart, when she has lived as long as I have, sir, and had thirteen children of her own, and all on 'em dead except two, and them in the wurkus with me, she'll know better than to take on in that way, bless her dear heart! Think what it is to be a mother, there's a dear young lamb do.' |
Apparently this consolatory perspective of a mother's prospects failed in producing its due effect. The patient shook her head, and stretched out her hand towards the child. |
The surgeon deposited it in her arms. She imprinted her cold white lips passionately on its forehead; passed her hands over her face; gazed wildly round; shuddered; fell back-and died. They chafed her breast, hands, and temples; but the blood had stopped forever. They talked of hope and comfort. They had been strangers too long. |
'It's all over, Mrs. Thingummy!' said the surgeon at last. |
Although I am not disposed to maintain that the being born in a workhouse, is in itself the most fortunate and enviable circumstance that can possibly befall a human being, I do mean to say that in this particular instance, it was the best thing for Oliver Twist that could by possibility have occurred. The fact is, that there was considerable difficulty in inducing Oliver to take upon himself the office of respiration,-a troublesome practice, but one which custom has rendered necessary to our easy existence; and for some time he lay gasping on a little Hock mattress, rather unequally poised between this world and the next: the balance being decidedly in favour of the latter. Now, if, during this brief period, Oliver had been surrounded by careful grandmothers, anxious aunts, experienced nurses, and doctors of profound wisdom, he would most inevitably and indubitably have been killed in no time. There being nobody by, however, but a pauper old woman, who was rendered rather misty by an unwonted allowance of beer; and a parish surgeon who did such matters by contract; Oliver and Nature fought out the point between them. The result was, that, after a few struggles, Oliver breathed, sneezed, and proceeded to advertise to the inmates of the workhouse the fact of a new burden having been imposed upon the parish, by setting up as loud a cry as could reasonably have been expected from a male infant who had not been possessed of that very useful appendage, a voice, for a much longer space of time than three minutes and a quarter. |
As Oliver gave this first proof of the free and proper action of his lungs, the patchwork coverlet which was carelessly flung over the iron bedstead, rustled; the pale face of a young woman was raised feebly from the pillow; and a faint voice imperfectly articulated the words, 'Let me see the child, and die.' |
The surgeon had been sitting with his face turned towards the fire: giving the palms of his hands a warm and a rub alternately. As the young woman spoke, he rose, and advancing to the bed's head, said, with more kindness than might have been expected of him: |
'Oh, you must not talk about dying yet.' |
'Lord bless her dear heart, no!' interposed the nurse, hastily depositing in her pocket a green glass bottle, the contents of which she had been tasting in a comer with evident satisfaction. |
'Lord bless her dear heart, when she has lived as long as I have, sir, and had thirteen children of her own, and all on 'em dead except two, and them in the wurkus with me, she'll know better than to take on in that way, bless her dear heart! Think what it is to be a mother, there's a dear young lamb do.' |
Apparently this consolatory perspective of a mother's prospects failed in producing its due effect. The patient shook her head, and stretched out her hand towards the child. |
The surgeon deposited it in her arms. She imprinted her cold white lips passionately on its forehead; passed her hands over her face; gazed wildly round; shuddered; fell back-and died. They chafed her breast, hands, and temples; but the blood had stopped forever. They talked of hope and comfort. They had been strangers too long. |
'It's all over, Mrs. Thingummy!' said the surgeon at last. |
A tennis ball landed at my feet. A sweaty twelve-year-old boy came running to me. I picked up the ball for him. Nana Park is where I had first met Ishaan and Omi, over fifteen years ago. There was no dramatic moment that marked the start of our friendship. Maybe we sized each other up as the only six-year-olds in the ground and started playing together. |
Like most neighbourhood kids, we went to the Belrampur Municipal School, hundred metres down Nana Park. Of course, only I studied while Ish and Omi ran to the park at every opportunity. |
Three bicycles tried to overtake each other in the narrow by lane. I had to step inside Qazi restaurant to let them pass. A scent of fried coriander and garlic filled the narrow room. The cook prepared dinner, a bigger feast than usual as India had won the match. Ishaan and I came here sometimes (without telling Omi, of course) for the cheap food and extraordinary mutton. The owner assured us 'small mutton', implying goat and not beef. I believed him, as he would not have survived in the neighbourhood if he served beef. I wanted to eat here instead of Gopi. But we had promised Gopi to Omi, and the food was fantastic there as well. Food is a passion here, especially as Gujarat is a dry state. People here get drunk on food. |
Yes, Ahmedabad is my city. It is strange, but if you have had happy times in a city for a long time, you consider it the best city in the world. I feel the same about Ahmedabad. I know it is not one of those hip cities like Delhi, Bombay or Bangalore. I know people in these cities think of Ahmedabad as a small town, though that is not really the case. Ahmedabad is the sixth largest city in India, with a population of over five million. But I guess if you have to emphasise the importance of something, then it probably isnt as important in the first place. I could tell you that Ahmedabad has better multiplexes than Delhi or nicer roads than Bombay or better restaurants than Bangalore - but you will not believe me. Or even if you do, you won't give a damn. I know Belrampur is not Bandra, but why should I defend being called a small-town-person as if it is a bad thing? A funny thing about small towns is that people say it is the real India. I guess they do acknowledge that at one level the India of the big cities is fake. Yes, I am from the old city of Amdavad and proud of it. We don't have as many fashion shows and we still like our women to wear clothes. I don't see anything wrong with that. |
I stepped out of Qazi and continued my way home, turning in the pol towards Omi's temple. Of course, we called it Omi's temple because he lived there, but the official name was the Swamibhakti temple. As I entered the by lane, two people fought over garbage disposal around the crammed pol. |
There are things about my small town neighbourhood that I want to change. In some ways, it is way behind the rest of Ahmedabad. For one, the whole old city could be a lot cleaner. The new city across the other side of the Sabarmati river has gleaming glass and steel buildings; while the old city finds it difficult to get rubbish cleared on time. I want to change another thing. |
I want to stop the gossip theories people come up with about other people. Like the theory about Omi becoming stupid because a cricket ball hit him. |
A tennis ball landed at my feet. A sweaty twelve-year-old boy came running to me. I picked up the ball for him. Nana Park is where I had first met Ishaan and Omi, over fifteen years ago. There was no dramatic moment that marked the start of our friendship. Maybe we sized each other up as the only six-year-olds in the ground and started playing together. |
Like most neighbourhood kids, we went to the Belrampur Municipal School, hundred metres down Nana Park. Of course, only I studied while Ish and Omi ran to the park at every opportunity. |
Three bicycles tried to overtake each other in the narrow by lane. I had to step inside Qazi restaurant to let them pass. A scent of fried coriander and garlic filled the narrow room. The cook prepared dinner, a bigger feast than usual as India had won the match. Ishaan and I came here sometimes (without telling Omi, of course) for the cheap food and extraordinary mutton. The owner assured us 'small mutton', implying goat and not beef. I believed him, as he would not have survived in the neighbourhood if he served beef. I wanted to eat here instead of Gopi. But we had promised Gopi to Omi, and the food was fantastic there as well. Food is a passion here, especially as Gujarat is a dry state. People here get drunk on food. |
Yes, Ahmedabad is my city. It is strange, but if you have had happy times in a city for a long time, you consider it the best city in the world. I feel the same about Ahmedabad. I know it is not one of those hip cities like Delhi, Bombay or Bangalore. I know people in these cities think of Ahmedabad as a small town, though that is not really the case. Ahmedabad is the sixth largest city in India, with a population of over five million. But I guess if you have to emphasise the importance of something, then it probably isnt as important in the first place. I could tell you that Ahmedabad has better multiplexes than Delhi or nicer roads than Bombay or better restaurants than Bangalore - but you will not believe me. Or even if you do, you won't give a damn. I know Belrampur is not Bandra, but why should I defend being called a small-town-person as if it is a bad thing? A funny thing about small towns is that people say it is the real India. I guess they do acknowledge that at one level the India of the big cities is fake. Yes, I am from the old city of Amdavad and proud of it. We don't have as many fashion shows and we still like our women to wear clothes. I don't see anything wrong with that. |
I stepped out of Qazi and continued my way home, turning in the pol towards Omi's temple. Of course, we called it Omi's temple because he lived there, but the official name was the Swamibhakti temple. As I entered the by lane, two people fought over garbage disposal around the crammed pol. |
There are things about my small town neighbourhood that I want to change. In some ways, it is way behind the rest of Ahmedabad. For one, the whole old city could be a lot cleaner. The new city across the other side of the Sabarmati river has gleaming glass and steel buildings; while the old city finds it difficult to get rubbish cleared on time. I want to change another thing. |
I want to stop the gossip theories people come up with about other people. Like the theory about Omi becoming stupid because a cricket ball hit him. |
A tennis ball landed at my feet. A sweaty twelve-year-old boy came running to me. I picked up the ball for him. Nana Park is where I had first met Ishaan and Omi, over fifteen years ago. There was no dramatic moment that marked the start of our friendship. Maybe we sized each other up as the only six-year-olds in the ground and started playing together. |
Like most neighbourhood kids, we went to the Belrampur Municipal School, hundred metres down Nana Park. Of course, only I studied while Ish and Omi ran to the park at every opportunity. |
Three bicycles tried to overtake each other in the narrow by lane. I had to step inside Qazi restaurant to let them pass. A scent of fried coriander and garlic filled the narrow room. The cook prepared dinner, a bigger feast than usual as India had won the match. Ishaan and I came here sometimes (without telling Omi, of course) for the cheap food and extraordinary mutton. The owner assured us 'small mutton', implying goat and not beef. I believed him, as he would not have survived in the neighbourhood if he served beef. I wanted to eat here instead of Gopi. But we had promised Gopi to Omi, and the food was fantastic there as well. Food is a passion here, especially as Gujarat is a dry state. People here get drunk on food. |
Yes, Ahmedabad is my city. It is strange, but if you have had happy times in a city for a long time, you consider it the best city in the world. I feel the same about Ahmedabad. I know it is not one of those hip cities like Delhi, Bombay or Bangalore. I know people in these cities think of Ahmedabad as a small town, though that is not really the case. Ahmedabad is the sixth largest city in India, with a population of over five million. But I guess if you have to emphasise the importance of something, then it probably isnt as important in the first place. I could tell you that Ahmedabad has better multiplexes than Delhi or nicer roads than Bombay or better restaurants than Bangalore - but you will not believe me. Or even if you do, you won't give a damn. I know Belrampur is not Bandra, but why should I defend being called a small-town-person as if it is a bad thing? A funny thing about small towns is that people say it is the real India. I guess they do acknowledge that at one level the India of the big cities is fake. Yes, I am from the old city of Amdavad and proud of it. We don't have as many fashion shows and we still like our women to wear clothes. I don't see anything wrong with that. |
I stepped out of Qazi and continued my way home, turning in the pol towards Omi's temple. Of course, we called it Omi's temple because he lived there, but the official name was the Swamibhakti temple. As I entered the by lane, two people fought over garbage disposal around the crammed pol. |
There are things about my small town neighbourhood that I want to change. In some ways, it is way behind the rest of Ahmedabad. For one, the whole old city could be a lot cleaner. The new city across the other side of the Sabarmati river has gleaming glass and steel buildings; while the old city finds it difficult to get rubbish cleared on time. I want to change another thing. |
I want to stop the gossip theories people come up with about other people. Like the theory about Omi becoming stupid because a cricket ball hit him. |
A tennis ball landed at my feet. A sweaty twelve-year-old boy came running to me. I picked up the ball for him. Nana Park is where I had first met Ishaan and Omi, over fifteen years ago. There was no dramatic moment that marked the start of our friendship. Maybe we sized each other up as the only six-year-olds in the ground and started playing together. |
Like most neighbourhood kids, we went to the Belrampur Municipal School, hundred metres down Nana Park. Of course, only I studied while Ish and Omi ran to the park at every opportunity. |
Three bicycles tried to overtake each other in the narrow by lane. I had to step inside Qazi restaurant to let them pass. A scent of fried coriander and garlic filled the narrow room. The cook prepared dinner, a bigger feast than usual as India had won the match. Ishaan and I came here sometimes (without telling Omi, of course) for the cheap food and extraordinary mutton. The owner assured us 'small mutton', implying goat and not beef. I believed him, as he would not have survived in the neighbourhood if he served beef. I wanted to eat here instead of Gopi. But we had promised Gopi to Omi, and the food was fantastic there as well. Food is a passion here, especially as Gujarat is a dry state. People here get drunk on food. |
Yes, Ahmedabad is my city. It is strange, but if you have had happy times in a city for a long time, you consider it the best city in the world. I feel the same about Ahmedabad. I know it is not one of those hip cities like Delhi, Bombay or Bangalore. I know people in these cities think of Ahmedabad as a small town, though that is not really the case. Ahmedabad is the sixth largest city in India, with a population of over five million. But I guess if you have to emphasise the importance of something, then it probably isnt as important in the first place. I could tell you that Ahmedabad has better multiplexes than Delhi or nicer roads than Bombay or better restaurants than Bangalore - but you will not believe me. Or even if you do, you won't give a damn. I know Belrampur is not Bandra, but why should I defend being called a small-town-person as if it is a bad thing? A funny thing about small towns is that people say it is the real India. I guess they do acknowledge that at one level the India of the big cities is fake. Yes, I am from the old city of Amdavad and proud of it. We don't have as many fashion shows and we still like our women to wear clothes. I don't see anything wrong with that. |
I stepped out of Qazi and continued my way home, turning in the pol towards Omi's temple. Of course, we called it Omi's temple because he lived there, but the official name was the Swamibhakti temple. As I entered the by lane, two people fought over garbage disposal around the crammed pol. |
There are things about my small town neighbourhood that I want to change. In some ways, it is way behind the rest of Ahmedabad. For one, the whole old city could be a lot cleaner. The new city across the other side of the Sabarmati river has gleaming glass and steel buildings; while the old city finds it difficult to get rubbish cleared on time. I want to change another thing. |
I want to stop the gossip theories people come up with about other people. Like the theory about Omi becoming stupid because a cricket ball hit him. |
A tennis ball landed at my feet. A sweaty twelve-year-old boy came running to me. I picked up the ball for him. Nana Park is where I had first met Ishaan and Omi, over fifteen years ago. There was no dramatic moment that marked the start of our friendship. Maybe we sized each other up as the only six-year-olds in the ground and started playing together. |
Like most neighbourhood kids, we went to the Belrampur Municipal School, hundred metres down Nana Park. Of course, only I studied while Ish and Omi ran to the park at every opportunity. |
Three bicycles tried to overtake each other in the narrow by lane. I had to step inside Qazi restaurant to let them pass. A scent of fried coriander and garlic filled the narrow room. The cook prepared dinner, a bigger feast than usual as India had won the match. Ishaan and I came here sometimes (without telling Omi, of course) for the cheap food and extraordinary mutton. The owner assured us 'small mutton', implying goat and not beef. I believed him, as he would not have survived in the neighbourhood if he served beef. I wanted to eat here instead of Gopi. But we had promised Gopi to Omi, and the food was fantastic there as well. Food is a passion here, especially as Gujarat is a dry state. People here get drunk on food. |
Yes, Ahmedabad is my city. It is strange, but if you have had happy times in a city for a long time, you consider it the best city in the world. I feel the same about Ahmedabad. I know it is not one of those hip cities like Delhi, Bombay or Bangalore. I know people in these cities think of Ahmedabad as a small town, though that is not really the case. Ahmedabad is the sixth largest city in India, with a population of over five million. But I guess if you have to emphasise the importance of something, then it probably isnt as important in the first place. I could tell you that Ahmedabad has better multiplexes than Delhi or nicer roads than Bombay or better restaurants than Bangalore - but you will not believe me. Or even if you do, you won't give a damn. I know Belrampur is not Bandra, but why should I defend being called a small-town-person as if it is a bad thing? A funny thing about small towns is that people say it is the real India. I guess they do acknowledge that at one level the India of the big cities is fake. Yes, I am from the old city of Amdavad and proud of it. We don't have as many fashion shows and we still like our women to wear clothes. I don't see anything wrong with that. |
I stepped out of Qazi and continued my way home, turning in the pol towards Omi's temple. Of course, we called it Omi's temple because he lived there, but the official name was the Swamibhakti temple. As I entered the by lane, two people fought over garbage disposal around the crammed pol. |
There are things about my small town neighbourhood that I want to change. In some ways, it is way behind the rest of Ahmedabad. For one, the whole old city could be a lot cleaner. The new city across the other side of the Sabarmati river has gleaming glass and steel buildings; while the old city finds it difficult to get rubbish cleared on time. I want to change another thing. |
I want to stop the gossip theories people come up with about other people. Like the theory about Omi becoming stupid because a cricket ball hit him. |
In the end, it turned out to be a tame Friday in Madhya Pradesh, with Chief Minister Kamal Nath sending his resignation to Governor X, instead of taking the floor test as directed by the Supreme Court. Evidently, Congress managers failed to win back the 16 MLAs who won on a Congress ticket but chose to stay with Jyotiraditya Scindia when the latter shifted loyalty to the BJP earlier this month. The unseemly and now frequent drama of vaulting ambitions and political hubris staged, mostly behind closed doors, in the backdrop of luxury resorts and speculation of cash rewards, offers a dim view of democracy at work. |
The recent events in Bhopal are yet another example of the extreme listlessness and seemingly unstoppable drift in the Congress party. Its leaders, particularly its top leader in MP, Kamal Nath, need to own the blame for this crumbling of a Congress government in a politically crucial Hindi heartland state in a time when Congress governments are a dwindling entity. The BJP may have wooed and won Scindia, but did the Congress leadership, which was surely- aware of the disquiet in the MP unit, even try to put its own house in order, especially when the government had a wafer-thin majority? When confronted by a BJP that is ruthless in wresting power even after it has failed to win the mandate, the Congress appears both unprepared and unwilling to do battle. The party has shown a dismal lack of political, organisational and ideological resources to convince its own legislators that it is a party of the future. But as it prepares to take over the reins in MP, the BJP, too, is tarnished. Its predatory behaviour aimed at forming governments in states where it has not won the election - Goa, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh - hurts its claim to be a party with a difference, or principle. |
The developments in MP also reveal the limits of the anti-defection law. Ever since the recent Supreme Court ruling in the context of events in Karnataka, a legislator who wants to change sides only needs to fight a by-election to re-enter the House in the same term. Just 15 months after a new assembly was elected, MP will now need to conduct at least 23 by-polls soon. They will be a burden on the exchequer, even as they further dent public trust in the political process. |
In the end, it turned out to be a tame Friday in Madhya Pradesh, with Chief Minister Kamal Nath sending his resignation to Governor X, instead of taking the floor test as directed by the Supreme Court. Evidently, Congress managers failed to win back the 16 MLAs who won on a Congress ticket but chose to stay with Jyotiraditya Scindia when the latter shifted loyalty to the BJP earlier this month. The unseemly and now frequent drama of vaulting ambitions and political hubris staged, mostly behind closed doors, in the backdrop of luxury resorts and speculation of cash rewards, offers a dim view of democracy at work. |
The recent events in Bhopal are yet another example of the extreme listlessness and seemingly unstoppable drift in the Congress party. Its leaders, particularly its top leader in MP, Kamal Nath, need to own the blame for this crumbling of a Congress government in a politically crucial Hindi heartland state in a time when Congress governments are a dwindling entity. The BJP may have wooed and won Scindia, but did the Congress leadership, which was surely- aware of the disquiet in the MP unit, even try to put its own house in order, especially when the government had a wafer-thin majority? When confronted by a BJP that is ruthless in wresting power even after it has failed to win the mandate, the Congress appears both unprepared and unwilling to do battle. The party has shown a dismal lack of political, organisational and ideological resources to convince its own legislators that it is a party of the future. But as it prepares to take over the reins in MP, the BJP, too, is tarnished. Its predatory behaviour aimed at forming governments in states where it has not won the election - Goa, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh - hurts its claim to be a party with a difference, or principle. |
The developments in MP also reveal the limits of the anti-defection law. Ever since the recent Supreme Court ruling in the context of events in Karnataka, a legislator who wants to change sides only needs to fight a by-election to re-enter the House in the same term. Just 15 months after a new assembly was elected, MP will now need to conduct at least 23 by-polls soon. They will be a burden on the exchequer, even as they further dent public trust in the political process. |
In the end, it turned out to be a tame Friday in Madhya Pradesh, with Chief Minister Kamal Nath sending his resignation to Governor X, instead of taking the floor test as directed by the Supreme Court. Evidently, Congress managers failed to win back the 16 MLAs who won on a Congress ticket but chose to stay with Jyotiraditya Scindia when the latter shifted loyalty to the BJP earlier this month. The unseemly and now frequent drama of vaulting ambitions and political hubris staged, mostly behind closed doors, in the backdrop of luxury resorts and speculation of cash rewards, offers a dim view of democracy at work. |
The recent events in Bhopal are yet another example of the extreme listlessness and seemingly unstoppable drift in the Congress party. Its leaders, particularly its top leader in MP, Kamal Nath, need to own the blame for this crumbling of a Congress government in a politically crucial Hindi heartland state in a time when Congress governments are a dwindling entity. The BJP may have wooed and won Scindia, but did the Congress leadership, which was surely- aware of the disquiet in the MP unit, even try to put its own house in order, especially when the government had a wafer-thin majority? When confronted by a BJP that is ruthless in wresting power even after it has failed to win the mandate, the Congress appears both unprepared and unwilling to do battle. The party has shown a dismal lack of political, organisational and ideological resources to convince its own legislators that it is a party of the future. But as it prepares to take over the reins in MP, the BJP, too, is tarnished. Its predatory behaviour aimed at forming governments in states where it has not won the election - Goa, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh - hurts its claim to be a party with a difference, or principle. |
The developments in MP also reveal the limits of the anti-defection law. Ever since the recent Supreme Court ruling in the context of events in Karnataka, a legislator who wants to change sides only needs to fight a by-election to re-enter the House in the same term. Just 15 months after a new assembly was elected, MP will now need to conduct at least 23 by-polls soon. They will be a burden on the exchequer, even as they further dent public trust in the political process. |
In the end, it turned out to be a tame Friday in Madhya Pradesh, with Chief Minister Kamal Nath sending his resignation to Governor X, instead of taking the floor test as directed by the Supreme Court. Evidently, Congress managers failed to win back the 16 MLAs who won on a Congress ticket but chose to stay with Jyotiraditya Scindia when the latter shifted loyalty to the BJP earlier this month. The unseemly and now frequent drama of vaulting ambitions and political hubris staged, mostly behind closed doors, in the backdrop of luxury resorts and speculation of cash rewards, offers a dim view of democracy at work. |
The recent events in Bhopal are yet another example of the extreme listlessness and seemingly unstoppable drift in the Congress party. Its leaders, particularly its top leader in MP, Kamal Nath, need to own the blame for this crumbling of a Congress government in a politically crucial Hindi heartland state in a time when Congress governments are a dwindling entity. The BJP may have wooed and won Scindia, but did the Congress leadership, which was surely- aware of the disquiet in the MP unit, even try to put its own house in order, especially when the government had a wafer-thin majority? When confronted by a BJP that is ruthless in wresting power even after it has failed to win the mandate, the Congress appears both unprepared and unwilling to do battle. The party has shown a dismal lack of political, organisational and ideological resources to convince its own legislators that it is a party of the future. But as it prepares to take over the reins in MP, the BJP, too, is tarnished. Its predatory behaviour aimed at forming governments in states where it has not won the election - Goa, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh - hurts its claim to be a party with a difference, or principle. |
The developments in MP also reveal the limits of the anti-defection law. Ever since the recent Supreme Court ruling in the context of events in Karnataka, a legislator who wants to change sides only needs to fight a by-election to re-enter the House in the same term. Just 15 months after a new assembly was elected, MP will now need to conduct at least 23 by-polls soon. They will be a burden on the exchequer, even as they further dent public trust in the political process. |
In the end, it turned out to be a tame Friday in Madhya Pradesh, with Chief Minister Kamal Nath sending his resignation to Governor X, instead of taking the floor test as directed by the Supreme Court. Evidently, Congress managers failed to win back the 16 MLAs who won on a Congress ticket but chose to stay with Jyotiraditya Scindia when the latter shifted loyalty to the BJP earlier this month. The unseemly and now frequent drama of vaulting ambitions and political hubris staged, mostly behind closed doors, in the backdrop of luxury resorts and speculation of cash rewards, offers a dim view of democracy at work. |
The recent events in Bhopal are yet another example of the extreme listlessness and seemingly unstoppable drift in the Congress party. Its leaders, particularly its top leader in MP, Kamal Nath, need to own the blame for this crumbling of a Congress government in a politically crucial Hindi heartland state in a time when Congress governments are a dwindling entity. The BJP may have wooed and won Scindia, but did the Congress leadership, which was surely- aware of the disquiet in the MP unit, even try to put its own house in order, especially when the government had a wafer-thin majority? When confronted by a BJP that is ruthless in wresting power even after it has failed to win the mandate, the Congress appears both unprepared and unwilling to do battle. The party has shown a dismal lack of political, organisational and ideological resources to convince its own legislators that it is a party of the future. But as it prepares to take over the reins in MP, the BJP, too, is tarnished. Its predatory behaviour aimed at forming governments in states where it has not won the election - Goa, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh - hurts its claim to be a party with a difference, or principle. |
The developments in MP also reveal the limits of the anti-defection law. Ever since the recent Supreme Court ruling in the context of events in Karnataka, a legislator who wants to change sides only needs to fight a by-election to re-enter the House in the same term. Just 15 months after a new assembly was elected, MP will now need to conduct at least 23 by-polls soon. They will be a burden on the exchequer, even as they further dent public trust in the political process. |
"No worst horrors I have witnessed in my life than these, Begum recalls. I fled the country to look for a safe haven. I set off for Malaysia in 2016." |
At eighteen years old, barely an adult, she was confronted with decisions that would alter the course of her life. |
Begum would become one of more than half a million Rohingya forced to abandon their homes in 2016 after what several reports have called the ethnic cleansing, or genocide, of Rohingya Muslims. Hundreds of stories of gang rape, torture and murder have emerged from Rakhine state in northern Myanmar, of which the armed forces have denied any responsibility. |
Like many who escaped. Begum ended up first in neighbouring Bangladesh, eventually making her way by boat to Malaysia via Thailand. She says that she stayed on the vessel that carried about 900 people for four month, "crying all the time." |
Begum had narrowly escaped the horrors she saw In Myanmar, but she found herself unable to run from the violence that her smugglers would-inflict on her and other women. |
She shares her harrowing tale: "They [the smugglers] used to abduct women at night and molest them...We were also harassed. We tried to protect ourselves, unfortunately, we were still raped...We had to obey them even if we didn't want to...We could only save our lives." |
Today, Begum has started to rebuild her life in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia's capital, a world away from the horrors she saw. |
Doing so is not easy. Malaysia has welcomed refugees and asylum seekers from various countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan. As of May 2019, nearly 173,800 have registered with the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in Malaysia. But they have little rights, including the right to work. |
It was through the Rohingya Women Development Network (RWDN) that Begum found the tools to help her re-establish her life. |
Started in 2016, RWDN is Malaysia's first women-led group to give Rohingya women refugees a platform to empower themselves and to speak up for their rights. |
Founder Sharifah Shakirah, herself a Rohingya refugee, says, "Our women have started coming to Malaysia by being trafficked [sic], and they were abused; they were raped, they were tortured, they were detained. |
"RWDN provides a safe space for our women, where they can talk about their problems, share their feelings... solve them together. |
RWDN is trying to educate our people why it's important for women to come out of the house, get an education, work and contribute to their family in a society." |
The group provides skills training so that the women can develop a trade and earn an income, and aims to tackle the social problems inherent in the |
Rohingya community, like child marriage and domestic violence. "They're (the women) changing not only themselves, but also people around them, especially their children," Sharifah says. |
Sharifah first arrived in the Southeast Asian country 20 years ago. Without any legal documents she was smuggled from Myanmar via Thailand and reunited with her father and siblings in Kuala Lumpur. |
Despite facing discrimination much of her life from locals and her own community, the outspoken 25-year-old has made it her purpose to advocate for the rights of the Rohingya, especially for women and girls. |
"Many people think we are economic migrants. But we are not. We are refugees, we have been fleeing our country to save our lives." |
UNHCR defines refugees as those who have "fled war, violence, conflict or persecution and crossed an international border to find safety in another country." |
Sharifah was recognised for her activism this year, becoming the first non-Malaysian to be nominated for the International Women of Courage Award by the US State Department. |
"No worst horrors I have witnessed in my life than these, Begum recalls. I fled the country to look for a safe haven. I set off for Malaysia in 2016." |
At eighteen years old, barely an adult, she was confronted with decisions that would alter the course of her life. |
Begum would become one of more than half a million Rohingya forced to abandon their homes in 2016 after what several reports have called the ethnic cleansing, or genocide, of Rohingya Muslims. Hundreds of stories of gang rape, torture and murder have emerged from Rakhine state in northern Myanmar, of which the armed forces have denied any responsibility. |
Like many who escaped. Begum ended up first in neighbouring Bangladesh, eventually making her way by boat to Malaysia via Thailand. She says that she stayed on the vessel that carried about 900 people for four month, "crying all the time." |
Begum had narrowly escaped the horrors she saw In Myanmar, but she found herself unable to run from the violence that her smugglers would-inflict on her and other women. |
She shares her harrowing tale: "They [the smugglers] used to abduct women at night and molest them...We were also harassed. We tried to protect ourselves, unfortunately, we were still raped...We had to obey them even if we didn't want to...We could only save our lives." |
Today, Begum has started to rebuild her life in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia's capital, a world away from the horrors she saw. |
Doing so is not easy. Malaysia has welcomed refugees and asylum seekers from various countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan. As of May 2019, nearly 173,800 have registered with the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in Malaysia. But they have little rights, including the right to work. |
It was through the Rohingya Women Development Network (RWDN) that Begum found the tools to help her re-establish her life. |
Started in 2016, RWDN is Malaysia's first women-led group to give Rohingya women refugees a platform to empower themselves and to speak up for their rights. |
Founder Sharifah Shakirah, herself a Rohingya refugee, says, "Our women have started coming to Malaysia by being trafficked [sic], and they were abused; they were raped, they were tortured, they were detained. |
"RWDN provides a safe space for our women, where they can talk about their problems, share their feelings... solve them together. |
RWDN is trying to educate our people why it's important for women to come out of the house, get an education, work and contribute to their family in a society." |
The group provides skills training so that the women can develop a trade and earn an income, and aims to tackle the social problems inherent in the |
Rohingya community, like child marriage and domestic violence. "They're (the women) changing not only themselves, but also people around them, especially their children," Sharifah says. |
Sharifah first arrived in the Southeast Asian country 20 years ago. Without any legal documents she was smuggled from Myanmar via Thailand and reunited with her father and siblings in Kuala Lumpur. |
Despite facing discrimination much of her life from locals and her own community, the outspoken 25-year-old has made it her purpose to advocate for the rights of the Rohingya, especially for women and girls. |
"Many people think we are economic migrants. But we are not. We are refugees, we have been fleeing our country to save our lives." |
UNHCR defines refugees as those who have "fled war, violence, conflict or persecution and crossed an international border to find safety in another country." |
Sharifah was recognised for her activism this year, becoming the first non-Malaysian to be nominated for the International Women of Courage Award by the US State Department. |
"No worst horrors I have witnessed in my life than these, Begum recalls. I fled the country to look for a safe haven. I set off for Malaysia in 2016." |
At eighteen years old, barely an adult, she was confronted with decisions that would alter the course of her life. |
Begum would become one of more than half a million Rohingya forced to abandon their homes in 2016 after what several reports have called the ethnic cleansing, or genocide, of Rohingya Muslims. Hundreds of stories of gang rape, torture and murder have emerged from Rakhine state in northern Myanmar, of which the armed forces have denied any responsibility. |
Like many who escaped. Begum ended up first in neighbouring Bangladesh, eventually making her way by boat to Malaysia via Thailand. She says that she stayed on the vessel that carried about 900 people for four month, "crying all the time." |
Begum had narrowly escaped the horrors she saw In Myanmar, but she found herself unable to run from the violence that her smugglers would-inflict on her and other women. |
She shares her harrowing tale: "They [the smugglers] used to abduct women at night and molest them...We were also harassed. We tried to protect ourselves, unfortunately, we were still raped...We had to obey them even if we didn't want to...We could only save our lives." |
Today, Begum has started to rebuild her life in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia's capital, a world away from the horrors she saw. |
Doing so is not easy. Malaysia has welcomed refugees and asylum seekers from various countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan. As of May 2019, nearly 173,800 have registered with the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in Malaysia. But they have little rights, including the right to work. |
It was through the Rohingya Women Development Network (RWDN) that Begum found the tools to help her re-establish her life. |
Started in 2016, RWDN is Malaysia's first women-led group to give Rohingya women refugees a platform to empower themselves and to speak up for their rights. |
Founder Sharifah Shakirah, herself a Rohingya refugee, says, "Our women have started coming to Malaysia by being trafficked [sic], and they were abused; they were raped, they were tortured, they were detained. |
"RWDN provides a safe space for our women, where they can talk about their problems, share their feelings... solve them together. |
RWDN is trying to educate our people why it's important for women to come out of the house, get an education, work and contribute to their family in a society." |
The group provides skills training so that the women can develop a trade and earn an income, and aims to tackle the social problems inherent in the |
Rohingya community, like child marriage and domestic violence. "They're (the women) changing not only themselves, but also people around them, especially their children," Sharifah says. |
Sharifah first arrived in the Southeast Asian country 20 years ago. Without any legal documents she was smuggled from Myanmar via Thailand and reunited with her father and siblings in Kuala Lumpur. |
Despite facing discrimination much of her life from locals and her own community, the outspoken 25-year-old has made it her purpose to advocate for the rights of the Rohingya, especially for women and girls. |
"Many people think we are economic migrants. But we are not. We are refugees, we have been fleeing our country to save our lives." |
UNHCR defines refugees as those who have "fled war, violence, conflict or persecution and crossed an international border to find safety in another country." |
Sharifah was recognised for her activism this year, becoming the first non-Malaysian to be nominated for the International Women of Courage Award by the US State Department. |
"No worst horrors I have witnessed in my life than these, Begum recalls. I fled the country to look for a safe haven. I set off for Malaysia in 2016." |
At eighteen years old, barely an adult, she was confronted with decisions that would alter the course of her life. |
Begum would become one of more than half a million Rohingya forced to abandon their homes in 2016 after what several reports have called the ethnic cleansing, or genocide, of Rohingya Muslims. Hundreds of stories of gang rape, torture and murder have emerged from Rakhine state in northern Myanmar, of which the armed forces have denied any responsibility. |
Like many who escaped. Begum ended up first in neighbouring Bangladesh, eventually making her way by boat to Malaysia via Thailand. She says that she stayed on the vessel that carried about 900 people for four month, "crying all the time." |
Begum had narrowly escaped the horrors she saw In Myanmar, but she found herself unable to run from the violence that her smugglers would-inflict on her and other women. |
She shares her harrowing tale: "They [the smugglers] used to abduct women at night and molest them...We were also harassed. We tried to protect ourselves, unfortunately, we were still raped...We had to obey them even if we didn't want to...We could only save our lives." |
Today, Begum has started to rebuild her life in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia's capital, a world away from the horrors she saw. |
Doing so is not easy. Malaysia has welcomed refugees and asylum seekers from various countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan. As of May 2019, nearly 173,800 have registered with the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in Malaysia. But they have little rights, including the right to work. |
It was through the Rohingya Women Development Network (RWDN) that Begum found the tools to help her re-establish her life. |
Started in 2016, RWDN is Malaysia's first women-led group to give Rohingya women refugees a platform to empower themselves and to speak up for their rights. |
Founder Sharifah Shakirah, herself a Rohingya refugee, says, "Our women have started coming to Malaysia by being trafficked [sic], and they were abused; they were raped, they were tortured, they were detained. |
"RWDN provides a safe space for our women, where they can talk about their problems, share their feelings... solve them together. |
RWDN is trying to educate our people why it's important for women to come out of the house, get an education, work and contribute to their family in a society." |
The group provides skills training so that the women can develop a trade and earn an income, and aims to tackle the social problems inherent in the |
Rohingya community, like child marriage and domestic violence. "They're (the women) changing not only themselves, but also people around them, especially their children," Sharifah says. |
Sharifah first arrived in the Southeast Asian country 20 years ago. Without any legal documents she was smuggled from Myanmar via Thailand and reunited with her father and siblings in Kuala Lumpur. |
Despite facing discrimination much of her life from locals and her own community, the outspoken 25-year-old has made it her purpose to advocate for the rights of the Rohingya, especially for women and girls. |
"Many people think we are economic migrants. But we are not. We are refugees, we have been fleeing our country to save our lives." |
UNHCR defines refugees as those who have "fled war, violence, conflict or persecution and crossed an international border to find safety in another country." |
Sharifah was recognised for her activism this year, becoming the first non-Malaysian to be nominated for the International Women of Courage Award by the US State Department. |
"No worst horrors I have witnessed in my life than these, Begum recalls. I fled the country to look for a safe haven. I set off for Malaysia in 2016." |
At eighteen years old, barely an adult, she was confronted with decisions that would alter the course of her life. |
Begum would become one of more than half a million Rohingya forced to abandon their homes in 2016 after what several reports have called the ethnic cleansing, or genocide, of Rohingya Muslims. Hundreds of stories of gang rape, torture and murder have emerged from Rakhine state in northern Myanmar, of which the armed forces have denied any responsibility. |
Like many who escaped. Begum ended up first in neighbouring Bangladesh, eventually making her way by boat to Malaysia via Thailand. She says that she stayed on the vessel that carried about 900 people for four month, "crying all the time." |
Begum had narrowly escaped the horrors she saw In Myanmar, but she found herself unable to run from the violence that her smugglers would-inflict on her and other women. |
She shares her harrowing tale: "They [the smugglers] used to abduct women at night and molest them...We were also harassed. We tried to protect ourselves, unfortunately, we were still raped...We had to obey them even if we didn't want to...We could only save our lives." |
Today, Begum has started to rebuild her life in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia's capital, a world away from the horrors she saw. |
Doing so is not easy. Malaysia has welcomed refugees and asylum seekers from various countries, including Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan. As of May 2019, nearly 173,800 have registered with the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in Malaysia. But they have little rights, including the right to work. |
It was through the Rohingya Women Development Network (RWDN) that Begum found the tools to help her re-establish her life. |
Started in 2016, RWDN is Malaysia's first women-led group to give Rohingya women refugees a platform to empower themselves and to speak up for their rights. |
Founder Sharifah Shakirah, herself a Rohingya refugee, says, "Our women have started coming to Malaysia by being trafficked [sic], and they were abused; they were raped, they were tortured, they were detained. |
"RWDN provides a safe space for our women, where they can talk about their problems, share their feelings... solve them together. |
RWDN is trying to educate our people why it's important for women to come out of the house, get an education, work and contribute to their family in a society." |
The group provides skills training so that the women can develop a trade and earn an income, and aims to tackle the social problems inherent in the |
Rohingya community, like child marriage and domestic violence. "They're (the women) changing not only themselves, but also people around them, especially their children," Sharifah says. |
Sharifah first arrived in the Southeast Asian country 20 years ago. Without any legal documents she was smuggled from Myanmar via Thailand and reunited with her father and siblings in Kuala Lumpur. |
Despite facing discrimination much of her life from locals and her own community, the outspoken 25-year-old has made it her purpose to advocate for the rights of the Rohingya, especially for women and girls. |
"Many people think we are economic migrants. But we are not. We are refugees, we have been fleeing our country to save our lives." |
UNHCR defines refugees as those who have "fled war, violence, conflict or persecution and crossed an international border to find safety in another country." |
Sharifah was recognised for her activism this year, becoming the first non-Malaysian to be nominated for the International Women of Courage Award by the US State Department. |
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was supposed to be facing trial this week on bribery, fraud and breach of trust charges. Instead, he was shutting down the courts and ordering Israel's internal security service to identify people who should be quarantined using data harvested from their phones. |
Both of those extraordinary moves, announced in the dead of night Sunday and Tuesday, were made in the name of combating the coronavirus. The court shutdown also had the effect of delaying Netanyahu's corruption trial by two months. |
Many Israelis have expressed admiration for the celerity and aggressiveness of Netanyahu's response to the pandemic: Israel was ahead of the curve in shutting down travel to hot spots, ordering new arrivals into quarantine and closing down the public schools. |
But others are asking whether Netanyahu, who is battling to keep his job after three inconclusive elections, is exploiting the health crisis for self-serving ends. And whether, as he moves to protect the nation's health, he may also be endangering its democracy; |
Netanyahu insisted he was protecting the nation while adhering to democratic values, noting that the court shutdown was temporary and that he had received the permission of the attorney general for the cellphone data usage, which was valid for 14 days. |
"Israel is a democracy", he said Monday. "We have to maintain the balance between the rights of the individual and needs of general society, and we are doing that." |
But critics questioned whether closing the courts was a necessary response to the coronavirus and if the infringements on privacy by monitoring cellphones could have long-term consequences. |
"Democracies don't die in one day", said Susie Navot, a professor of parliamentary and constitutional law at the Striks School of Law, in Rishon Letzion, Israel, "As you see in Europe, they can decline or erode, bit by bit, and you dont really feel it." |
"It's like a smoke bomb", she said. "You don't see very clearly, and then things change quickly, without you taking notice." |
All over, democratic nations are struggling to act quickly enough to contend with the fast-moving biological threat. Israel is blessed with some important advantages over places that have responded more haltingly. |
Its people have a history of improvising, rallying and uniting in times of crisis, and are used to defending against threats that hit close to home. The government enjoys expansive emergency powers, dating to the British Mandate, that allow it to do pretty much anything it deems necessary. |
Its Internal Security Agency possesses a huge database. The New York Times reported Monday, of records from cellphone companies, dating to 2002, allowing almost any individual's footsteps to be retraced. And the agency, known by its Hebrew acronym as the Shin Bet, enjoys the confidence of the public that it will act in the best interests of the people and of democracy. |
That sets Israel apart from countries whose secret police have dark histories as agents of repression, and even from the United States, where Edward Snowden's revelations that the government was collecting Americans bulk cellphone data led to the practice being outlawed. |
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was supposed to be facing trial this week on bribery, fraud and breach of trust charges. Instead, he was shutting down the courts and ordering Israel's internal security service to identify people who should be quarantined using data harvested from their phones. |
Both of those extraordinary moves, announced in the dead of night Sunday and Tuesday, were made in the name of combating the coronavirus. The court shutdown also had the effect of delaying Netanyahu's corruption trial by two months. |
Many Israelis have expressed admiration for the celerity and aggressiveness of Netanyahu's response to the pandemic: Israel was ahead of the curve in shutting down travel to hot spots, ordering new arrivals into quarantine and closing down the public schools. |
But others are asking whether Netanyahu, who is battling to keep his job after three inconclusive elections, is exploiting the health crisis for self-serving ends. And whether, as he moves to protect the nation's health, he may also be endangering its democracy; |
Netanyahu insisted he was protecting the nation while adhering to democratic values, noting that the court shutdown was temporary and that he had received the permission of the attorney general for the cellphone data usage, which was valid for 14 days. |
"Israel is a democracy", he said Monday. "We have to maintain the balance between the rights of the individual and needs of general society, and we are doing that." |
But critics questioned whether closing the courts was a necessary response to the coronavirus and if the infringements on privacy by monitoring cellphones could have long-term consequences. |
"Democracies don't die in one day", said Susie Navot, a professor of parliamentary and constitutional law at the Striks School of Law, in Rishon Letzion, Israel, "As you see in Europe, they can decline or erode, bit by bit, and you dont really feel it." |
"It's like a smoke bomb", she said. "You don't see very clearly, and then things change quickly, without you taking notice." |
All over, democratic nations are struggling to act quickly enough to contend with the fast-moving biological threat. Israel is blessed with some important advantages over places that have responded more haltingly. |
Its people have a history of improvising, rallying and uniting in times of crisis, and are used to defending against threats that hit close to home. The government enjoys expansive emergency powers, dating to the British Mandate, that allow it to do pretty much anything it deems necessary. |
Its Internal Security Agency possesses a huge database. The New York Times reported Monday, of records from cellphone companies, dating to 2002, allowing almost any individual's footsteps to be retraced. And the agency, known by its Hebrew acronym as the Shin Bet, enjoys the confidence of the public that it will act in the best interests of the people and of democracy. |
That sets Israel apart from countries whose secret police have dark histories as agents of repression, and even from the United States, where Edward Snowden's revelations that the government was collecting Americans bulk cellphone data led to the practice being outlawed. |
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was supposed to be facing trial this week on bribery, fraud and breach of trust charges. Instead, he was shutting down the courts and ordering Israel's internal security service to identify people who should be quarantined using data harvested from their phones. |
Both of those extraordinary moves, announced in the dead of night Sunday and Tuesday, were made in the name of combating the coronavirus. The court shutdown also had the effect of delaying Netanyahu's corruption trial by two months. |
Many Israelis have expressed admiration for the celerity and aggressiveness of Netanyahu's response to the pandemic: Israel was ahead of the curve in shutting down travel to hot spots, ordering new arrivals into quarantine and closing down the public schools. |
But others are asking whether Netanyahu, who is battling to keep his job after three inconclusive elections, is exploiting the health crisis for self-serving ends. And whether, as he moves to protect the nation's health, he may also be endangering its democracy; |
Netanyahu insisted he was protecting the nation while adhering to democratic values, noting that the court shutdown was temporary and that he had received the permission of the attorney general for the cellphone data usage, which was valid for 14 days. |
"Israel is a democracy", he said Monday. "We have to maintain the balance between the rights of the individual and needs of general society, and we are doing that." |
But critics questioned whether closing the courts was a necessary response to the coronavirus and if the infringements on privacy by monitoring cellphones could have long-term consequences. |
"Democracies don't die in one day", said Susie Navot, a professor of parliamentary and constitutional law at the Striks School of Law, in Rishon Letzion, Israel, "As you see in Europe, they can decline or erode, bit by bit, and you dont really feel it." |
"It's like a smoke bomb", she said. "You don't see very clearly, and then things change quickly, without you taking notice." |
All over, democratic nations are struggling to act quickly enough to contend with the fast-moving biological threat. Israel is blessed with some important advantages over places that have responded more haltingly. |
Its people have a history of improvising, rallying and uniting in times of crisis, and are used to defending against threats that hit close to home. The government enjoys expansive emergency powers, dating to the British Mandate, that allow it to do pretty much anything it deems necessary. |
Its Internal Security Agency possesses a huge database. The New York Times reported Monday, of records from cellphone companies, dating to 2002, allowing almost any individual's footsteps to be retraced. And the agency, known by its Hebrew acronym as the Shin Bet, enjoys the confidence of the public that it will act in the best interests of the people and of democracy. |
That sets Israel apart from countries whose secret police have dark histories as agents of repression, and even from the United States, where Edward Snowden's revelations that the government was collecting Americans bulk cellphone data led to the practice being outlawed. |
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was supposed to be facing trial this week on bribery, fraud and breach of trust charges. Instead, he was shutting down the courts and ordering Israel's internal security service to identify people who should be quarantined using data harvested from their phones. |
Both of those extraordinary moves, announced in the dead of night Sunday and Tuesday, were made in the name of combating the coronavirus. The court shutdown also had the effect of delaying Netanyahu's corruption trial by two months. |
Many Israelis have expressed admiration for the celerity and aggressiveness of Netanyahu's response to the pandemic: Israel was ahead of the curve in shutting down travel to hot spots, ordering new arrivals into quarantine and closing down the public schools. |
But others are asking whether Netanyahu, who is battling to keep his job after three inconclusive elections, is exploiting the health crisis for self-serving ends. And whether, as he moves to protect the nation's health, he may also be endangering its democracy; |
Netanyahu insisted he was protecting the nation while adhering to democratic values, noting that the court shutdown was temporary and that he had received the permission of the attorney general for the cellphone data usage, which was valid for 14 days. |
"Israel is a democracy", he said Monday. "We have to maintain the balance between the rights of the individual and needs of general society, and we are doing that." |
But critics questioned whether closing the courts was a necessary response to the coronavirus and if the infringements on privacy by monitoring cellphones could have long-term consequences. |
"Democracies don't die in one day", said Susie Navot, a professor of parliamentary and constitutional law at the Striks School of Law, in Rishon Letzion, Israel, "As you see in Europe, they can decline or erode, bit by bit, and you dont really feel it." |
"It's like a smoke bomb", she said. "You don't see very clearly, and then things change quickly, without you taking notice." |
All over, democratic nations are struggling to act quickly enough to contend with the fast-moving biological threat. Israel is blessed with some important advantages over places that have responded more haltingly. |
Its people have a history of improvising, rallying and uniting in times of crisis, and are used to defending against threats that hit close to home. The government enjoys expansive emergency powers, dating to the British Mandate, that allow it to do pretty much anything it deems necessary. |
Its Internal Security Agency possesses a huge database. The New York Times reported Monday, of records from cellphone companies, dating to 2002, allowing almost any individual's footsteps to be retraced. And the agency, known by its Hebrew acronym as the Shin Bet, enjoys the confidence of the public that it will act in the best interests of the people and of democracy. |
That sets Israel apart from countries whose secret police have dark histories as agents of repression, and even from the United States, where Edward Snowden's revelations that the government was collecting Americans bulk cellphone data led to the practice being outlawed. |
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was supposed to be facing trial this week on bribery, fraud and breach of trust charges. Instead, he was shutting down the courts and ordering Israel's internal security service to identify people who should be quarantined using data harvested from their phones. |
Both of those extraordinary moves, announced in the dead of night Sunday and Tuesday, were made in the name of combating the coronavirus. The court shutdown also had the effect of delaying Netanyahu's corruption trial by two months. |
Many Israelis have expressed admiration for the celerity and aggressiveness of Netanyahu's response to the pandemic: Israel was ahead of the curve in shutting down travel to hot spots, ordering new arrivals into quarantine and closing down the public schools. |
But others are asking whether Netanyahu, who is battling to keep his job after three inconclusive elections, is exploiting the health crisis for self-serving ends. And whether, as he moves to protect the nation's health, he may also be endangering its democracy; |
Netanyahu insisted he was protecting the nation while adhering to democratic values, noting that the court shutdown was temporary and that he had received the permission of the attorney general for the cellphone data usage, which was valid for 14 days. |
"Israel is a democracy", he said Monday. "We have to maintain the balance between the rights of the individual and needs of general society, and we are doing that." |
But critics questioned whether closing the courts was a necessary response to the coronavirus and if the infringements on privacy by monitoring cellphones could have long-term consequences. |
"Democracies don't die in one day", said Susie Navot, a professor of parliamentary and constitutional law at the Striks School of Law, in Rishon Letzion, Israel, "As you see in Europe, they can decline or erode, bit by bit, and you dont really feel it." |
"It's like a smoke bomb", she said. "You don't see very clearly, and then things change quickly, without you taking notice." |
All over, democratic nations are struggling to act quickly enough to contend with the fast-moving biological threat. Israel is blessed with some important advantages over places that have responded more haltingly. |
Its people have a history of improvising, rallying and uniting in times of crisis, and are used to defending against threats that hit close to home. The government enjoys expansive emergency powers, dating to the British Mandate, that allow it to do pretty much anything it deems necessary. |
Its Internal Security Agency possesses a huge database. The New York Times reported Monday, of records from cellphone companies, dating to 2002, allowing almost any individual's footsteps to be retraced. And the agency, known by its Hebrew acronym as the Shin Bet, enjoys the confidence of the public that it will act in the best interests of the people and of democracy. |
That sets Israel apart from countries whose secret police have dark histories as agents of repression, and even from the United States, where Edward Snowden's revelations that the government was collecting Americans bulk cellphone data led to the practice being outlawed. |
The IMF's estimate of the global economy growing at -3 per cent in 2020 is an outcome "far worse" than the 2009 global financial crises. Economies such as the US, Japan, the UK, Germany, France, Italy and Spain are expected to contract this year by 5.9, 5.2, 6.5, 7, 7.2, 9.1 and 8 per cent respectively. |
Advanced economies have been hit harder, and together they are expected to grow by -6 per cent in 2020. Emerging markets and developing economies are expected to contract by -1 per cent. If China is excluded from this pool of countries, the growth rate for 2020 is expected to be -2.2 per cent. |
China's GDP dropped by 36.6 per cent in the first quarter of 2020, while South Korea's output fell by 5.5 per cent, since the country didnt impose a lockdown but followed a strategy of aggressive testing, contact tracing and quarantining. |
In Europe, the GDPs of France, Spain and Italy fell by 21.3, 19.2 and 17.5 per cent respectively. |
Oil and natural gas |
Due to the fall in travel, global industrial activity has been affected. Oil prices fell further in March as the transportation section, which accounts for 60 per cent of the oil demand, was hit due to several countries imposing lockdowns. |
Not only oil, early this year in China, due to Covid-19-related containment measures, the demand for natural gas fell, as a result of which many Chinese LNG buyers halted their imports as storage tanks filled. |
Industrial Metals |
Due to lockdowns in China, followed by in the US and Europe, the demand for industrial metals reduced as factories shut down. As per IMF, China accounts for roughly half of the global demand for industrial metals. |
Food and beverages |
IMF projects a decrease in food prices by 2.6 per cent in 2020, caused by supply chain disruptions, border delays, food security concerns in regions affected by Covid-19 and export restrictions. |
In the lockdown period, while the price of cereals, oranges, seafood and arabica coffee has increased, prices of tea, meat, wool and cotton have declined. Further, the decline in oil prices has put a downward pressure on the prices for palm oil, soy oil, sugar and corn. |
How have countries coped? |
According to an assessment by the World Economic Forum (WEF), supporting SMEs and larger businesses is crucial for maintaining employment and financial stability. |
In India, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has announced some details of the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan package, to provide relief to Medium, Small and Micro Enterprises (MSMEs) in the form of an increase in credit guarantees. |
Many advanced economies in the world have rolled out support packages. While India's economic stimulus package is 10 per cent of its GDP, Japan's is 21.1 per cent, followed by the US (13 per cent), Sweden (12 per cent), Germany (10.7 per cent), France (9.3 per cent), Spain (7.3 per cent) and Italy (5.7 per cent). |
However, the WEF notes, "...there is concern that the size of packages may prove insufficient for the duration of the crisis; that disbursement may be slower than is needed; that not all firms in need would be targeted; and that such programmes may be overly reliant on debt financing." |
In Asia, countries including India, China, Indonesia, Japan, Singapore and South Korea account for about 85 per cent of all the Covid-19 cases on the continent. |
South Korea stands out, since business and economic activities were not completely stopped and therefore, their economy was not severely affected. |
China recently lifted its lockdown and has since then been gradually reopening its economy without an aggressive second wave of infections so far. |
Further, even as economic activity resumes gradually, the situation will take time to normalise, as consumer behaviours change as a result of continued social distancing and uncertainty about how the pandemic will evolve. |
For instance, in its World Economic Outlook report for 2020, the IMF mentions that firms may start hiring more people and expanding their payroll only slowly, as they may not be clear about the demand for their output. |
Therefore, along with clear and effective communication, broad monetary and fiscal stimuli will be required to be coordinated on an international scale for maximum impact, and, "would be most effective to boost spending in the recovery phase." |
The IMF's estimate of the global economy growing at -3 per cent in 2020 is an outcome "far worse" than the 2009 global financial crises. Economies such as the US, Japan, the UK, Germany, France, Italy and Spain are expected to contract this year by 5.9, 5.2, 6.5, 7, 7.2, 9.1 and 8 per cent respectively. |
Advanced economies have been hit harder, and together they are expected to grow by -6 per cent in 2020. Emerging markets and developing economies are expected to contract by -1 per cent. If China is excluded from this pool of countries, the growth rate for 2020 is expected to be -2.2 per cent. |
China's GDP dropped by 36.6 per cent in the first quarter of 2020, while South Korea's output fell by 5.5 per cent, since the country didnt impose a lockdown but followed a strategy of aggressive testing, contact tracing and quarantining. |
In Europe, the GDPs of France, Spain and Italy fell by 21.3, 19.2 and 17.5 per cent respectively. |
Oil and natural gas |
Due to the fall in travel, global industrial activity has been affected. Oil prices fell further in March as the transportation section, which accounts for 60 per cent of the oil demand, was hit due to several countries imposing lockdowns. |
Not only oil, early this year in China, due to Covid-19-related containment measures, the demand for natural gas fell, as a result of which many Chinese LNG buyers halted their imports as storage tanks filled. |
Industrial Metals |
Due to lockdowns in China, followed by in the US and Europe, the demand for industrial metals reduced as factories shut down. As per IMF, China accounts for roughly half of the global demand for industrial metals. |
Food and beverages |
IMF projects a decrease in food prices by 2.6 per cent in 2020, caused by supply chain disruptions, border delays, food security concerns in regions affected by Covid-19 and export restrictions. |
In the lockdown period, while the price of cereals, oranges, seafood and arabica coffee has increased, prices of tea, meat, wool and cotton have declined. Further, the decline in oil prices has put a downward pressure on the prices for palm oil, soy oil, sugar and corn. |
How have countries coped? |
According to an assessment by the World Economic Forum (WEF), supporting SMEs and larger businesses is crucial for maintaining employment and financial stability. |
In India, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has announced some details of the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan package, to provide relief to Medium, Small and Micro Enterprises (MSMEs) in the form of an increase in credit guarantees. |
Many advanced economies in the world have rolled out support packages. While India's economic stimulus package is 10 per cent of its GDP, Japan's is 21.1 per cent, followed by the US (13 per cent), Sweden (12 per cent), Germany (10.7 per cent), France (9.3 per cent), Spain (7.3 per cent) and Italy (5.7 per cent). |
However, the WEF notes, "...there is concern that the size of packages may prove insufficient for the duration of the crisis; that disbursement may be slower than is needed; that not all firms in need would be targeted; and that such programmes may be overly reliant on debt financing." |
In Asia, countries including India, China, Indonesia, Japan, Singapore and South Korea account for about 85 per cent of all the Covid-19 cases on the continent. |
South Korea stands out, since business and economic activities were not completely stopped and therefore, their economy was not severely affected. |
China recently lifted its lockdown and has since then been gradually reopening its economy without an aggressive second wave of infections so far. |
Further, even as economic activity resumes gradually, the situation will take time to normalise, as consumer behaviours change as a result of continued social distancing and uncertainty about how the pandemic will evolve. |
For instance, in its World Economic Outlook report for 2020, the IMF mentions that firms may start hiring more people and expanding their payroll only slowly, as they may not be clear about the demand for their output. |
Therefore, along with clear and effective communication, broad monetary and fiscal stimuli will be required to be coordinated on an international scale for maximum impact, and, "would be most effective to boost spending in the recovery phase." |
The IMF's estimate of the global economy growing at -3 per cent in 2020 is an outcome "far worse" than the 2009 global financial crises. Economies such as the US, Japan, the UK, Germany, France, Italy and Spain are expected to contract this year by 5.9, 5.2, 6.5, 7, 7.2, 9.1 and 8 per cent respectively. |
Advanced economies have been hit harder, and together they are expected to grow by -6 per cent in 2020. Emerging markets and developing economies are expected to contract by -1 per cent. If China is excluded from this pool of countries, the growth rate for 2020 is expected to be -2.2 per cent. |
China's GDP dropped by 36.6 per cent in the first quarter of 2020, while South Korea's output fell by 5.5 per cent, since the country didnt impose a lockdown but followed a strategy of aggressive testing, contact tracing and quarantining. |
In Europe, the GDPs of France, Spain and Italy fell by 21.3, 19.2 and 17.5 per cent respectively. |
Oil and natural gas |
Due to the fall in travel, global industrial activity has been affected. Oil prices fell further in March as the transportation section, which accounts for 60 per cent of the oil demand, was hit due to several countries imposing lockdowns. |
Not only oil, early this year in China, due to Covid-19-related containment measures, the demand for natural gas fell, as a result of which many Chinese LNG buyers halted their imports as storage tanks filled. |
Industrial Metals |
Due to lockdowns in China, followed by in the US and Europe, the demand for industrial metals reduced as factories shut down. As per IMF, China accounts for roughly half of the global demand for industrial metals. |
Food and beverages |
IMF projects a decrease in food prices by 2.6 per cent in 2020, caused by supply chain disruptions, border delays, food security concerns in regions affected by Covid-19 and export restrictions. |
In the lockdown period, while the price of cereals, oranges, seafood and arabica coffee has increased, prices of tea, meat, wool and cotton have declined. Further, the decline in oil prices has put a downward pressure on the prices for palm oil, soy oil, sugar and corn. |
How have countries coped? |
According to an assessment by the World Economic Forum (WEF), supporting SMEs and larger businesses is crucial for maintaining employment and financial stability. |
In India, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has announced some details of the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan package, to provide relief to Medium, Small and Micro Enterprises (MSMEs) in the form of an increase in credit guarantees. |
Many advanced economies in the world have rolled out support packages. While India's economic stimulus package is 10 per cent of its GDP, Japan's is 21.1 per cent, followed by the US (13 per cent), Sweden (12 per cent), Germany (10.7 per cent), France (9.3 per cent), Spain (7.3 per cent) and Italy (5.7 per cent). |
However, the WEF notes, "...there is concern that the size of packages may prove insufficient for the duration of the crisis; that disbursement may be slower than is needed; that not all firms in need would be targeted; and that such programmes may be overly reliant on debt financing." |
In Asia, countries including India, China, Indonesia, Japan, Singapore and South Korea account for about 85 per cent of all the Covid-19 cases on the continent. |
South Korea stands out, since business and economic activities were not completely stopped and therefore, their economy was not severely affected. |
China recently lifted its lockdown and has since then been gradually reopening its economy without an aggressive second wave of infections so far. |
Further, even as economic activity resumes gradually, the situation will take time to normalise, as consumer behaviours change as a result of continued social distancing and uncertainty about how the pandemic will evolve. |
For instance, in its World Economic Outlook report for 2020, the IMF mentions that firms may start hiring more people and expanding their payroll only slowly, as they may not be clear about the demand for their output. |
Therefore, along with clear and effective communication, broad monetary and fiscal stimuli will be required to be coordinated on an international scale for maximum impact, and, "would be most effective to boost spending in the recovery phase." |
The IMF's estimate of the global economy growing at -3 per cent in 2020 is an outcome "far worse" than the 2009 global financial crises. Economies such as the US, Japan, the UK, Germany, France, Italy and Spain are expected to contract this year by 5.9, 5.2, 6.5, 7, 7.2, 9.1 and 8 per cent respectively. |
Advanced economies have been hit harder, and together they are expected to grow by -6 per cent in 2020. Emerging markets and developing economies are expected to contract by -1 per cent. If China is excluded from this pool of countries, the growth rate for 2020 is expected to be -2.2 per cent. |
China's GDP dropped by 36.6 per cent in the first quarter of 2020, while South Korea's output fell by 5.5 per cent, since the country didnt impose a lockdown but followed a strategy of aggressive testing, contact tracing and quarantining. |
In Europe, the GDPs of France, Spain and Italy fell by 21.3, 19.2 and 17.5 per cent respectively. |
Oil and natural gas |
Due to the fall in travel, global industrial activity has been affected. Oil prices fell further in March as the transportation section, which accounts for 60 per cent of the oil demand, was hit due to several countries imposing lockdowns. |
Not only oil, early this year in China, due to Covid-19-related containment measures, the demand for natural gas fell, as a result of which many Chinese LNG buyers halted their imports as storage tanks filled. |
Industrial Metals |
Due to lockdowns in China, followed by in the US and Europe, the demand for industrial metals reduced as factories shut down. As per IMF, China accounts for roughly half of the global demand for industrial metals. |
Food and beverages |
IMF projects a decrease in food prices by 2.6 per cent in 2020, caused by supply chain disruptions, border delays, food security concerns in regions affected by Covid-19 and export restrictions. |
In the lockdown period, while the price of cereals, oranges, seafood and arabica coffee has increased, prices of tea, meat, wool and cotton have declined. Further, the decline in oil prices has put a downward pressure on the prices for palm oil, soy oil, sugar and corn. |
How have countries coped? |
According to an assessment by the World Economic Forum (WEF), supporting SMEs and larger businesses is crucial for maintaining employment and financial stability. |
In India, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has announced some details of the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan package, to provide relief to Medium, Small and Micro Enterprises (MSMEs) in the form of an increase in credit guarantees. |
Many advanced economies in the world have rolled out support packages. While India's economic stimulus package is 10 per cent of its GDP, Japan's is 21.1 per cent, followed by the US (13 per cent), Sweden (12 per cent), Germany (10.7 per cent), France (9.3 per cent), Spain (7.3 per cent) and Italy (5.7 per cent). |
However, the WEF notes, "...there is concern that the size of packages may prove insufficient for the duration of the crisis; that disbursement may be slower than is needed; that not all firms in need would be targeted; and that such programmes may be overly reliant on debt financing." |
In Asia, countries including India, China, Indonesia, Japan, Singapore and South Korea account for about 85 per cent of all the Covid-19 cases on the continent. |
South Korea stands out, since business and economic activities were not completely stopped and therefore, their economy was not severely affected. |
China recently lifted its lockdown and has since then been gradually reopening its economy without an aggressive second wave of infections so far. |
Further, even as economic activity resumes gradually, the situation will take time to normalise, as consumer behaviours change as a result of continued social distancing and uncertainty about how the pandemic will evolve. |
For instance, in its World Economic Outlook report for 2020, the IMF mentions that firms may start hiring more people and expanding their payroll only slowly, as they may not be clear about the demand for their output. |
Therefore, along with clear and effective communication, broad monetary and fiscal stimuli will be required to be coordinated on an international scale for maximum impact, and, "would be most effective to boost spending in the recovery phase." |
The IMF's estimate of the global economy growing at -3 per cent in 2020 is an outcome "far worse" than the 2009 global financial crises. Economies such as the US, Japan, the UK, Germany, France, Italy and Spain are expected to contract this year by 5.9, 5.2, 6.5, 7, 7.2, 9.1 and 8 per cent respectively. |
Advanced economies have been hit harder, and together they are expected to grow by -6 per cent in 2020. Emerging markets and developing economies are expected to contract by -1 per cent. If China is excluded from this pool of countries, the growth rate for 2020 is expected to be -2.2 per cent. |
China's GDP dropped by 36.6 per cent in the first quarter of 2020, while South Korea's output fell by 5.5 per cent, since the country didnt impose a lockdown but followed a strategy of aggressive testing, contact tracing and quarantining. |
In Europe, the GDPs of France, Spain and Italy fell by 21.3, 19.2 and 17.5 per cent respectively. |
Oil and natural gas |
Due to the fall in travel, global industrial activity has been affected. Oil prices fell further in March as the transportation section, which accounts for 60 per cent of the oil demand, was hit due to several countries imposing lockdowns. |
Not only oil, early this year in China, due to Covid-19-related containment measures, the demand for natural gas fell, as a result of which many Chinese LNG buyers halted their imports as storage tanks filled. |
Industrial Metals |
Due to lockdowns in China, followed by in the US and Europe, the demand for industrial metals reduced as factories shut down. As per IMF, China accounts for roughly half of the global demand for industrial metals. |
Food and beverages |
IMF projects a decrease in food prices by 2.6 per cent in 2020, caused by supply chain disruptions, border delays, food security concerns in regions affected by Covid-19 and export restrictions. |
In the lockdown period, while the price of cereals, oranges, seafood and arabica coffee has increased, prices of tea, meat, wool and cotton have declined. Further, the decline in oil prices has put a downward pressure on the prices for palm oil, soy oil, sugar and corn. |
How have countries coped? |
According to an assessment by the World Economic Forum (WEF), supporting SMEs and larger businesses is crucial for maintaining employment and financial stability. |
In India, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has announced some details of the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan package, to provide relief to Medium, Small and Micro Enterprises (MSMEs) in the form of an increase in credit guarantees. |
Many advanced economies in the world have rolled out support packages. While India's economic stimulus package is 10 per cent of its GDP, Japan's is 21.1 per cent, followed by the US (13 per cent), Sweden (12 per cent), Germany (10.7 per cent), France (9.3 per cent), Spain (7.3 per cent) and Italy (5.7 per cent). |
However, the WEF notes, "...there is concern that the size of packages may prove insufficient for the duration of the crisis; that disbursement may be slower than is needed; that not all firms in need would be targeted; and that such programmes may be overly reliant on debt financing." |
In Asia, countries including India, China, Indonesia, Japan, Singapore and South Korea account for about 85 per cent of all the Covid-19 cases on the continent. |
South Korea stands out, since business and economic activities were not completely stopped and therefore, their economy was not severely affected. |
China recently lifted its lockdown and has since then been gradually reopening its economy without an aggressive second wave of infections so far. |
Further, even as economic activity resumes gradually, the situation will take time to normalise, as consumer behaviours change as a result of continued social distancing and uncertainty about how the pandemic will evolve. |
For instance, in its World Economic Outlook report for 2020, the IMF mentions that firms may start hiring more people and expanding their payroll only slowly, as they may not be clear about the demand for their output. |
Therefore, along with clear and effective communication, broad monetary and fiscal stimuli will be required to be coordinated on an international scale for maximum impact, and, "would be most effective to boost spending in the recovery phase." |
Today people can send money using dozens of apps to one another or make a purchase at a local shop. In the future, we believe people will be able to do so much more, helping people and our overall economy. As per the latest Economic Survey released earlier this year, household savings has declined steadily over a six-year period of 2012-17 from over 7 to over 6.5 per cent. While this is one reason why household consumption is up, it is also a clear indication that for Indian households the potential of savings and turning them into investments is quite high. Can this behavioural shift take place due to digital tools along, with the realisation that Indians will need to save more for a secure future through investments in financial instruments such as pension products? |
We were lucky to hear from Shivkala, who runs a social enterprise called Things Etc. in Mumbai giving hundreds of women across the country a place to sell handmade crafts. She started using WhatsApp payments, which have made transactions easier. Now her sales are up because people trust it and they don't have to download a new app - and the artists she works with get to see exactly how much they are earning. Hypothetically, if one of those artisans, a 20-year-old starts to save Rs 20 a day by making a digital transfer, she can get an inflation indexed monthly pension of Rs. 11,000 for 20 years at age 60. This could lead to a more secure future for her and keep her out of poverty. |
Research shows that access to financial products and services empowers people to achieve their dreams and prohibits them from falling into poverty. India and its central bank have done a tremendous Job so far, to reach every nook and comer of the country to ensure rural branches or bank correspondents to cover every village and district. This is Indias chance to build on that success by using digital technologies and platforms such as WhatsApp. |
Another opportunity is if we could support the local shopkeeper's ability to build long-term capital? Instead of keeping cash at home, what if people could build a financial record of their savings and transactions, earning them credit and the ability to invest in their future? In the past it would take days to set up this kind of investment plans. Soon, financial institutions will be able to do this nearly instantly for their customers right on their mobile phone and provide access where it is not currently available. I have spent decades telling the stories of our diverse and vibrant nation. From banking reforms to a stock market boom, India witnessed an unleashing of private enterprise and consumer demand that has brought us to this unique moment in history. I am humbled and amazed at how far we have come and inspired by the opportunities before our nation. We are charting a unique path forward. Together we can build a more prosperous and Digital India. |
Today people can send money using dozens of apps to one another or make a purchase at a local shop. In the future, we believe people will be able to do so much more, helping people and our overall economy. As per the latest Economic Survey released earlier this year, household savings has declined steadily over a six-year period of 2012-17 from over 7 to over 6.5 per cent. While this is one reason why household consumption is up, it is also a clear indication that for Indian households the potential of savings and turning them into investments is quite high. Can this behavioural shift take place due to digital tools along, with the realisation that Indians will need to save more for a secure future through investments in financial instruments such as pension products? |
We were lucky to hear from Shivkala, who runs a social enterprise called Things Etc. in Mumbai giving hundreds of women across the country a place to sell handmade crafts. She started using WhatsApp payments, which have made transactions easier. Now her sales are up because people trust it and they don't have to download a new app - and the artists she works with get to see exactly how much they are earning. Hypothetically, if one of those artisans, a 20-year-old starts to save Rs 20 a day by making a digital transfer, she can get an inflation indexed monthly pension of Rs. 11,000 for 20 years at age 60. This could lead to a more secure future for her and keep her out of poverty. |
Research shows that access to financial products and services empowers people to achieve their dreams and prohibits them from falling into poverty. India and its central bank have done a tremendous Job so far, to reach every nook and comer of the country to ensure rural branches or bank correspondents to cover every village and district. This is Indias chance to build on that success by using digital technologies and platforms such as WhatsApp. |
Another opportunity is if we could support the local shopkeeper's ability to build long-term capital? Instead of keeping cash at home, what if people could build a financial record of their savings and transactions, earning them credit and the ability to invest in their future? In the past it would take days to set up this kind of investment plans. Soon, financial institutions will be able to do this nearly instantly for their customers right on their mobile phone and provide access where it is not currently available. I have spent decades telling the stories of our diverse and vibrant nation. From banking reforms to a stock market boom, India witnessed an unleashing of private enterprise and consumer demand that has brought us to this unique moment in history. I am humbled and amazed at how far we have come and inspired by the opportunities before our nation. We are charting a unique path forward. Together we can build a more prosperous and Digital India. |
Today people can send money using dozens of apps to one another or make a purchase at a local shop. In the future, we believe people will be able to do so much more, helping people and our overall economy. As per the latest Economic Survey released earlier this year, household savings has declined steadily over a six-year period of 2012-17 from over 7 to over 6.5 per cent. While this is one reason why household consumption is up, it is also a clear indication that for Indian households the potential of savings and turning them into investments is quite high. Can this behavioural shift take place due to digital tools along, with the realisation that Indians will need to save more for a secure future through investments in financial instruments such as pension products? |
We were lucky to hear from Shivkala, who runs a social enterprise called Things Etc. in Mumbai giving hundreds of women across the country a place to sell handmade crafts. She started using WhatsApp payments, which have made transactions easier. Now her sales are up because people trust it and they don't have to download a new app - and the artists she works with get to see exactly how much they are earning. Hypothetically, if one of those artisans, a 20-year-old starts to save Rs 20 a day by making a digital transfer, she can get an inflation indexed monthly pension of Rs. 11,000 for 20 years at age 60. This could lead to a more secure future for her and keep her out of poverty. |
Research shows that access to financial products and services empowers people to achieve their dreams and prohibits them from falling into poverty. India and its central bank have done a tremendous Job so far, to reach every nook and comer of the country to ensure rural branches or bank correspondents to cover every village and district. This is Indias chance to build on that success by using digital technologies and platforms such as WhatsApp. |
Another opportunity is if we could support the local shopkeeper's ability to build long-term capital? Instead of keeping cash at home, what if people could build a financial record of their savings and transactions, earning them credit and the ability to invest in their future? In the past it would take days to set up this kind of investment plans. Soon, financial institutions will be able to do this nearly instantly for their customers right on their mobile phone and provide access where it is not currently available. I have spent decades telling the stories of our diverse and vibrant nation. From banking reforms to a stock market boom, India witnessed an unleashing of private enterprise and consumer demand that has brought us to this unique moment in history. I am humbled and amazed at how far we have come and inspired by the opportunities before our nation. We are charting a unique path forward. Together we can build a more prosperous and Digital India. |
Today people can send money using dozens of apps to one another or make a purchase at a local shop. In the future, we believe people will be able to do so much more, helping people and our overall economy. As per the latest Economic Survey released earlier this year, household savings has declined steadily over a six-year period of 2012-17 from over 7 to over 6.5 per cent. While this is one reason why household consumption is up, it is also a clear indication that for Indian households the potential of savings and turning them into investments is quite high. Can this behavioural shift take place due to digital tools along, with the realisation that Indians will need to save more for a secure future through investments in financial instruments such as pension products? |
We were lucky to hear from Shivkala, who runs a social enterprise called Things Etc. in Mumbai giving hundreds of women across the country a place to sell handmade crafts. She started using WhatsApp payments, which have made transactions easier. Now her sales are up because people trust it and they don't have to download a new app - and the artists she works with get to see exactly how much they are earning. Hypothetically, if one of those artisans, a 20-year-old starts to save Rs 20 a day by making a digital transfer, she can get an inflation indexed monthly pension of Rs. 11,000 for 20 years at age 60. This could lead to a more secure future for her and keep her out of poverty. |
Research shows that access to financial products and services empowers people to achieve their dreams and prohibits them from falling into poverty. India and its central bank have done a tremendous Job so far, to reach every nook and comer of the country to ensure rural branches or bank correspondents to cover every village and district. This is Indias chance to build on that success by using digital technologies and platforms such as WhatsApp. |
Another opportunity is if we could support the local shopkeeper's ability to build long-term capital? Instead of keeping cash at home, what if people could build a financial record of their savings and transactions, earning them credit and the ability to invest in their future? In the past it would take days to set up this kind of investment plans. Soon, financial institutions will be able to do this nearly instantly for their customers right on their mobile phone and provide access where it is not currently available. I have spent decades telling the stories of our diverse and vibrant nation. From banking reforms to a stock market boom, India witnessed an unleashing of private enterprise and consumer demand that has brought us to this unique moment in history. I am humbled and amazed at how far we have come and inspired by the opportunities before our nation. We are charting a unique path forward. Together we can build a more prosperous and Digital India. |
Today people can send money using dozens of apps to one another or make a purchase at a local shop. In the future, we believe people will be able to do so much more, helping people and our overall economy. As per the latest Economic Survey released earlier this year, household savings has declined steadily over a six-year period of 2012-17 from over 7 to over 6.5 per cent. While this is one reason why household consumption is up, it is also a clear indication that for Indian households the potential of savings and turning them into investments is quite high. Can this behavioural shift take place due to digital tools along, with the realisation that Indians will need to save more for a secure future through investments in financial instruments such as pension products? |
We were lucky to hear from Shivkala, who runs a social enterprise called Things Etc. in Mumbai giving hundreds of women across the country a place to sell handmade crafts. She started using WhatsApp payments, which have made transactions easier. Now her sales are up because people trust it and they don't have to download a new app - and the artists she works with get to see exactly how much they are earning. Hypothetically, if one of those artisans, a 20-year-old starts to save Rs 20 a day by making a digital transfer, she can get an inflation indexed monthly pension of Rs. 11,000 for 20 years at age 60. This could lead to a more secure future for her and keep her out of poverty. |
Research shows that access to financial products and services empowers people to achieve their dreams and prohibits them from falling into poverty. India and its central bank have done a tremendous Job so far, to reach every nook and comer of the country to ensure rural branches or bank correspondents to cover every village and district. This is Indias chance to build on that success by using digital technologies and platforms such as WhatsApp. |
Another opportunity is if we could support the local shopkeeper's ability to build long-term capital? Instead of keeping cash at home, what if people could build a financial record of their savings and transactions, earning them credit and the ability to invest in their future? In the past it would take days to set up this kind of investment plans. Soon, financial institutions will be able to do this nearly instantly for their customers right on their mobile phone and provide access where it is not currently available. I have spent decades telling the stories of our diverse and vibrant nation. From banking reforms to a stock market boom, India witnessed an unleashing of private enterprise and consumer demand that has brought us to this unique moment in history. I am humbled and amazed at how far we have come and inspired by the opportunities before our nation. We are charting a unique path forward. Together we can build a more prosperous and Digital India. |
The economic consequences of the Covid-19 outbreak are unprecedented. Governments across the world are in uncharted waters, and we could be looking at a Great Depression-like scenario soon. The 2008 financial crisis was preceded by warning signs. But now, in less than 12 weeks after WHO was told by China about the virus, economies are in a state of seizure. An extraordinary situation calls for a proportionate response. Such a response has to be led by the government, using every available lever in the fiscal policy toolkit to mitigate the scale of disruption. |
Social distancing, the primary defence against Covid-19, has already resulted in economic disruption and attendant job losses. The most vulnerable are workers in the large informal sector. Government expenditure needs to be switched, unproductive subsidies slashed and the ubiquitous banking channel used to transfer benefits directly to rural households and vulnerable urban households. The direct transfer of income will partially arrest a fall in household consumption, and thereby mitigate the economic dislocation. This should be supplemented by an adjustment in taxation measures, another lever of fiscal policy. |
Many sectors such as tourism and transport are reeling under Covid-19's impact. The government needs to quickly put together a fiscal package which supports the most vulnerable sectors at this juncture. Unlike 2008 this will not be a bailout occasioned by poor business practices. Its a measure to mitigate the economic hardship of an unprecedented situation. Fiscal policy is the roost effective tool because government spending and resource transfer can have quicker impact than any other tool. Moreover it can hasten the recovery from a disruption which will later give the government a chance to pull back its deficit. |
As an Economic Times analysis showed this week, the Rs 18 lakh crore tourism industry is expecting direct job losses of 1.2 million; the hotel industry is expecting revenue losses of 1.3-1.5 billion. The restaurant industry which employs over 7 million people is expecting likely job losses of 15-20%. Aviation experts are predicting over Rs 4,000 crore in losses to private carriers and the retail business is expecting about 11 million job losses if the current crisis continues for a few months. |
This is one reason why the PM asked all Indians and bosses to see things through a humane lens when taking decisions on layoffs. The government has set up a special Covid-19 task force to examine options for a recovery. |
Yet the scale of the disruption is such that while we look at sector specific bailouts, the time has also come to seriously consider a Universal Basic Income and direct cash transfers in the months ahead. From economists like Daniel Susskind at Oxford who is calling for £1,000 per month to every UK citizen as financial relief - to senator Mitt Romney urging the US government to pay 1,000 to each American adult - the debate around UBI is now mainstream in most major economies. |
Across the world, both governments and central banks are pulling out all stops to cope with the situation. In India, RBI has already unveiled measures to stabilise the financial markets and make enough liquidity available. More such measures may be needed because India's financial sector was fragile prior to the current crisis. Therefore, the central bank's armoury must be used to make sure that financial stability is maintained. This will also lead to a reduction in lending rates across the economy. The primary tool however will have to be fiscal policy. Even as its deployed, government should use the opportunity to usher in long overdue structural reforms. That will enable tax revenues to rise, thereby bringing fiscal deficits under control. |
The economic consequences of the Covid-19 outbreak are unprecedented. Governments across the world are in uncharted waters, and we could be looking at a Great Depression-like scenario soon. The 2008 financial crisis was preceded by warning signs. But now, in less than 12 weeks after WHO was told by China about the virus, economies are in a state of seizure. An extraordinary situation calls for a proportionate response. Such a response has to be led by the government, using every available lever in the fiscal policy toolkit to mitigate the scale of disruption. |
Social distancing, the primary defence against Covid-19, has already resulted in economic disruption and attendant job losses. The most vulnerable are workers in the large informal sector. Government expenditure needs to be switched, unproductive subsidies slashed and the ubiquitous banking channel used to transfer benefits directly to rural households and vulnerable urban households. The direct transfer of income will partially arrest a fall in household consumption, and thereby mitigate the economic dislocation. This should be supplemented by an adjustment in taxation measures, another lever of fiscal policy. |
Many sectors such as tourism and transport are reeling under Covid-19's impact. The government needs to quickly put together a fiscal package which supports the most vulnerable sectors at this juncture. Unlike 2008 this will not be a bailout occasioned by poor business practices. Its a measure to mitigate the economic hardship of an unprecedented situation. Fiscal policy is the roost effective tool because government spending and resource transfer can have quicker impact than any other tool. Moreover it can hasten the recovery from a disruption which will later give the government a chance to pull back its deficit. |
As an Economic Times analysis showed this week, the Rs 18 lakh crore tourism industry is expecting direct job losses of 1.2 million; the hotel industry is expecting revenue losses of 1.3-1.5 billion. The restaurant industry which employs over 7 million people is expecting likely job losses of 15-20%. Aviation experts are predicting over Rs 4,000 crore in losses to private carriers and the retail business is expecting about 11 million job losses if the current crisis continues for a few months. |
This is one reason why the PM asked all Indians and bosses to see things through a humane lens when taking decisions on layoffs. The government has set up a special Covid-19 task force to examine options for a recovery. |
Yet the scale of the disruption is such that while we look at sector specific bailouts, the time has also come to seriously consider a Universal Basic Income and direct cash transfers in the months ahead. From economists like Daniel Susskind at Oxford who is calling for £1,000 per month to every UK citizen as financial relief - to senator Mitt Romney urging the US government to pay 1,000 to each American adult - the debate around UBI is now mainstream in most major economies. |
Across the world, both governments and central banks are pulling out all stops to cope with the situation. In India, RBI has already unveiled measures to stabilise the financial markets and make enough liquidity available. More such measures may be needed because India's financial sector was fragile prior to the current crisis. Therefore, the central bank's armoury must be used to make sure that financial stability is maintained. This will also lead to a reduction in lending rates across the economy. The primary tool however will have to be fiscal policy. Even as its deployed, government should use the opportunity to usher in long overdue structural reforms. That will enable tax revenues to rise, thereby bringing fiscal deficits under control. |
The economic consequences of the Covid-19 outbreak are unprecedented. Governments across the world are in uncharted waters, and we could be looking at a Great Depression-like scenario soon. The 2008 financial crisis was preceded by warning signs. But now, in less than 12 weeks after WHO was told by China about the virus, economies are in a state of seizure. An extraordinary situation calls for a proportionate response. Such a response has to be led by the government, using every available lever in the fiscal policy toolkit to mitigate the scale of disruption. |
Social distancing, the primary defence against Covid-19, has already resulted in economic disruption and attendant job losses. The most vulnerable are workers in the large informal sector. Government expenditure needs to be switched, unproductive subsidies slashed and the ubiquitous banking channel used to transfer benefits directly to rural households and vulnerable urban households. The direct transfer of income will partially arrest a fall in household consumption, and thereby mitigate the economic dislocation. This should be supplemented by an adjustment in taxation measures, another lever of fiscal policy. |
Many sectors such as tourism and transport are reeling under Covid-19's impact. The government needs to quickly put together a fiscal package which supports the most vulnerable sectors at this juncture. Unlike 2008 this will not be a bailout occasioned by poor business practices. Its a measure to mitigate the economic hardship of an unprecedented situation. Fiscal policy is the roost effective tool because government spending and resource transfer can have quicker impact than any other tool. Moreover it can hasten the recovery from a disruption which will later give the government a chance to pull back its deficit. |
As an Economic Times analysis showed this week, the Rs 18 lakh crore tourism industry is expecting direct job losses of 1.2 million; the hotel industry is expecting revenue losses of 1.3-1.5 billion. The restaurant industry which employs over 7 million people is expecting likely job losses of 15-20%. Aviation experts are predicting over Rs 4,000 crore in losses to private carriers and the retail business is expecting about 11 million job losses if the current crisis continues for a few months. |
This is one reason why the PM asked all Indians and bosses to see things through a humane lens when taking decisions on layoffs. The government has set up a special Covid-19 task force to examine options for a recovery. |
Yet the scale of the disruption is such that while we look at sector specific bailouts, the time has also come to seriously consider a Universal Basic Income and direct cash transfers in the months ahead. From economists like Daniel Susskind at Oxford who is calling for £1,000 per month to every UK citizen as financial relief - to senator Mitt Romney urging the US government to pay 1,000 to each American adult - the debate around UBI is now mainstream in most major economies. |
Across the world, both governments and central banks are pulling out all stops to cope with the situation. In India, RBI has already unveiled measures to stabilise the financial markets and make enough liquidity available. More such measures may be needed because India's financial sector was fragile prior to the current crisis. Therefore, the central bank's armoury must be used to make sure that financial stability is maintained. This will also lead to a reduction in lending rates across the economy. The primary tool however will have to be fiscal policy. Even as its deployed, government should use the opportunity to usher in long overdue structural reforms. That will enable tax revenues to rise, thereby bringing fiscal deficits under control. |
The economic consequences of the Covid-19 outbreak are unprecedented. Governments across the world are in uncharted waters, and we could be looking at a Great Depression-like scenario soon. The 2008 financial crisis was preceded by warning signs. But now, in less than 12 weeks after WHO was told by China about the virus, economies are in a state of seizure. An extraordinary situation calls for a proportionate response. Such a response has to be led by the government, using every available lever in the fiscal policy toolkit to mitigate the scale of disruption. |
Social distancing, the primary defence against Covid-19, has already resulted in economic disruption and attendant job losses. The most vulnerable are workers in the large informal sector. Government expenditure needs to be switched, unproductive subsidies slashed and the ubiquitous banking channel used to transfer benefits directly to rural households and vulnerable urban households. The direct transfer of income will partially arrest a fall in household consumption, and thereby mitigate the economic dislocation. This should be supplemented by an adjustment in taxation measures, another lever of fiscal policy. |
Many sectors such as tourism and transport are reeling under Covid-19's impact. The government needs to quickly put together a fiscal package which supports the most vulnerable sectors at this juncture. Unlike 2008 this will not be a bailout occasioned by poor business practices. Its a measure to mitigate the economic hardship of an unprecedented situation. Fiscal policy is the roost effective tool because government spending and resource transfer can have quicker impact than any other tool. Moreover it can hasten the recovery from a disruption which will later give the government a chance to pull back its deficit. |
As an Economic Times analysis showed this week, the Rs 18 lakh crore tourism industry is expecting direct job losses of 1.2 million; the hotel industry is expecting revenue losses of 1.3-1.5 billion. The restaurant industry which employs over 7 million people is expecting likely job losses of 15-20%. Aviation experts are predicting over Rs 4,000 crore in losses to private carriers and the retail business is expecting about 11 million job losses if the current crisis continues for a few months. |
This is one reason why the PM asked all Indians and bosses to see things through a humane lens when taking decisions on layoffs. The government has set up a special Covid-19 task force to examine options for a recovery. |
Yet the scale of the disruption is such that while we look at sector specific bailouts, the time has also come to seriously consider a Universal Basic Income and direct cash transfers in the months ahead. From economists like Daniel Susskind at Oxford who is calling for £1,000 per month to every UK citizen as financial relief - to senator Mitt Romney urging the US government to pay 1,000 to each American adult - the debate around UBI is now mainstream in most major economies. |
Across the world, both governments and central banks are pulling out all stops to cope with the situation. In India, RBI has already unveiled measures to stabilise the financial markets and make enough liquidity available. More such measures may be needed because India's financial sector was fragile prior to the current crisis. Therefore, the central bank's armoury must be used to make sure that financial stability is maintained. This will also lead to a reduction in lending rates across the economy. The primary tool however will have to be fiscal policy. Even as its deployed, government should use the opportunity to usher in long overdue structural reforms. That will enable tax revenues to rise, thereby bringing fiscal deficits under control. |
The economic consequences of the Covid-19 outbreak are unprecedented. Governments across the world are in uncharted waters, and we could be looking at a Great Depression-like scenario soon. The 2008 financial crisis was preceded by warning signs. But now, in less than 12 weeks after WHO was told by China about the virus, economies are in a state of seizure. An extraordinary situation calls for a proportionate response. Such a response has to be led by the government, using every available lever in the fiscal policy toolkit to mitigate the scale of disruption. |
Social distancing, the primary defence against Covid-19, has already resulted in economic disruption and attendant job losses. The most vulnerable are workers in the large informal sector. Government expenditure needs to be switched, unproductive subsidies slashed and the ubiquitous banking channel used to transfer benefits directly to rural households and vulnerable urban households. The direct transfer of income will partially arrest a fall in household consumption, and thereby mitigate the economic dislocation. This should be supplemented by an adjustment in taxation measures, another lever of fiscal policy. |
Many sectors such as tourism and transport are reeling under Covid-19's impact. The government needs to quickly put together a fiscal package which supports the most vulnerable sectors at this juncture. Unlike 2008 this will not be a bailout occasioned by poor business practices. Its a measure to mitigate the economic hardship of an unprecedented situation. Fiscal policy is the roost effective tool because government spending and resource transfer can have quicker impact than any other tool. Moreover it can hasten the recovery from a disruption which will later give the government a chance to pull back its deficit. |
As an Economic Times analysis showed this week, the Rs 18 lakh crore tourism industry is expecting direct job losses of 1.2 million; the hotel industry is expecting revenue losses of 1.3-1.5 billion. The restaurant industry which employs over 7 million people is expecting likely job losses of 15-20%. Aviation experts are predicting over Rs 4,000 crore in losses to private carriers and the retail business is expecting about 11 million job losses if the current crisis continues for a few months. |
This is one reason why the PM asked all Indians and bosses to see things through a humane lens when taking decisions on layoffs. The government has set up a special Covid-19 task force to examine options for a recovery. |
Yet the scale of the disruption is such that while we look at sector specific bailouts, the time has also come to seriously consider a Universal Basic Income and direct cash transfers in the months ahead. From economists like Daniel Susskind at Oxford who is calling for £1,000 per month to every UK citizen as financial relief - to senator Mitt Romney urging the US government to pay 1,000 to each American adult - the debate around UBI is now mainstream in most major economies. |
Across the world, both governments and central banks are pulling out all stops to cope with the situation. In India, RBI has already unveiled measures to stabilise the financial markets and make enough liquidity available. More such measures may be needed because India's financial sector was fragile prior to the current crisis. Therefore, the central bank's armoury must be used to make sure that financial stability is maintained. This will also lead to a reduction in lending rates across the economy. The primary tool however will have to be fiscal policy. Even as its deployed, government should use the opportunity to usher in long overdue structural reforms. That will enable tax revenues to rise, thereby bringing fiscal deficits under control. |
The NDHB is the architectural document for the implementation of the NHS. Its vision is "to create a national, digital health ecosystem that supports universal health coverage in an efficient, accessible, inclusive, affordable, timely and safe manner, through provision of a wide range of data, information, and infrastructure services, duly leveraging open, interoperable, standards-based digital systems, and ensuring the security, confidentiality and privacy of health-related personal information." |
The key features of the blueprint include a federated architecture, a set of architectural principles, a five-layered system of architectural building blocks, a unique health ID (UHID), privacy and consent management, national portability, electronic health records, applicable standards and regulations, health analytics and, above all, multiple access channels like call centres. Digital Health India portal, and the MyHealth app. A total of 23 such building blocks have been identified in the blueprint for .the NHS to become a viable reality. |
NDHB recognises the need to establish a specialised organisation, called the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) that can drive the implementation of the blueprint, and promote and facilitate the evolution of a national digital health ecosystem. |
Currently, apart from Ayushman Bharat-Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, there are many secondary and tertiary care schemes running in the states such as Swasthya Sathi in West Bengal, Aarogyasri in Telangana, Chief Minister's Comprehensive Health Insurance Scheme in Tamil Nadu. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Jan Arogya Yojana in Maharashtra, etc. |
West Bengal has opted out of Ayushman Bharat, and Telangana and Odisha have never been a part of the scheme. |
Also, there is an urgent need for integration of the two arms of Ayushman Bharat; health and wellness centres which constitute the primary care arm, and PMJAY, which is the secondary and tertiary care arm under which the target is to provide 10.74 crore families with an annual health cover of Rs 5 lakh each. Without integration, the goal of continuum of care cannot be met and that would mean PMJAY might end up becoming a perpetual drain on resources. |
Hence, the need for a common digital language for the operationalisation and inter-operability of various health schemes, which the NHS seeks to provide. |
One of the biggest concerns following the high-profile rollout of Ayushman Bharat has been regarding data security and privacy of patients. The concerns were aggravated after an Assam minister and a senior official of the National Health Authority posted patient details on Twitter. |
More than a year after the Justice Srikrishna Committee prepared a draft data privacy law, there has been little meaningful movement on it. Critics have argued that in the backdrop of the Supreme Courts privacy judgment, the data privacy law should ideally have preceded the implementation of Ayushman Bharat. |
The NDHB is the architectural document for the implementation of the NHS. Its vision is "to create a national, digital health ecosystem that supports universal health coverage in an efficient, accessible, inclusive, affordable, timely and safe manner, through provision of a wide range of data, information, and infrastructure services, duly leveraging open, interoperable, standards-based digital systems, and ensuring the security, confidentiality and privacy of health-related personal information." |
The key features of the blueprint include a federated architecture, a set of architectural principles, a five-layered system of architectural building blocks, a unique health ID (UHID), privacy and consent management, national portability, electronic health records, applicable standards and regulations, health analytics and, above all, multiple access channels like call centres. Digital Health India portal, and the MyHealth app. A total of 23 such building blocks have been identified in the blueprint for .the NHS to become a viable reality. |
NDHB recognises the need to establish a specialised organisation, called the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) that can drive the implementation of the blueprint, and promote and facilitate the evolution of a national digital health ecosystem. |
Currently, apart from Ayushman Bharat-Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, there are many secondary and tertiary care schemes running in the states such as Swasthya Sathi in West Bengal, Aarogyasri in Telangana, Chief Minister's Comprehensive Health Insurance Scheme in Tamil Nadu. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Jan Arogya Yojana in Maharashtra, etc. |
West Bengal has opted out of Ayushman Bharat, and Telangana and Odisha have never been a part of the scheme. |
Also, there is an urgent need for integration of the two arms of Ayushman Bharat; health and wellness centres which constitute the primary care arm, and PMJAY, which is the secondary and tertiary care arm under which the target is to provide 10.74 crore families with an annual health cover of Rs 5 lakh each. Without integration, the goal of continuum of care cannot be met and that would mean PMJAY might end up becoming a perpetual drain on resources. |
Hence, the need for a common digital language for the operationalisation and inter-operability of various health schemes, which the NHS seeks to provide. |
One of the biggest concerns following the high-profile rollout of Ayushman Bharat has been regarding data security and privacy of patients. The concerns were aggravated after an Assam minister and a senior official of the National Health Authority posted patient details on Twitter. |
More than a year after the Justice Srikrishna Committee prepared a draft data privacy law, there has been little meaningful movement on it. Critics have argued that in the backdrop of the Supreme Courts privacy judgment, the data privacy law should ideally have preceded the implementation of Ayushman Bharat. |
The NDHB is the architectural document for the implementation of the NHS. Its vision is "to create a national, digital health ecosystem that supports universal health coverage in an efficient, accessible, inclusive, affordable, timely and safe manner, through provision of a wide range of data, information, and infrastructure services, duly leveraging open, interoperable, standards-based digital systems, and ensuring the security, confidentiality and privacy of health-related personal information." |
The key features of the blueprint include a federated architecture, a set of architectural principles, a five-layered system of architectural building blocks, a unique health ID (UHID), privacy and consent management, national portability, electronic health records, applicable standards and regulations, health analytics and, above all, multiple access channels like call centres. Digital Health India portal, and the MyHealth app. A total of 23 such building blocks have been identified in the blueprint for .the NHS to become a viable reality. |
NDHB recognises the need to establish a specialised organisation, called the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) that can drive the implementation of the blueprint, and promote and facilitate the evolution of a national digital health ecosystem. |
Currently, apart from Ayushman Bharat-Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, there are many secondary and tertiary care schemes running in the states such as Swasthya Sathi in West Bengal, Aarogyasri in Telangana, Chief Minister's Comprehensive Health Insurance Scheme in Tamil Nadu. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Jan Arogya Yojana in Maharashtra, etc. |
West Bengal has opted out of Ayushman Bharat, and Telangana and Odisha have never been a part of the scheme. |
Also, there is an urgent need for integration of the two arms of Ayushman Bharat; health and wellness centres which constitute the primary care arm, and PMJAY, which is the secondary and tertiary care arm under which the target is to provide 10.74 crore families with an annual health cover of Rs 5 lakh each. Without integration, the goal of continuum of care cannot be met and that would mean PMJAY might end up becoming a perpetual drain on resources. |
Hence, the need for a common digital language for the operationalisation and inter-operability of various health schemes, which the NHS seeks to provide. |
One of the biggest concerns following the high-profile rollout of Ayushman Bharat has been regarding data security and privacy of patients. The concerns were aggravated after an Assam minister and a senior official of the National Health Authority posted patient details on Twitter. |
More than a year after the Justice Srikrishna Committee prepared a draft data privacy law, there has been little meaningful movement on it. Critics have argued that in the backdrop of the Supreme Courts privacy judgment, the data privacy law should ideally have preceded the implementation of Ayushman Bharat. |
The NDHB is the architectural document for the implementation of the NHS. Its vision is "to create a national, digital health ecosystem that supports universal health coverage in an efficient, accessible, inclusive, affordable, timely and safe manner, through provision of a wide range of data, information, and infrastructure services, duly leveraging open, interoperable, standards-based digital systems, and ensuring the security, confidentiality and privacy of health-related personal information." |
The key features of the blueprint include a federated architecture, a set of architectural principles, a five-layered system of architectural building blocks, a unique health ID (UHID), privacy and consent management, national portability, electronic health records, applicable standards and regulations, health analytics and, above all, multiple access channels like call centres. Digital Health India portal, and the MyHealth app. A total of 23 such building blocks have been identified in the blueprint for .the NHS to become a viable reality. |
NDHB recognises the need to establish a specialised organisation, called the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) that can drive the implementation of the blueprint, and promote and facilitate the evolution of a national digital health ecosystem. |
Currently, apart from Ayushman Bharat-Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, there are many secondary and tertiary care schemes running in the states such as Swasthya Sathi in West Bengal, Aarogyasri in Telangana, Chief Minister's Comprehensive Health Insurance Scheme in Tamil Nadu. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Jan Arogya Yojana in Maharashtra, etc. |
West Bengal has opted out of Ayushman Bharat, and Telangana and Odisha have never been a part of the scheme. |
Also, there is an urgent need for integration of the two arms of Ayushman Bharat; health and wellness centres which constitute the primary care arm, and PMJAY, which is the secondary and tertiary care arm under which the target is to provide 10.74 crore families with an annual health cover of Rs 5 lakh each. Without integration, the goal of continuum of care cannot be met and that would mean PMJAY might end up becoming a perpetual drain on resources. |
Hence, the need for a common digital language for the operationalisation and inter-operability of various health schemes, which the NHS seeks to provide. |
One of the biggest concerns following the high-profile rollout of Ayushman Bharat has been regarding data security and privacy of patients. The concerns were aggravated after an Assam minister and a senior official of the National Health Authority posted patient details on Twitter. |
More than a year after the Justice Srikrishna Committee prepared a draft data privacy law, there has been little meaningful movement on it. Critics have argued that in the backdrop of the Supreme Courts privacy judgment, the data privacy law should ideally have preceded the implementation of Ayushman Bharat. |
The NDHB is the architectural document for the implementation of the NHS. Its vision is "to create a national, digital health ecosystem that supports universal health coverage in an efficient, accessible, inclusive, affordable, timely and safe manner, through provision of a wide range of data, information, and infrastructure services, duly leveraging open, interoperable, standards-based digital systems, and ensuring the security, confidentiality and privacy of health-related personal information." |
The key features of the blueprint include a federated architecture, a set of architectural principles, a five-layered system of architectural building blocks, a unique health ID (UHID), privacy and consent management, national portability, electronic health records, applicable standards and regulations, health analytics and, above all, multiple access channels like call centres. Digital Health India portal, and the MyHealth app. A total of 23 such building blocks have been identified in the blueprint for .the NHS to become a viable reality. |
NDHB recognises the need to establish a specialised organisation, called the National Digital Health Mission (NDHM) that can drive the implementation of the blueprint, and promote and facilitate the evolution of a national digital health ecosystem. |
Currently, apart from Ayushman Bharat-Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana, there are many secondary and tertiary care schemes running in the states such as Swasthya Sathi in West Bengal, Aarogyasri in Telangana, Chief Minister's Comprehensive Health Insurance Scheme in Tamil Nadu. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Jan Arogya Yojana in Maharashtra, etc. |
West Bengal has opted out of Ayushman Bharat, and Telangana and Odisha have never been a part of the scheme. |
Also, there is an urgent need for integration of the two arms of Ayushman Bharat; health and wellness centres which constitute the primary care arm, and PMJAY, which is the secondary and tertiary care arm under which the target is to provide 10.74 crore families with an annual health cover of Rs 5 lakh each. Without integration, the goal of continuum of care cannot be met and that would mean PMJAY might end up becoming a perpetual drain on resources. |
Hence, the need for a common digital language for the operationalisation and inter-operability of various health schemes, which the NHS seeks to provide. |
One of the biggest concerns following the high-profile rollout of Ayushman Bharat has been regarding data security and privacy of patients. The concerns were aggravated after an Assam minister and a senior official of the National Health Authority posted patient details on Twitter. |
More than a year after the Justice Srikrishna Committee prepared a draft data privacy law, there has been little meaningful movement on it. Critics have argued that in the backdrop of the Supreme Courts privacy judgment, the data privacy law should ideally have preceded the implementation of Ayushman Bharat. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
The foundations of international law are firmly rooted in Western culture and political organisations. Modern international system can be traced back to 400 years. But, certain basic canons of international law can be discerned in political relationship thousands of years ago as far back as the Mesopotamian civilization. With the development of international law, the demand for justice permeated through these States. In the Middle Ages, international law was characterised by the authority organised by the church; ecclesiastical law was applied to all. There was a struggle between religious authority and the Holy Roman Empire. The development in Science changed the face of the European society and ushered in pragmatic, humanistic and individual thinking; the rise of Renaissance and collapse of Byzantine Empire in 1453 drove many scholars to seek sanctuary in Italy and rejuvenate Western Europes cultural life. The introduction of printing press during the 15th century provided means for dissemination of knowledge, which also undermined feudalism in the wake of the rampant economic growth. The decline of religion led to the rise of the State; with the rise of the modern State, the doctrine of Sovereign emerged; and this was first analysed by Jean Bodin. |
Early theorist of international law merged international law with theology and used it as the foundation of philosophy. Founders of modern international law are European scholars, albeit there is controversy regarding the same. Francisco Vitoria, Suarez, Alberico Gentili and Hugo Grotius are celebrated as pioneers of international law. Hugo Grotius, a Dutch scholar, is considered as the father of international law; his popular work De Jure Belli ac Pads (1623-24) underpins modern approach to aggression and self-defence. The 19th century was a period of intellectual ferment, marked by the growth of nationalism, which contributed to the development of international law. |
International law by this time had spread across the borders to Asia and Africa. Self-determination emerged and threatened the multinational empires of Central and Eastern Europe, The industrial revolution created an economic dichotomy of capital and labour that propelled Western influence throughout the world. |
The 20th century witnessed two devastating wars which closed the whole dynamism and optimism; European Empire ruled the world and reigned supreme. World War I led to the creation of the League of Nations, 1919, which ultimately failed due to varying reasons. The Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) was set up in 1921 which was subsequently succeeded by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The cold war haunted the second half of the 20th century; numerous treaties were signed and ratified, thus augmenting international law. Space race, nuclear threats, Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) agreement made the headlines during these tumultuous times. The oppression caused by colonialism was condemned by the international community of States; decolonisation became a recurring theme. |
The modern face international law is dominated by international organisations, which has supplemented the role performed by the States. The United Nations Organisation (UNO) was established in 1945 with the purpose of enabling world peace, the UNO has done tremendous work in the field of human rights and justice to meet the demands of modern society. Despite the .criticism that the UNO is remotely controlled by the developed countries like the US or Great Britain, it has managed to attract universal recognition. |
The foundations of international law are firmly rooted in Western culture and political organisations. Modern international system can be traced back to 400 years. But, certain basic canons of international law can be discerned in political relationship thousands of years ago as far back as the Mesopotamian civilization. With the development of international law, the demand for justice permeated through these States. In the Middle Ages, international law was characterised by the authority organised by the church; ecclesiastical law was applied to all. There was a struggle between religious authority and the Holy Roman Empire. The development in Science changed the face of the European society and ushered in pragmatic, humanistic and individual thinking; the rise of Renaissance and collapse of Byzantine Empire in 1453 drove many scholars to seek sanctuary in Italy and rejuvenate Western Europes cultural life. The introduction of printing press during the 15th century provided means for dissemination of knowledge, which also undermined feudalism in the wake of the rampant economic growth. The decline of religion led to the rise of the State; with the rise of the modern State, the doctrine of Sovereign emerged; and this was first analysed by Jean Bodin. |
Early theorist of international law merged international law with theology and used it as the foundation of philosophy. Founders of modern international law are European scholars, albeit there is controversy regarding the same. Francisco Vitoria, Suarez, Alberico Gentili and Hugo Grotius are celebrated as pioneers of international law. Hugo Grotius, a Dutch scholar, is considered as the father of international law; his popular work De Jure Belli ac Pads (1623-24) underpins modern approach to aggression and self-defence. The 19th century was a period of intellectual ferment, marked by the growth of nationalism, which contributed to the development of international law. |
International law by this time had spread across the borders to Asia and Africa. Self-determination emerged and threatened the multinational empires of Central and Eastern Europe, The industrial revolution created an economic dichotomy of capital and labour that propelled Western influence throughout the world. |
The 20th century witnessed two devastating wars which closed the whole dynamism and optimism; European Empire ruled the world and reigned supreme. World War I led to the creation of the League of Nations, 1919, which ultimately failed due to varying reasons. The Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) was set up in 1921 which was subsequently succeeded by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The cold war haunted the second half of the 20th century; numerous treaties were signed and ratified, thus augmenting international law. Space race, nuclear threats, Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) agreement made the headlines during these tumultuous times. The oppression caused by colonialism was condemned by the international community of States; decolonisation became a recurring theme. |
The modern face international law is dominated by international organisations, which has supplemented the role performed by the States. The United Nations Organisation (UNO) was established in 1945 with the purpose of enabling world peace, the UNO has done tremendous work in the field of human rights and justice to meet the demands of modern society. Despite the .criticism that the UNO is remotely controlled by the developed countries like the US or Great Britain, it has managed to attract universal recognition. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
During his address to the nation on the 73rd Independence Day, Prime Minister made a fresh pitch for holding Lok Sabha and assembly polls together, saying the concept of one nation, 'one election is imperative to make the country great. |
In 2018, the Law Commission had recommended holding simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to save public money. |
The Law Ministry, however, cautioned that "holding simultaneous elections is not possible within the existing framework of the Constitution." |
The commission says simultaneous elections were held in the country during the first two decades after Independence up to 1967. Dissolution of certain Assemblies in 1968 and 1969 followed by the dissolution of the Lok Sabha led to the "disruption of the conduct of simultaneous, elections." The panel refers to a January 2017 working paper of the NITI Aayog on simultaneous elections. |
The simultaneous elections may be restored in the nation by amending the Constitution, Representation of the People Act of 1951 and the Rules of Procedure of the Lok Sabha and Assemblies. |
It recommends that in 2019, the election could be held in phases. In the first phase, it says, elections to the legislatures which are scheduled to go for polls synchronous with the Lok Sabha in 2019 could be held together. The rest of the States could go to elections in proximity with the Lok Sabha elections of 2024. |
Citing no-confidence motion and premature dissolution of House as major roadblocks to simultaneous elections, the commission says the parties which introduce the no-confidence motion should simultaneously give a suggestion for an alternative government. |
It even suggests the relaxation of the "rigours" of the anti-defection law in the Tenth Schedule to prevent a stalemate in the Lok Sabha or Assemblies in case of a hung Parliament or Assembly. |
The panel says that in case of mid-term elections, the new Lok Sabha or Assembly would only serve the remainder of the term of the previous Lok Sabha/Assembly and not a fresh term of five years. |
The commission says the Centre should get the Constitutional amendments, if agreed upon, to be ratified by all the States so as to avoid any challenge to them. |
It also says that the Prime Minister/Chief Minister should be "elected" to lead by the full House like the Lok Sabha Speaker. |
In principle, simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies have the benefits of saving poll expenditure and helping ruling parties focus on governance instead of being constantly in election mode. |
The flip side is that it is nearly impossible to implement, as it would mean arbitrarily curtailing or extending the term of existing legislatures to bring their election dates in line with the due date for the rest of the country. This would be the most difficult change to execute, as such a measure would undermine federalism as well as representative democracy. |
The Commission has suggested an alternative: categorise States based on proximity to the next general election, and have one round of State Assembly polls with the next Lok Sabha election, and another round for the remaining States 30 months later. |
This would mean that India would have a set of elections every two and a half years. But governments have been brought down or have collapsed on their own, leading to mid-term polls in different States and even at the Centre in different years. Given the difficulties involved in shifting to simultaneous elections, we may have to live with the reality that some part of the country will go to polls every few months. |
Whatever the government proposes, it is hard to see any real upside to simultaneous elections while the downsides continue to mount. |
Given the supply chain disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, it is likely that performances under many contracts will be delayed, interrupted, or even cancelled. Counterparties (especially suppliers) to such contracts may seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or non-performance liability) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts, either because Covid-19 has legitimately prevented them from performing their contractual obligations, or because they are seeking to use it as an excuse to extricate themselves from an unfavorable deal. |
Further, companies may not be able to perform their obligations under their customer agreements because of their suppliers non-performance and may in turn seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or liability for non-performance) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts. Parties may also cite Covid-19 as a basis for renegotiation of price or other key contractual provisions (e.g. volume of materials exported from or imported into affected areas due to shifts in supply and demand). |
In this context, it is important to determine if Covid-19 will be considered as a 'force majeure' event. |
The law relating to Force Majeure (a French phrase that means a 'superior force') is embodied under Sections 32 and 56 of the Indian Contract Act, 1872. It is a contractual provision agreed upon between parties. The occurrence of a force majeure event protects a party from liability for its failure to perform a contractual obligation. Typically, force majeure events include an Act of God or natural disasters, war or war-like situations, labour unrest or strikes, epidemics, pandemics, etc. The intention of a force majeure clause is to save the performing party from consequences of something over which it has no control. Force Majeure is an exception to what would otherwise amount to a breach of contract. |
Whether a contractual obligation can be avoided on the grounds of force majeure is a factual determination based on the specific terms of the contract. The courts would examine, whether in each case, impact of Covid-19 pandemic prevented the party from performing its contractual obligation. Indian courts have generally recognised this concept and have enforced it where appropriate. |
The law in India has been laid down in the seminal decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Satyabrata Ghose vs Mugneeram Bangur & Co. (AIR 1954 SC 44). The entire jurisprudence on the subject has been well summarised by Justice R.F. Nariman of the Supreme Court in a recent decision in the case of Energy Watchdog vs CERC (2017) 14 SCC 80. |
A force majeure clause cannot be implied under Indian law. It must be expressly provided for under the contract and protection afforded will depend on the language of the clause. In the event of a dispute as to the scope of the clause, the courts are likely to apply the usual principles of contractual interpretation. |
A Covid-19 pandemic could make it more difficult for parties to perform their contractual obligations. |
There are two possible instances, which may suggest that a force majeure clause covers a pandemic: |
(a) if the contractual definition of a force majeure event expressly includes a pandemic. Inclusion of pandemic to the list of force majeure events will provide clarity as to whether Covid-19 outbreak would trigger a force majeure clause in a contract; or (b) if the force majeure clause covers extraordinary events or circumstances beyond the reasonable control of the parties. Such general, catch-all wording may be invoked if it is determined that the factual circumstances caused by the pandemic are beyond reasonable control of the affected party. |
Given the supply chain disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, it is likely that performances under many contracts will be delayed, interrupted, or even cancelled. Counterparties (especially suppliers) to such contracts may seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or non-performance liability) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts, either because Covid-19 has legitimately prevented them from performing their contractual obligations, or because they are seeking to use it as an excuse to extricate themselves from an unfavorable deal. |
Further, companies may not be able to perform their obligations under their customer agreements because of their suppliers non-performance and may in turn seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or liability for non-performance) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts. Parties may also cite Covid-19 as a basis for renegotiation of price or other key contractual provisions (e.g. volume of materials exported from or imported into affected areas due to shifts in supply and demand). |
In this context, it is important to determine if Covid-19 will be considered as a 'force majeure' event. |
The law relating to Force Majeure (a French phrase that means a 'superior force') is embodied under Sections 32 and 56 of the Indian Contract Act, 1872. It is a contractual provision agreed upon between parties. The occurrence of a force majeure event protects a party from liability for its failure to perform a contractual obligation. Typically, force majeure events include an Act of God or natural disasters, war or war-like situations, labour unrest or strikes, epidemics, pandemics, etc. The intention of a force majeure clause is to save the performing party from consequences of something over which it has no control. Force Majeure is an exception to what would otherwise amount to a breach of contract. |
Whether a contractual obligation can be avoided on the grounds of force majeure is a factual determination based on the specific terms of the contract. The courts would examine, whether in each case, impact of Covid-19 pandemic prevented the party from performing its contractual obligation. Indian courts have generally recognised this concept and have enforced it where appropriate. |
The law in India has been laid down in the seminal decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Satyabrata Ghose vs Mugneeram Bangur & Co. (AIR 1954 SC 44). The entire jurisprudence on the subject has been well summarised by Justice R.F. Nariman of the Supreme Court in a recent decision in the case of Energy Watchdog vs CERC (2017) 14 SCC 80. |
A force majeure clause cannot be implied under Indian law. It must be expressly provided for under the contract and protection afforded will depend on the language of the clause. In the event of a dispute as to the scope of the clause, the courts are likely to apply the usual principles of contractual interpretation. |
A Covid-19 pandemic could make it more difficult for parties to perform their contractual obligations. |
There are two possible instances, which may suggest that a force majeure clause covers a pandemic: |
(a) if the contractual definition of a force majeure event expressly includes a pandemic. Inclusion of pandemic to the list of force majeure events will provide clarity as to whether Covid-19 outbreak would trigger a force majeure clause in a contract; or (b) if the force majeure clause covers extraordinary events or circumstances beyond the reasonable control of the parties. Such general, catch-all wording may be invoked if it is determined that the factual circumstances caused by the pandemic are beyond reasonable control of the affected party. |
Given the supply chain disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, it is likely that performances under many contracts will be delayed, interrupted, or even cancelled. Counterparties (especially suppliers) to such contracts may seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or non-performance liability) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts, either because Covid-19 has legitimately prevented them from performing their contractual obligations, or because they are seeking to use it as an excuse to extricate themselves from an unfavorable deal. |
Further, companies may not be able to perform their obligations under their customer agreements because of their suppliers non-performance and may in turn seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or liability for non-performance) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts. Parties may also cite Covid-19 as a basis for renegotiation of price or other key contractual provisions (e.g. volume of materials exported from or imported into affected areas due to shifts in supply and demand). |
In this context, it is important to determine if Covid-19 will be considered as a 'force majeure' event. |
The law relating to Force Majeure (a French phrase that means a 'superior force') is embodied under Sections 32 and 56 of the Indian Contract Act, 1872. It is a contractual provision agreed upon between parties. The occurrence of a force majeure event protects a party from liability for its failure to perform a contractual obligation. Typically, force majeure events include an Act of God or natural disasters, war or war-like situations, labour unrest or strikes, epidemics, pandemics, etc. The intention of a force majeure clause is to save the performing party from consequences of something over which it has no control. Force Majeure is an exception to what would otherwise amount to a breach of contract. |
Whether a contractual obligation can be avoided on the grounds of force majeure is a factual determination based on the specific terms of the contract. The courts would examine, whether in each case, impact of Covid-19 pandemic prevented the party from performing its contractual obligation. Indian courts have generally recognised this concept and have enforced it where appropriate. |
The law in India has been laid down in the seminal decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Satyabrata Ghose vs Mugneeram Bangur & Co. (AIR 1954 SC 44). The entire jurisprudence on the subject has been well summarised by Justice R.F. Nariman of the Supreme Court in a recent decision in the case of Energy Watchdog vs CERC (2017) 14 SCC 80. |
A force majeure clause cannot be implied under Indian law. It must be expressly provided for under the contract and protection afforded will depend on the language of the clause. In the event of a dispute as to the scope of the clause, the courts are likely to apply the usual principles of contractual interpretation. |
A Covid-19 pandemic could make it more difficult for parties to perform their contractual obligations. |
There are two possible instances, which may suggest that a force majeure clause covers a pandemic: |
(a) if the contractual definition of a force majeure event expressly includes a pandemic. Inclusion of pandemic to the list of force majeure events will provide clarity as to whether Covid-19 outbreak would trigger a force majeure clause in a contract; or (b) if the force majeure clause covers extraordinary events or circumstances beyond the reasonable control of the parties. Such general, catch-all wording may be invoked if it is determined that the factual circumstances caused by the pandemic are beyond reasonable control of the affected party. |
Given the supply chain disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, it is likely that performances under many contracts will be delayed, interrupted, or even cancelled. Counterparties (especially suppliers) to such contracts may seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or non-performance liability) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts, either because Covid-19 has legitimately prevented them from performing their contractual obligations, or because they are seeking to use it as an excuse to extricate themselves from an unfavorable deal. |
Further, companies may not be able to perform their obligations under their customer agreements because of their suppliers non-performance and may in turn seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or liability for non-performance) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts. Parties may also cite Covid-19 as a basis for renegotiation of price or other key contractual provisions (e.g. volume of materials exported from or imported into affected areas due to shifts in supply and demand). |
In this context, it is important to determine if Covid-19 will be considered as a 'force majeure' event. |
The law relating to Force Majeure (a French phrase that means a 'superior force') is embodied under Sections 32 and 56 of the Indian Contract Act, 1872. It is a contractual provision agreed upon between parties. The occurrence of a force majeure event protects a party from liability for its failure to perform a contractual obligation. Typically, force majeure events include an Act of God or natural disasters, war or war-like situations, labour unrest or strikes, epidemics, pandemics, etc. The intention of a force majeure clause is to save the performing party from consequences of something over which it has no control. Force Majeure is an exception to what would otherwise amount to a breach of contract. |
Whether a contractual obligation can be avoided on the grounds of force majeure is a factual determination based on the specific terms of the contract. The courts would examine, whether in each case, impact of Covid-19 pandemic prevented the party from performing its contractual obligation. Indian courts have generally recognised this concept and have enforced it where appropriate. |
The law in India has been laid down in the seminal decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Satyabrata Ghose vs Mugneeram Bangur & Co. (AIR 1954 SC 44). The entire jurisprudence on the subject has been well summarised by Justice R.F. Nariman of the Supreme Court in a recent decision in the case of Energy Watchdog vs CERC (2017) 14 SCC 80. |
A force majeure clause cannot be implied under Indian law. It must be expressly provided for under the contract and protection afforded will depend on the language of the clause. In the event of a dispute as to the scope of the clause, the courts are likely to apply the usual principles of contractual interpretation. |
A Covid-19 pandemic could make it more difficult for parties to perform their contractual obligations. |
There are two possible instances, which may suggest that a force majeure clause covers a pandemic: |
(a) if the contractual definition of a force majeure event expressly includes a pandemic. Inclusion of pandemic to the list of force majeure events will provide clarity as to whether Covid-19 outbreak would trigger a force majeure clause in a contract; or (b) if the force majeure clause covers extraordinary events or circumstances beyond the reasonable control of the parties. Such general, catch-all wording may be invoked if it is determined that the factual circumstances caused by the pandemic are beyond reasonable control of the affected party. |
Given the supply chain disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, it is likely that performances under many contracts will be delayed, interrupted, or even cancelled. Counterparties (especially suppliers) to such contracts may seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or non-performance liability) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts, either because Covid-19 has legitimately prevented them from performing their contractual obligations, or because they are seeking to use it as an excuse to extricate themselves from an unfavorable deal. |
Further, companies may not be able to perform their obligations under their customer agreements because of their suppliers non-performance and may in turn seek to delay and/or avoid performance (or liability for non-performance) of their contractual obligations and/or terminate contracts. Parties may also cite Covid-19 as a basis for renegotiation of price or other key contractual provisions (e.g. volume of materials exported from or imported into affected areas due to shifts in supply and demand). |
In this context, it is important to determine if Covid-19 will be considered as a 'force majeure' event. |
The law relating to Force Majeure (a French phrase that means a 'superior force') is embodied under Sections 32 and 56 of the Indian Contract Act, 1872. It is a contractual provision agreed upon between parties. The occurrence of a force majeure event protects a party from liability for its failure to perform a contractual obligation. Typically, force majeure events include an Act of God or natural disasters, war or war-like situations, labour unrest or strikes, epidemics, pandemics, etc. The intention of a force majeure clause is to save the performing party from consequences of something over which it has no control. Force Majeure is an exception to what would otherwise amount to a breach of contract. |
Whether a contractual obligation can be avoided on the grounds of force majeure is a factual determination based on the specific terms of the contract. The courts would examine, whether in each case, impact of Covid-19 pandemic prevented the party from performing its contractual obligation. Indian courts have generally recognised this concept and have enforced it where appropriate. |
The law in India has been laid down in the seminal decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Satyabrata Ghose vs Mugneeram Bangur & Co. (AIR 1954 SC 44). The entire jurisprudence on the subject has been well summarised by Justice R.F. Nariman of the Supreme Court in a recent decision in the case of Energy Watchdog vs CERC (2017) 14 SCC 80. |
A force majeure clause cannot be implied under Indian law. It must be expressly provided for under the contract and protection afforded will depend on the language of the clause. In the event of a dispute as to the scope of the clause, the courts are likely to apply the usual principles of contractual interpretation. |
A Covid-19 pandemic could make it more difficult for parties to perform their contractual obligations. |
There are two possible instances, which may suggest that a force majeure clause covers a pandemic: |
(a) if the contractual definition of a force majeure event expressly includes a pandemic. Inclusion of pandemic to the list of force majeure events will provide clarity as to whether Covid-19 outbreak would trigger a force majeure clause in a contract; or (b) if the force majeure clause covers extraordinary events or circumstances beyond the reasonable control of the parties. Such general, catch-all wording may be invoked if it is determined that the factual circumstances caused by the pandemic are beyond reasonable control of the affected party. |
The Supreme Court today asked states to consider release of under-trials and prisoners charged or convicted for crimes where maximum punishment is less than seven years to decongest jails amid the coronavirus pandemic. |
"The State/Union Territory could consider the release of prisoners who have been convicted or are undertrial for offences for which prescribed punishment is up to seven years or less, with or without fine, and the prisoner has been convicted for a lesser number of years than the maximum", said the top courts order. |
It asked each state to set up a committee to take steps for reducing overcrowding in jail. The panel will comprise the principal secretary, director general of prisons and the state legal services, committee chairman. |
They will work on crowd management inside prisons, coordination within prisons and to shift inmates from overcrowded jails to the less-crowded ones. |
"It is made clear that we leave it open for the high powered committee to determine the category of prisoners who should be released as aforesaid, depending upon the nature of offence, the number of years to which he or she has been sentenced or the severity of the offence with which he/she is charged with and is facing trial or any other relevant factor, which the committee may consider appropriate", the Supreme Court order said. |
The court also directed the states to ensure: |
· Prisons must ensure maximum possible distancing among the prisoners including undertrials. |
· Physical presence of all the undertrial prisoners before the courts must be stopped forthwith and recourse to video-conferencing must be taken for all purposes. |
· Transfer of prisoners from one prison to another for routine reasons must not be resorted except for decongestion to ensure social distancing and medical assistance to an ill prisoner. |
· There should not be any delay in shifting a sick person to a nodal medical institution in case of any possibility of infection is seen. |
The Chief Justice of India-led bench directed prison-specific readiness and response plans to be developed in consultation with medical experts. The order came in a suo motu hearing taken up by the court to assess the situation in prisons after the pandemic broke out. The case will come up for hearing after three weeks. |
The Supreme Court today asked states to consider release of under-trials and prisoners charged or convicted for crimes where maximum punishment is less than seven years to decongest jails amid the coronavirus pandemic. |
The State/Union Territory could consider the release of prisoners who have been convicted or are undertrial for offences for which prescribed punishment is up to seven years or less, with or without fine, and the prisoner has been convicted for a lesser number of years than the maximum, said the top courts order. |
It asked each state to set up a committee to take steps for reducing overcrowding in jail. The panel will comprise the principal secretary, director general of prisons and the state legal services, committee chairman. |
They will work on crowd management inside prisons, coordination within prisons and to shift inmates from overcrowded jails to the less-crowded ones. |
It is made clear that we leave it open for the high powered committee to determine the category of prisoners who should be released as aforesaid, depending upon the nature of offence, the number of years to which he or she has been sentenced or the severity of the offence with which he/she is charged with and is facing trial or any other relevant factor, which the committee may consider appropriate, the Supreme Court order said. |
The court also directed the states to ensure: |
· Prisons must ensure maximum possible distancing among the prisoners including undertrials. |
· Physical presence of all the undertrial prisoners before the courts must be stopped forthwith and recourse to video-conferencing must be taken for all purposes. |
· Transfer of prisoners from one prison to another for routine reasons must not be resorted except for decongestion to ensure social distancing and medical assistance to an ill prisoner. |
· There should not be any delay in shifting a sick person to a nodal medical institution in case of any possibility of infection is seen. |
The Chief Justice of India-led bench directed prison-specific readiness and response plans to be developed in consultation with medical experts. The order came in a suo motu hearing taken up by the court to assess the situation in prisons after the pandemic broke out. The case will come up for hearing after three weeks. |
The Supreme Court today asked states to consider release of under-trials and prisoners charged or convicted for crimes where maximum punishment is less than seven years to decongest jails amid the coronavirus pandemic. |
The State/Union Territory could consider the release of prisoners who have been convicted or are undertrial for offences for which prescribed punishment is up to seven years or less, with or without fine, and the prisoner has been convicted for a lesser number of years than the maximum, said the top courts order. |
It asked each state to set up a committee to take steps for reducing overcrowding in jail. The panel will comprise the principal secretary, director general of prisons and the state legal services, committee chairman. |
They will work on crowd management inside prisons, coordination within prisons and to shift inmates from overcrowded jails to the less-crowded ones. |
It is made clear that we leave it open for the high powered committee to determine the category of prisoners who should be released as aforesaid, depending upon the nature of offence, the number of years to which he or she has been sentenced or the severity of the offence with which he/she is charged with and is facing trial or any other relevant factor, which the committee may consider appropriate, the Supreme Court order said. |
The court also directed the states to ensure: |
· Prisons must ensure maximum possible distancing among the prisoners including undertrials. |
· Physical presence of all the undertrial prisoners before the courts must be stopped forthwith and recourse to video-conferencing must be taken for all purposes. |
· Transfer of prisoners from one prison to another for routine reasons must not be resorted except for decongestion to ensure social distancing and medical assistance to an ill prisoner. |
· There should not be any delay in shifting a sick person to a nodal medical institution in case of any possibility of infection is seen. |
The Chief Justice of India-led bench directed prison-specific readiness and response plans to be developed in consultation with medical experts. The order came in a suo motu hearing taken up by the court to assess the situation in prisons after the pandemic broke out. The case will come up for hearing after three weeks. |
The Supreme Court today asked states to consider release of under-trials and prisoners charged or convicted for crimes where maximum punishment is less than seven years to decongest jails amid the coronavirus pandemic. |
The State/Union Territory could consider the release of prisoners who have been convicted or are undertrial for offences for which prescribed punishment is up to seven years or less, with or without fine, and the prisoner has been convicted for a lesser number of years than the maximum, said the top courts order. |
It asked each state to set up a committee to take steps for reducing overcrowding in jail. The panel will comprise the principal secretary, director general of prisons and the state legal services, committee chairman. |
They will work on crowd management inside prisons, coordination within prisons and to shift inmates from overcrowded jails to the less-crowded ones. |
It is made clear that we leave it open for the high powered committee to determine the category of prisoners who should be released as aforesaid, depending upon the nature of offence, the number of years to which he or she has been sentenced or the severity of the offence with which he/she is charged with and is facing trial or any other relevant factor, which the committee may consider appropriate, the Supreme Court order said. |
The court also directed the states to ensure: |
· Prisons must ensure maximum possible distancing among the prisoners including undertrials. |
· Physical presence of all the undertrial prisoners before the courts must be stopped forthwith and recourse to video-conferencing must be taken for all purposes. |
· Transfer of prisoners from one prison to another for routine reasons must not be resorted except for decongestion to ensure social distancing and medical assistance to an ill prisoner. |
· There should not be any delay in shifting a sick person to a nodal medical institution in case of any possibility of infection is seen. |
The Chief Justice of India-led bench directed prison-specific readiness and response plans to be developed in consultation with medical experts. The order came in a suo motu hearing taken up by the court to assess the situation in prisons after the pandemic broke out. The case will come up for hearing after three weeks. |
The Supreme Court today asked states to consider release of under-trials and prisoners charged or convicted for crimes where maximum punishment is less than seven years to decongest jails amid the coronavirus pandemic. |
The State/Union Territory could consider the release of prisoners who have been convicted or are undertrial for offences for which prescribed punishment is up to seven years or less, with or without fine, and the prisoner has been convicted for a lesser number of years than the maximum, said the top courts order. |
It asked each state to set up a committee to take steps for reducing overcrowding in jail. The panel will comprise the principal secretary, director general of prisons and the state legal services, committee chairman. |
They will work on crowd management inside prisons, coordination within prisons and to shift inmates from overcrowded jails to the less-crowded ones. |
It is made clear that we leave it open for the high powered committee to determine the category of prisoners who should be released as aforesaid, depending upon the nature of offence, the number of years to which he or she has been sentenced or the severity of the offence with which he/she is charged with and is facing trial or any other relevant factor, which the committee may consider appropriate, the Supreme Court order said. |
The court also directed the states to ensure: |
· Prisons must ensure maximum possible distancing among the prisoners including undertrials. |
· Physical presence of all the undertrial prisoners before the courts must be stopped forthwith and recourse to video-conferencing must be taken for all purposes. |
· Transfer of prisoners from one prison to another for routine reasons must not be resorted except for decongestion to ensure social distancing and medical assistance to an ill prisoner. |
· There should not be any delay in shifting a sick person to a nodal medical institution in case of any possibility of infection is seen. |
The Chief Justice of India-led bench directed prison-specific readiness and response plans to be developed in consultation with medical experts. The order came in a suo motu hearing taken up by the court to assess the situation in prisons after the pandemic broke out. The case will come up for hearing after three weeks. |
In view of the widespread interest manifested in the population control propaganda by professional and lay persons, it is imperative to present a brief yet laconic review of the policy. The rudimentary contestation of the policy's effect on poverty appears shallow and luddite. |
The Shiv Sena's Rajya Sabha MP Anil Desal has recently moved a private member bill in the upper house proposing to introduce Article 47A into Part IV of the Constitution of India to incentivize people who keep their family limited to two children and seeks to withdraw every concession from people who fall to adhere to the small family norm with a aim of population control. It states - "47A. The State shall promote small family norms by offering incentives in taxes, employment, education etc. to its people who keep their family limited to two children and shall withdraw every concession from and deprive such incentives to those not adhering to small family norm, to keep the growing population under control." |
The MP has given the following rationale - "Population explosion will cause many problems for our future generations... Natural resources like air, water, land woods etc. are subjected to over exploitation because of over population. Today, there is a greater need to keep a strong check on the increase of our population." |
Perhaps, the-ill-considered logic resonates the philosophy governing the juridical decision of setting two-child norm for contesting local body elections espoused by the states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Haryana. However, it is less probable that India is going to enact such a policy at the national level as it is a signatory to the International Conference on population and Development declaration. Signed by India in 1994, the declaration advocates free speech and honors the reproductive rights of couples to decide freely and responsibly the number and spacing of children. Moreover, adding it as Directive Principle won't be much effective as DPSPs are non-justiciable. |
In wake of this, no assessment would be complete without a reference to China's infamous 'one-child policy', which was introduced in 1979 by the Chinese Government. It thrived on the basic understanding of population containment as essential to lifting China out of severe poverty caused by decades of economic mismanagement. This policy led to a large fall in the total fertility rate from an estimated 5.9 births per woman in 1970, to 2.9 births per woman by 1979. Despite this downward trajectory in fertility, fears of overpopulation persisted, and so the one-child policy was introduced. As one of the most controversial policies in history, debate has raged over the positive and negative effects of the one-child policy. The authorities claim that 400 million births have been prevented, which contributed to increasing per capita GDP. But this assertion is contested by claims that the higher number of prevented births includes the effects of the later-longer-fewer policy. Later-Longer-Fewer policy (1973-1979), also known as wan-xi-shao policy, emphasized delayed marriage, long intervals between births and fewer births overall. In addition, many scholars in fact, believe that rapid economic development alone would have reduced fertility substantially, as has been the case in many other developing countries, such as Thailand where the total fertility rate decreased from 5 6 in 1970, to 2 1 in 1990. This possibility, together with the very rapid fall in fertility during the later-longer-fewer policy raised the obvious question of whether the one-child policy was ever necessary at all. Though, China rid itself of its one-child policy in 2015, and allowed couples to have two children as concerns are growing over an aging population and a dropping birth, rate. Similarly, whether the 2 child-policy in our country in the absence of policy similar to later-longer-fewer would be able to bring any positive result or riot is still not clear. |
In view of the widespread interest manifested in the population control propaganda by professional and lay persons, it is imperative to present a brief yet laconic review of the policy. The rudimentary contestation of the policy's effect on poverty appears shallow and luddite. |
The Shiv Sena's Rajya Sabha MP Anil Desal has recently moved a private member bill in the upper house proposing to introduce Article 47A into Part IV of the Constitution of India to incentivize people who keep their family limited to two children and seeks to withdraw every concession from people who fall to adhere to the small family norm with a aim of population control. It states - "47A. The State shall promote small family norms by offering incentives in taxes, employment, education etc. to its people who keep their family limited to two children and shall withdraw every concession from and deprive such incentives to those not adhering to small family norm, to keep the growing population under control." |
The MP has given the following rationale - "Population explosion will cause many problems for our future generations... Natural resources like air, water, land woods etc. are subjected to over exploitation because of over population. Today, there is a greater need to keep a strong check on the increase of our population." |
Perhaps, the-ill-considered logic resonates the philosophy governing the juridical decision of setting two-child norm for contesting local body elections espoused by the states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Haryana. However, it is less probable that India is going to enact such a policy at the national level as it is a signatory to the International Conference on population and Development declaration. Signed by India in 1994, the declaration advocates free speech and honors the reproductive rights of couples to decide freely and responsibly the number and spacing of children. Moreover, adding it as Directive Principle won't be much effective as DPSPs are non-justiciable. |
In wake of this, no assessment would be complete without a reference to China's infamous 'one-child policy', which was introduced in 1979 by the Chinese Government. It thrived on the basic understanding of population containment as essential to lifting China out of severe poverty caused by decades of economic mismanagement. This policy led to a large fall in the total fertility rate from an estimated 5.9 births per woman in 1970, to 2.9 births per woman by 1979. Despite this downward trajectory in fertility, fears of overpopulation persisted, and so the one-child policy was introduced. As one of the most controversial policies in history, debate has raged over the positive and negative effects of the one-child policy. The authorities claim that 400 million births have been prevented, which contributed to increasing per capita GDP. But this assertion is contested by claims that the higher number of prevented births includes the effects of the later-longer-fewer policy. Later-Longer-Fewer policy (1973-1979), also known as wan-xi-shao policy, emphasized delayed marriage, long intervals between births and fewer births overall. In addition, many scholars in fact, believe that rapid economic development alone would have reduced fertility substantially, as has been the case in many other developing countries, such as Thailand where the total fertility rate decreased from 5 6 in 1970, to 2 1 in 1990. This possibility, together with the very rapid fall in fertility during the later-longer-fewer policy raised the obvious question of whether the one-child policy was ever necessary at all. Though, China rid itself of its one-child policy in 2015, and allowed couples to have two children as concerns are growing over an aging population and a dropping birth, rate. Similarly, whether the 2 child-policy in our country in the absence of policy similar to later-longer-fewer would be able to bring any positive result or riot is still not clear. |
In view of the widespread interest manifested in the population control propaganda by professional and lay persons, it is imperative to present a brief yet laconic review of the policy. The rudimentary contestation of the policy's effect on poverty appears shallow and luddite. |
The Shiv Sena's Rajya Sabha MP Anil Desal has recently moved a private member bill in the upper house proposing to introduce Article 47A into Part IV of the Constitution of India to incentivize people who keep their family limited to two children and seeks to withdraw every concession from people who fall to adhere to the small family norm with a aim of population control. It states - "47A. The State shall promote small family norms by offering incentives in taxes, employment, education etc. to its people who keep their family limited to two children and shall withdraw every concession from and deprive such incentives to those not adhering to small family norm, to keep the growing population under control." |
The MP has given the following rationale - "Population explosion will cause many problems for our future generations... Natural resources like air, water, land woods etc. are subjected to over exploitation because of over population. Today, there is a greater need to keep a strong check on the increase of our population." |
Perhaps, the-ill-considered logic resonates the philosophy governing the juridical decision of setting two-child norm for contesting local body elections espoused by the states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Haryana. However, it is less probable that India is going to enact such a policy at the national level as it is a signatory to the International Conference on population and Development declaration. Signed by India in 1994, the declaration advocates free speech and honors the reproductive rights of couples to decide freely and responsibly the number and spacing of children. Moreover, adding it as Directive Principle won't be much effective as DPSPs are non-justiciable. |
In wake of this, no assessment would be complete without a reference to China's infamous 'one-child policy', which was introduced in 1979 by the Chinese Government. It thrived on the basic understanding of population containment as essential to lifting China out of severe poverty caused by decades of economic mismanagement. This policy led to a large fall in the total fertility rate from an estimated 5.9 births per woman in 1970, to 2.9 births per woman by 1979. Despite this downward trajectory in fertility, fears of overpopulation persisted, and so the one-child policy was introduced. As one of the most controversial policies in history, debate has raged over the positive and negative effects of the one-child policy. The authorities claim that 400 million births have been prevented, which contributed to increasing per capita GDP. But this assertion is contested by claims that the higher number of prevented births includes the effects of the later-longer-fewer policy. Later-Longer-Fewer policy (1973-1979), also known as wan-xi-shao policy, emphasized delayed marriage, long intervals between births and fewer births overall. In addition, many scholars in fact, believe that rapid economic development alone would have reduced fertility substantially, as has been the case in many other developing countries, such as Thailand where the total fertility rate decreased from 5 6 in 1970, to 2 1 in 1990. This possibility, together with the very rapid fall in fertility during the later-longer-fewer policy raised the obvious question of whether the one-child policy was ever necessary at all. Though, China rid itself of its one-child policy in 2015, and allowed couples to have two children as concerns are growing over an aging population and a dropping birth, rate. Similarly, whether the 2 child-policy in our country in the absence of policy similar to later-longer-fewer would be able to bring any positive result or riot is still not clear. |
In view of the widespread interest manifested in the population control propaganda by professional and lay persons, it is imperative to present a brief yet laconic review of the policy. The rudimentary contestation of the policy's effect on poverty appears shallow and luddite. |
The Shiv Sena's Rajya Sabha MP Anil Desal has recently moved a private member bill in the upper house proposing to introduce Article 47A into Part IV of the Constitution of India to incentivize people who keep their family limited to two children and seeks to withdraw every concession from people who fall to adhere to the small family norm with a aim of population control. It states - "47A. The State shall promote small family norms by offering incentives in taxes, employment, education etc. to its people who keep their family limited to two children and shall withdraw every concession from and deprive such incentives to those not adhering to small family norm, to keep the growing population under control." |
The MP has given the following rationale - "Population explosion will cause many problems for our future generations... Natural resources like air, water, land woods etc. are subjected to over exploitation because of over population. Today, there is a greater need to keep a strong check on the increase of our population." |
Perhaps, the-ill-considered logic resonates the philosophy governing the juridical decision of setting two-child norm for contesting local body elections espoused by the states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Haryana. However, it is less probable that India is going to enact such a policy at the national level as it is a signatory to the International Conference on population and Development declaration. Signed by India in 1994, the declaration advocates free speech and honors the reproductive rights of couples to decide freely and responsibly the number and spacing of children. Moreover, adding it as Directive Principle won't be much effective as DPSPs are non-justiciable. |
In wake of this, no assessment would be complete without a reference to China's infamous 'one-child policy', which was introduced in 1979 by the Chinese Government. It thrived on the basic understanding of population containment as essential to lifting China out of severe poverty caused by decades of economic mismanagement. This policy led to a large fall in the total fertility rate from an estimated 5.9 births per woman in 1970, to 2.9 births per woman by 1979. Despite this downward trajectory in fertility, fears of overpopulation persisted, and so the one-child policy was introduced. As one of the most controversial policies in history, debate has raged over the positive and negative effects of the one-child policy. The authorities claim that 400 million births have been prevented, which contributed to increasing per capita GDP. But this assertion is contested by claims that the higher number of prevented births includes the effects of the later-longer-fewer policy. Later-Longer-Fewer policy (1973-1979), also known as wan-xi-shao policy, emphasized delayed marriage, long intervals between births and fewer births overall. In addition, many scholars in fact, believe that rapid economic development alone would have reduced fertility substantially, as has been the case in many other developing countries, such as Thailand where the total fertility rate decreased from 5 6 in 1970, to 2 1 in 1990. This possibility, together with the very rapid fall in fertility during the later-longer-fewer policy raised the obvious question of whether the one-child policy was ever necessary at all. Though, China rid itself of its one-child policy in 2015, and allowed couples to have two children as concerns are growing over an aging population and a dropping birth, rate. Similarly, whether the 2 child-policy in our country in the absence of policy similar to later-longer-fewer would be able to bring any positive result or riot is still not clear. |
In view of the widespread interest manifested in the population control propaganda by professional and lay persons, it is imperative to present a brief yet laconic review of the policy. The rudimentary contestation of the policy's effect on poverty appears shallow and luddite. |
The Shiv Sena's Rajya Sabha MP Anil Desal has recently moved a private member bill in the upper house proposing to introduce Article 47A into Part IV of the Constitution of India to incentivize people who keep their family limited to two children and seeks to withdraw every concession from people who fall to adhere to the small family norm with a aim of population control. It states - "47A. The State shall promote small family norms by offering incentives in taxes, employment, education etc. to its people who keep their family limited to two children and shall withdraw every concession from and deprive such incentives to those not adhering to small family norm, to keep the growing population under control." |
The MP has given the following rationale - "Population explosion will cause many problems for our future generations... Natural resources like air, water, land woods etc. are subjected to over exploitation because of over population. Today, there is a greater need to keep a strong check on the increase of our population." |
Perhaps, the-ill-considered logic resonates the philosophy governing the juridical decision of setting two-child norm for contesting local body elections espoused by the states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Haryana. However, it is less probable that India is going to enact such a policy at the national level as it is a signatory to the International Conference on population and Development declaration. Signed by India in 1994, the declaration advocates free speech and honors the reproductive rights of couples to decide freely and responsibly the number and spacing of children. Moreover, adding it as Directive Principle won't be much effective as DPSPs are non-justiciable. |
In wake of this, no assessment would be complete without a reference to China's infamous 'one-child policy', which was introduced in 1979 by the Chinese Government. It thrived on the basic understanding of population containment as essential to lifting China out of severe poverty caused by decades of economic mismanagement. This policy led to a large fall in the total fertility rate from an estimated 5.9 births per woman in 1970, to 2.9 births per woman by 1979. Despite this downward trajectory in fertility, fears of overpopulation persisted, and so the one-child policy was introduced. As one of the most controversial policies in history, debate has raged over the positive and negative effects of the one-child policy. The authorities claim that 400 million births have been prevented, which contributed to increasing per capita GDP. But this assertion is contested by claims that the higher number of prevented births includes the effects of the later-longer-fewer policy. Later-Longer-Fewer policy (1973-1979), also known as wan-xi-shao policy, emphasized delayed marriage, long intervals between births and fewer births overall. In addition, many scholars in fact, believe that rapid economic development alone would have reduced fertility substantially, as has been the case in many other developing countries, such as Thailand where the total fertility rate decreased from 5 6 in 1970, to 2 1 in 1990. This possibility, together with the very rapid fall in fertility during the later-longer-fewer policy raised the obvious question of whether the one-child policy was ever necessary at all. Though, China rid itself of its one-child policy in 2015, and allowed couples to have two children as concerns are growing over an aging population and a dropping birth, rate. Similarly, whether the 2 child-policy in our country in the absence of policy similar to later-longer-fewer would be able to bring any positive result or riot is still not clear. |
The "fearless one", as she was memorialised in death, was just another young woman in Delhi, out with a friend in the dying days of the year, to watch a film, and then take a bus back home. For the family to whom she did not return that night, for whom December 16, 2012 brought unspeakable pain and injustice, for whom there is little reparation possible for the loss of a daughter, there is, perhaps, finally closure. More than seven years after the mortal sexual assault on the 23-year-old paramedic, four of the six men convicted for the horrific crime were hanged to death on Friday morning - after a legal process that saw them appealing against the verdict of capital punishment in the lower court. High Court, and Supreme Court. The parents of the young woman, especially her mother, have not flinched in seeking justice. Remarkably, in a society steeped in notions of patriarchal shame and honour, they pitched themselves in the public eye, in all their anger and anguish, and refused to let their daughter remain another unnamed rape victim. For them, the judicial execution of the convicted men offers a reprieve from a long nightmare. |
For the rest, however, the answers are not as simple. Many political leaders have proclaimed that "justice has finally been done". But the moral and ethical argument against capital punishment remains undimmed. Its tendency to be wielded disproportionately against the poorest and most marginalised and the lack of evidence that it acts as a deterrent against sexual crime blunt this easy, complacent idea of justice. The impatience that greeted the appeals of the convicted, as they exhausted all their legal options against their death sentence, from the public as well as the political class, reflects a longing for "quick", populist justice that imperils the checks and balances in the legal system. |
The gang rape and murder of the 23-year-old was a denning moment for Indian women and their survival in a deeply patriarchal society. For the thousands of women who turned up on Delhis streets on those December days to protest against the crime, it was as if they were marking their rage at a personal violation, at a long-silenced history of being reduced to shadowy citizens, policed at home and violently silenced in public. That roar of outrage was loud enough to force a government to pay heed. It also led to an examination of the many insidious ways in which patriarchy stains social life, from the language that routinely demonises womens desires to the pernicious ways personal relationships hold them in check. It led to the setting up of the Justice Verma Committee, whose recommendations - from a repeal of AFSPA to the criminalisation of marital rape to advising against the death penalty for sexual crime - exhorted the nation to choose systemic change over vengeful laws. That road, if taken, could have led to a much-needed confrontation with hard questions which have been evaded in the spectacle of the execution. A cursory glance at data or headlines in these last seven years will reveal, India is nowhere close to preventing sexual crime against women, nor understanding what toxic breakdowns in society create men willing to violate, maim and rape. |
The "fearless one", as she was memorialised in death, was just another young woman in Delhi, out with a friend in the dying days of the year, to watch a film, and then take a bus back home. For the family to whom she did not return that night, for whom December 16, 2012 brought unspeakable pain and injustice, for whom there is little reparation possible for the loss of a daughter, there is, perhaps, finally closure. More than seven years after the mortal sexual assault on the 23-year-old paramedic, four of the six men convicted for the horrific crime were hanged to death on Friday morning - after a legal process that saw them appealing against the verdict of capital punishment in the lower court. High Court, and Supreme Court. The parents of the young woman, especially her mother, have not flinched in seeking justice. Remarkably, in a society steeped in notions of patriarchal shame and honour, they pitched themselves in the public eye, in all their anger and anguish, and refused to let their daughter remain another unnamed rape victim. For them, the judicial execution of the convicted men offers a reprieve from a long nightmare. |
For the rest, however, the answers are not as simple. Many political leaders have proclaimed that "justice has finally been done". But the moral and ethical argument against capital punishment remains undimmed. Its tendency to be wielded disproportionately against the poorest and most marginalised and the lack of evidence that it acts as a deterrent against sexual crime blunt this easy, complacent idea of justice. The impatience that greeted the appeals of the convicted, as they exhausted all their legal options against their death sentence, from the public as well as the political class, reflects a longing for "quick", populist justice that imperils the checks and balances in the legal system. |
The gang rape and murder of the 23-year-old was a denning moment for Indian women and their survival in a deeply patriarchal society. For the thousands of women who turned up on Delhis streets on those December days to protest against the crime, it was as if they were marking their rage at a personal violation, at a long-silenced history of being reduced to shadowy citizens, policed at home and violently silenced in public. That roar of outrage was loud enough to force a government to pay heed. It also led to an examination of the many insidious ways in which patriarchy stains social life, from the language that routinely demonises womens desires to the pernicious ways personal relationships hold them in check. It led to the setting up of the Justice Verma Committee, whose recommendations - from a repeal of AFSPA to the criminalisation of marital rape to advising against the death penalty for sexual crime - exhorted the nation to choose systemic change over vengeful laws. That road, if taken, could have led to a much-needed confrontation with hard questions which have been evaded in the spectacle of the execution. A cursory glance at data or headlines in these last seven years will reveal, India is nowhere close to preventing sexual crime against women, nor understanding what toxic breakdowns in society create men willing to violate, maim and rape. |
The "fearless one", as she was memorialised in death, was just another young woman in Delhi, out with a friend in the dying days of the year, to watch a film, and then take a bus back home. For the family to whom she did not return that night, for whom December 16, 2012 brought unspeakable pain and injustice, for whom there is little reparation possible for the loss of a daughter, there is, perhaps, finally closure. More than seven years after the mortal sexual assault on the 23-year-old paramedic, four of the six men convicted for the horrific crime were hanged to death on Friday morning - after a legal process that saw them appealing against the verdict of capital punishment in the lower court. High Court, and Supreme Court. The parents of the young woman, especially her mother, have not flinched in seeking justice. Remarkably, in a society steeped in notions of patriarchal shame and honour, they pitched themselves in the public eye, in all their anger and anguish, and refused to let their daughter remain another unnamed rape victim. For them, the judicial execution of the convicted men offers a reprieve from a long nightmare. |
For the rest, however, the answers are not as simple. Many political leaders have proclaimed that "justice has finally been done". But the moral and ethical argument against capital punishment remains undimmed. Its tendency to be wielded disproportionately against the poorest and most marginalised and the lack of evidence that it acts as a deterrent against sexual crime blunt this easy, complacent idea of justice. The impatience that greeted the appeals of the convicted, as they exhausted all their legal options against their death sentence, from the public as well as the political class, reflects a longing for "quick", populist justice that imperils the checks and balances in the legal system. |
The gang rape and murder of the 23-year-old was a denning moment for Indian women and their survival in a deeply patriarchal society. For the thousands of women who turned up on Delhis streets on those December days to protest against the crime, it was as if they were marking their rage at a personal violation, at a long-silenced history of being reduced to shadowy citizens, policed at home and violently silenced in public. That roar of outrage was loud enough to force a government to pay heed. It also led to an examination of the many insidious ways in which patriarchy stains social life, from the language that routinely demonises womens desires to the pernicious ways personal relationships hold them in check. It led to the setting up of the Justice Verma Committee, whose recommendations - from a repeal of AFSPA to the criminalisation of marital rape to advising against the death penalty for sexual crime - exhorted the nation to choose systemic change over vengeful laws. That road, if taken, could have led to a much-needed confrontation with hard questions which have been evaded in the spectacle of the execution. A cursory glance at data or headlines in these last seven years will reveal, India is nowhere close to preventing sexual crime against women, nor understanding what toxic breakdowns in society create men willing to violate, maim and rape. |
The "fearless one", as she was memorialised in death, was just another young woman in Delhi, out with a friend in the dying days of the year, to watch a film, and then take a bus back home. For the family to whom she did not return that night, for whom December 16, 2012 brought unspeakable pain and injustice, for whom there is little reparation possible for the loss of a daughter, there is, perhaps, finally closure. More than seven years after the mortal sexual assault on the 23-year-old paramedic, four of the six men convicted for the horrific crime were hanged to death on Friday morning - after a legal process that saw them appealing against the verdict of capital punishment in the lower court. High Court, and Supreme Court. The parents of the young woman, especially her mother, have not flinched in seeking justice. Remarkably, in a society steeped in notions of patriarchal shame and honour, they pitched themselves in the public eye, in all their anger and anguish, and refused to let their daughter remain another unnamed rape victim. For them, the judicial execution of the convicted men offers a reprieve from a long nightmare. |
For the rest, however, the answers are not as simple. Many political leaders have proclaimed that "justice has finally been done". But the moral and ethical argument against capital punishment remains undimmed. Its tendency to be wielded disproportionately against the poorest and most marginalised and the lack of evidence that it acts as a deterrent against sexual crime blunt this easy, complacent idea of justice. The impatience that greeted the appeals of the convicted, as they exhausted all their legal options against their death sentence, from the public as well as the political class, reflects a longing for "quick", populist justice that imperils the checks and balances in the legal system. |
The gang rape and murder of the 23-year-old was a denning moment for Indian women and their survival in a deeply patriarchal society. For the thousands of women who turned up on Delhis streets on those December days to protest against the crime, it was as if they were marking their rage at a personal violation, at a long-silenced history of being reduced to shadowy citizens, policed at home and violently silenced in public. That roar of outrage was loud enough to force a government to pay heed. It also led to an examination of the many insidious ways in which patriarchy stains social life, from the language that routinely demonises womens desires to the pernicious ways personal relationships hold them in check. It led to the setting up of the Justice Verma Committee, whose recommendations - from a repeal of AFSPA to the criminalisation of marital rape to advising against the death penalty for sexual crime - exhorted the nation to choose systemic change over vengeful laws. That road, if taken, could have led to a much-needed confrontation with hard questions which have been evaded in the spectacle of the execution. A cursory glance at data or headlines in these last seven years will reveal, India is nowhere close to preventing sexual crime against women, nor understanding what toxic breakdowns in society create men willing to violate, maim and rape. |
The "fearless one", as she was memorialised in death, was just another young woman in Delhi, out with a friend in the dying days of the year, to watch a film, and then take a bus back home. For the family to whom she did not return that night, for whom December 16, 2012 brought unspeakable pain and injustice, for whom there is little reparation possible for the loss of a daughter, there is, perhaps, finally closure. More than seven years after the mortal sexual assault on the 23-year-old paramedic, four of the six men convicted for the horrific crime were hanged to death on Friday morning - after a legal process that saw them appealing against the verdict of capital punishment in the lower court. High Court, and Supreme Court. The parents of the young woman, especially her mother, have not flinched in seeking justice. Remarkably, in a society steeped in notions of patriarchal shame and honour, they pitched themselves in the public eye, in all their anger and anguish, and refused to let their daughter remain another unnamed rape victim. For them, the judicial execution of the convicted men offers a reprieve from a long nightmare. |
For the rest, however, the answers are not as simple. Many political leaders have proclaimed that "justice has finally been done". But the moral and ethical argument against capital punishment remains undimmed. Its tendency to be wielded disproportionately against the poorest and most marginalised and the lack of evidence that it acts as a deterrent against sexual crime blunt this easy, complacent idea of justice. The impatience that greeted the appeals of the convicted, as they exhausted all their legal options against their death sentence, from the public as well as the political class, reflects a longing for "quick", populist justice that imperils the checks and balances in the legal system. |
The gang rape and murder of the 23-year-old was a denning moment for Indian women and their survival in a deeply patriarchal society. For the thousands of women who turned up on Delhis streets on those December days to protest against the crime, it was as if they were marking their rage at a personal violation, at a long-silenced history of being reduced to shadowy citizens, policed at home and violently silenced in public. That roar of outrage was loud enough to force a government to pay heed. It also led to an examination of the many insidious ways in which patriarchy stains social life, from the language that routinely demonises womens desires to the pernicious ways personal relationships hold them in check. It led to the setting up of the Justice Verma Committee, whose recommendations - from a repeal of AFSPA to the criminalisation of marital rape to advising against the death penalty for sexual crime - exhorted the nation to choose systemic change over vengeful laws. That road, if taken, could have led to a much-needed confrontation with hard questions which have been evaded in the spectacle of the execution. A cursory glance at data or headlines in these last seven years will reveal, India is nowhere close to preventing sexual crime against women, nor understanding what toxic breakdowns in society create men willing to violate, maim and rape. |
Through the evolutionary history of organised criminal gangs tends to find a pattern of development which is similar in most respects, whether it is India or the USA or any other country. The gangs generally start with one enterprising person who takes to crime and recruits a few underlings. He succeeds in making money through his chosen modus operandi, be it smuggling or bootlegging or any other criminal profession. Once he establishes himself in his area of operation, which is initially quite small, he manages to buy protection for himself and his henchmen by bribing the law enforcement agencies of his area, generally the local police station and local customs and excise staff. Once this stage is reached, the other small time criminals in the area flock around him and seek cover under his protective umbrella. This arrangement takes place either by these petty criminals joining his gang as regular members, or by regular payments of protection money and retaining their identity. Their area of operation is however confined to a limited area agreed to by both sides. |
No criminal gang, however big or powerful can survive without police protection or police indifference. All gang bosses are aware of the police force or have a confrontation with them. They would prefer to win them over with their vast fortunes. However all policemen are not purchasable or dishonest, therefore the bosses have to find ways and means to neutralise such officers if they are to survive. The only body of men who can influence the police or force them into inaction are the politicians in power. Therefore they are the first targets of the gangs. A politician is basically a very insecure person as his wellbeing depends entirely on winning elections. He is willing to clutch at any straw when he has to face the electorate. In India votes can be garnered mostly by the following three methods. Firstly, the candidate should have such a high standing in society that the public votes for him without any hesitation. Such candidates are very rare today. The second alternative is to have enough money to buy the votes through vote brokers who are available all over the country, although they cannot be fully relied on. The third alternative is to terrorise the voters to vote for them, Or to stay away from the voting booths so that their votes can be cast by imposters. The voting booth staff are also terrorised into submission. |
The second, and the third alternatives can be achieved by the organised gangs who can afford to buy the votes or alternatively terrorise the voters. Under these conditions the politician finds it very convenient to utilise the criminal gangs for winning elections and attaining power. The price they have to pay is to provide protection to the gangs from police action. |
Through the evolutionary history of organised criminal gangs tends to find a pattern of development which is similar in most respects, whether it is India or the USA or any other country. The gangs generally start with one enterprising person who takes to crime and recruits a few underlings. He succeeds in making money through his chosen modus operandi, be it smuggling or bootlegging or any other criminal profession. Once he establishes himself in his area of operation, which is initially quite small, he manages to buy protection for himself and his henchmen by bribing the law enforcement agencies of his area, generally the local police station and local customs and excise staff. Once this stage is reached, the other small time criminals in the area flock around him and seek cover under his protective umbrella. This arrangement takes place either by these petty criminals joining his gang as regular members, or by regular payments of protection money and retaining their identity. Their area of operation is however confined to a limited area agreed to by both sides. |
No criminal gang, however big or powerful can survive without police protection or police indifference. All gang bosses are aware of the police force or have a confrontation with them. They would prefer to win them over with their vast fortunes. However all policemen are not purchasable or dishonest, therefore the bosses have to find ways and means to neutralise such officers if they are to survive. The only body of men who can influence the police or force them into inaction are the politicians in power. Therefore they are the first targets of the gangs. A politician is basically a very insecure person as his wellbeing depends entirely on winning elections. He is willing to clutch at any straw when he has to face the electorate. In India votes can be garnered mostly by the following three methods. Firstly, the candidate should have such a high standing in society that the public votes for him without any hesitation. Such candidates are very rare today. The second alternative is to have enough money to buy the votes through vote brokers who are available all over the country, although they cannot be fully relied on. The third alternative is to terrorise the voters to vote for them, Or to stay away from the voting booths so that their votes can be cast by imposters. The voting booth staff are also terrorised into submission. |
The second, and the third alternatives can be achieved by the organised gangs who can afford to buy the votes or alternatively terrorise the voters. Under these conditions the politician finds it very convenient to utilise the criminal gangs for winning elections and attaining power. The price they have to pay is to provide protection to the gangs from police action. |
Through the evolutionary history of organised criminal gangs tends to find a pattern of development which is similar in most respects, whether it is India or the USA or any other country. The gangs generally start with one enterprising person who takes to crime and recruits a few underlings. He succeeds in making money through his chosen modus operandi, be it smuggling or bootlegging or any other criminal profession. Once he establishes himself in his area of operation, which is initially quite small, he manages to buy protection for himself and his henchmen by bribing the law enforcement agencies of his area, generally the local police station and local customs and excise staff. Once this stage is reached, the other small time criminals in the area flock around him and seek cover under his protective umbrella. This arrangement takes place either by these petty criminals joining his gang as regular members, or by regular payments of protection money and retaining their identity. Their area of operation is however confined to a limited area agreed to by both sides. |
No criminal gang, however big or powerful can survive without police protection or police indifference. All gang bosses are aware of the police force or have a confrontation with them. They would prefer to win them over with their vast fortunes. However all policemen are not purchasable or dishonest, therefore the bosses have to find ways and means to neutralise such officers if they are to survive. The only body of men who can influence the police or force them into inaction are the politicians in power. Therefore they are the first targets of the gangs. A politician is basically a very insecure person as his wellbeing depends entirely on winning elections. He is willing to clutch at any straw when he has to face the electorate. In India votes can be garnered mostly by the following three methods. Firstly, the candidate should have such a high standing in society that the public votes for him without any hesitation. Such candidates are very rare today. The second alternative is to have enough money to buy the votes through vote brokers who are available all over the country, although they cannot be fully relied on. The third alternative is to terrorise the voters to vote for them, Or to stay away from the voting booths so that their votes can be cast by imposters. The voting booth staff are also terrorised into submission. |
The second, and the third alternatives can be achieved by the organised gangs who can afford to buy the votes or alternatively terrorise the voters. Under these conditions the politician finds it very convenient to utilise the criminal gangs for winning elections and attaining power. The price they have to pay is to provide protection to the gangs from police action. |
Through the evolutionary history of organised criminal gangs tends to find a pattern of development which is similar in most respects, whether it is India or the USA or any other country. The gangs generally start with one enterprising person who takes to crime and recruits a few underlings. He succeeds in making money through his chosen modus operandi, be it smuggling or bootlegging or any other criminal profession. Once he establishes himself in his area of operation, which is initially quite small, he manages to buy protection for himself and his henchmen by bribing the law enforcement agencies of his area, generally the local police station and local customs and excise staff. Once this stage is reached, the other small time criminals in the area flock around him and seek cover under his protective umbrella. This arrangement takes place either by these petty criminals joining his gang as regular members, or by regular payments of protection money and retaining their identity. Their area of operation is however confined to a limited area agreed to by both sides. |
No criminal gang, however big or powerful can survive without police protection or police indifference. All gang bosses are aware of the police force or have a confrontation with them. They would prefer to win them over with their vast fortunes. However all policemen are not purchasable or dishonest, therefore the bosses have to find ways and means to neutralise such officers if they are to survive. The only body of men who can influence the police or force them into inaction are the politicians in power. Therefore they are the first targets of the gangs. A politician is basically a very insecure person as his wellbeing depends entirely on winning elections. He is willing to clutch at any straw when he has to face the electorate. In India votes can be garnered mostly by the following three methods. Firstly, the candidate should have such a high standing in society that the public votes for him without any hesitation. Such candidates are very rare today. The second alternative is to have enough money to buy the votes through vote brokers who are available all over the country, although they cannot be fully relied on. The third alternative is to terrorise the voters to vote for them, Or to stay away from the voting booths so that their votes can be cast by imposters. The voting booth staff are also terrorised into submission. |
The second, and the third alternatives can be achieved by the organised gangs who can afford to buy the votes or alternatively terrorise the voters. Under these conditions the politician finds it very convenient to utilise the criminal gangs for winning elections and attaining power. The price they have to pay is to provide protection to the gangs from police action. |
Through the evolutionary history of organised criminal gangs tends to find a pattern of development which is similar in most respects, whether it is India or the USA or any other country. The gangs generally start with one enterprising person who takes to crime and recruits a few underlings. He succeeds in making money through his chosen modus operandi, be it smuggling or bootlegging or any other criminal profession. Once he establishes himself in his area of operation, which is initially quite small, he manages to buy protection for himself and his henchmen by bribing the law enforcement agencies of his area, generally the local police station and local customs and excise staff. Once this stage is reached, the other small time criminals in the area flock around him and seek cover under his protective umbrella. This arrangement takes place either by these petty criminals joining his gang as regular members, or by regular payments of protection money and retaining their identity. Their area of operation is however confined to a limited area agreed to by both sides. |
No criminal gang, however big or powerful can survive without police protection or police indifference. All gang bosses are aware of the police force or have a confrontation with them. They would prefer to win them over with their vast fortunes. However all policemen are not purchasable or dishonest, therefore the bosses have to find ways and means to neutralise such officers if they are to survive. The only body of men who can influence the police or force them into inaction are the politicians in power. Therefore they are the first targets of the gangs. A politician is basically a very insecure person as his wellbeing depends entirely on winning elections. He is willing to clutch at any straw when he has to face the electorate. In India votes can be garnered mostly by the following three methods. Firstly, the candidate should have such a high standing in society that the public votes for him without any hesitation. Such candidates are very rare today. The second alternative is to have enough money to buy the votes through vote brokers who are available all over the country, although they cannot be fully relied on. The third alternative is to terrorise the voters to vote for them, Or to stay away from the voting booths so that their votes can be cast by imposters. The voting booth staff are also terrorised into submission. |
The second, and the third alternatives can be achieved by the organised gangs who can afford to buy the votes or alternatively terrorise the voters. Under these conditions the politician finds it very convenient to utilise the criminal gangs for winning elections and attaining power. The price they have to pay is to provide protection to the gangs from police action. |
The term "family" is used to indicate different groups of persons who usually live together and are related to each other by marriage, birth or adoption. Sometimes it is used to indicate a small group of persons including only parents and their children. Some other times it is used to indicate a large group of persons including children, their parents, their grandparents, uncles, cousins, all the females who are married to anyone of them and also the adopted children. No matter the group that is referred as family is small or large, there is something that should be present among the members of the group for them to be treated as a "family". There should be a degree of mutual interdependence, of the sharing of lives, of caring and love, or commitment and support. The relationship should not be transient superficial relationship. |
From the legal point of view the expression "family" is of importance because there are some remedies, reliefs and benefits that are given to the family members of some persons under certain circumstances. Let us consider some examples where the expression "family" is important in law. |
In the context of plantation labour, it is the duty of every employer to provide and maintain necessary housing accommodation for every worker (including his family) residing in the plantation. Section 2, Plantation Labour Act, 1951, thus, defines family as: |
"Family", when used in relation to a worker means |
(i) his or her spouse, and |
(ii) the legitimate and adopted children of the worker dependent upon him or, who have not completed their eighteenth year [and includes parents and widow sister, dependent upon him or her] |
In the context of an employee-making nomination under the Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972, the nomination can be made only in favour of a member of his/her family. Section 2(/0, Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 defines family as: |
(h) "family", in relation to an employee, shall be deemed to consist of- |
(i) in the case of a male employee, himself, his wife, his children, whether married or unmarried, his dependent parents [and the dependent parents of his wife and the widow] and children of his predeceased son, if any, |
(ii) in the case of a female employee, herself, her husband, her children, whether married or unmarried, her dependent parents and the dependent parents of her husband and the widow and children other predeceased son, if any: |
In the context of benefits to the employees when they are sick or injured, some benefits can go to the family members under the Employees State Insurance Act, 1948. Under Section 2(11) of this Act: |
"family" means all or any of the following relatives of an insured person, namely:- |
(i) a spouse; |
(ii) a minor legitimate or adopted child dependent upon the insured person; (in) a child who is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person and who is- |
(a) receiving education, till he or she attains the age of twenty-one years, |
(b) an unmarried daughter; |
(iii) a child who is infirm by reason of any physical or mental abnormality or injury and is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person, so long as the infirmity continues; |
(iv) dependant parents, whose income from all sources does not exceed such income as may be prescribed by the Central Government; |
(v) in case the insured person is unmarried and his or her parents are not alive, a minor brother or sister wholly dependant upon the earnings of the insured person; |
The term "family" is used to indicate different groups of persons who usually live together and are related to each other by marriage, birth or adoption. Sometimes it is used to indicate a small group of persons including only parents and their children. Some other times it is used to indicate a large group of persons including children, their parents, their grandparents, uncles, cousins, all the females who are married to anyone of them and also the adopted children. No matter the group that is referred as family is small or large, there is something that should be present among the members of the group for them to be treated as a "family". There should be a degree of mutual interdependence, of the sharing of lives, of caring and love, or commitment and support. The relationship should not be transient superficial relationship. |
From the legal point of view the expression "family" is of importance because there are some remedies, reliefs and benefits that are given to the family members of some persons under certain circumstances. Let us consider some examples where the expression "family" is important in law. |
In the context of plantation labour, it is the duty of every employer to provide and maintain necessary housing accommodation for every worker (including his family) residing in the plantation. Section 2, Plantation Labour Act, 1951, thus, defines family as: |
"Family", when used in relation to a worker means |
(i) his or her spouse, and |
(ii) the legitimate and adopted children of the worker dependent upon him or, who have not completed their eighteenth year [and includes parents and widow sister, dependent upon him or her] |
In the context of an employee-making nomination under the Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972, the nomination can be made only in favour of a member of his/her family. Section 2(/0, Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 defines family as: |
(h) "family", in relation to an employee, shall be deemed to consist of- |
(i) in the case of a male employee, himself, his wife, his children, whether married or unmarried, his dependent parents [and the dependent parents of his wife and the widow] and children of his predeceased son, if any, |
(ii) in the case of a female employee, herself, her husband, her children, whether married or unmarried, her dependent parents and the dependent parents of her husband and the widow and children other predeceased son, if any: |
In the context of benefits to the employees when they are sick or injured, some benefits can go to the family members under the Employees State Insurance Act, 1948. Under Section 2(11) of this Act: |
"family" means all or any of the following relatives of an insured person, namely:- |
(i) a spouse; |
(ii) a minor legitimate or adopted child dependent upon the insured person; (in) a child who is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person and who is- |
(a) receiving education, till he or she attains the age of twenty-one years, |
(b) an unmarried daughter; |
(iii) a child who is infirm by reason of any physical or mental abnormality or injury and is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person, so long as the infirmity continues; |
(iv) dependant parents, whose income from all sources does not exceed such income as may be prescribed by the Central Government; |
(v) in case the insured person is unmarried and his or her parents are not alive, a minor brother or sister wholly dependant upon the earnings of the insured person; |
The term "family" is used to indicate different groups of persons who usually live together and are related to each other by marriage, birth or adoption. Sometimes it is used to indicate a small group of persons including only parents and their children. Some other times it is used to indicate a large group of persons including children, their parents, their grandparents, uncles, cousins, all the females who are married to anyone of them and also the adopted children. No matter the group that is referred as family is small or large, there is something that should be present among the members of the group for them to be treated as a "family". There should be a degree of mutual interdependence, of the sharing of lives, of caring and love, or commitment and support. The relationship should not be transient superficial relationship. |
From the legal point of view the expression "family" is of importance because there are some remedies, reliefs and benefits that are given to the family members of some persons under certain circumstances. Let us consider some examples where the expression "family" is important in law. |
In the context of plantation labour, it is the duty of every employer to provide and maintain necessary housing accommodation for every worker (including his family) residing in the plantation. Section 2, Plantation Labour Act, 1951, thus, defines family as: |
"Family", when used in relation to a worker means |
(i) his or her spouse, and |
(ii) the legitimate and adopted children of the worker dependent upon him or, who have not completed their eighteenth year [and includes parents and widow sister, dependent upon him or her] |
In the context of an employee-making nomination under the Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972, the nomination can be made only in favour of a member of his/her family. Section 2(/0, Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 defines family as: |
(h) "family", in relation to an employee, shall be deemed to consist of- |
(i) in the case of a male employee, himself, his wife, his children, whether married or unmarried, his dependent parents [and the dependent parents of his wife and the widow] and children of his predeceased son, if any, |
(ii) in the case of a female employee, herself, her husband, her children, whether married or unmarried, her dependent parents and the dependent parents of her husband and the widow and children other predeceased son, if any: |
In the context of benefits to the employees when they are sick or injured, some benefits can go to the family members under the Employees State Insurance Act, 1948. Under Section 2(11) of this Act: |
"family" means all or any of the following relatives of an insured person, namely:- |
(i) a spouse; |
(ii) a minor legitimate or adopted child dependent upon the insured person; (in) a child who is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person and who is- |
(a) receiving education, till he or she attains the age of twenty-one years, |
(b) an unmarried daughter; |
(iii) a child who is infirm by reason of any physical or mental abnormality or injury and is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person, so long as the infirmity continues; |
(iv) dependant parents, whose income from all sources does not exceed such income as may be prescribed by the Central Government; |
(v) in case the insured person is unmarried and his or her parents are not alive, a minor brother or sister wholly dependant upon the earnings of the insured person; |
The term "family" is used to indicate different groups of persons who usually live together and are related to each other by marriage, birth or adoption. Sometimes it is used to indicate a small group of persons including only parents and their children. Some other times it is used to indicate a large group of persons including children, their parents, their grandparents, uncles, cousins, all the females who are married to anyone of them and also the adopted children. No matter the group that is referred as family is small or large, there is something that should be present among the members of the group for them to be treated as a "family". There should be a degree of mutual interdependence, of the sharing of lives, of caring and love, or commitment and support. The relationship should not be transient superficial relationship. |
From the legal point of view the expression "family" is of importance because there are some remedies, reliefs and benefits that are given to the family members of some persons under certain circumstances. Let us consider some examples where the expression "family" is important in law. |
In the context of plantation labour, it is the duty of every employer to provide and maintain necessary housing accommodation for every worker (including his family) residing in the plantation. Section 2, Plantation Labour Act, 1951, thus, defines family as: |
"Family", when used in relation to a worker means |
(i) his or her spouse, and |
(ii) the legitimate and adopted children of the worker dependent upon him or, who have not completed their eighteenth year [and includes parents and widow sister, dependent upon him or her] |
In the context of an employee-making nomination under the Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972, the nomination can be made only in favour of a member of his/her family. Section 2(/0, Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 defines family as: |
(h) "family", in relation to an employee, shall be deemed to consist of- |
(i) in the case of a male employee, himself, his wife, his children, whether married or unmarried, his dependent parents [and the dependent parents of his wife and the widow] and children of his predeceased son, if any, |
(ii) in the case of a female employee, herself, her husband, her children, whether married or unmarried, her dependent parents and the dependent parents of her husband and the widow and children other predeceased son, if any: |
In the context of benefits to the employees when they are sick or injured, some benefits can go to the family members under the Employees State Insurance Act, 1948. Under Section 2(11) of this Act: |
"family" means all or any of the following relatives of an insured person, namely:- |
(i) a spouse; |
(ii) a minor legitimate or adopted child dependent upon the insured person; (in) a child who is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person and who is- |
(a) receiving education, till he or she attains the age of twenty-one years, |
(b) an unmarried daughter; |
(iii) a child who is infirm by reason of any physical or mental abnormality or injury and is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person, so long as the infirmity continues; |
(iv) dependant parents, whose income from all sources does not exceed such income as may be prescribed by the Central Government; |
(v) in case the insured person is unmarried and his or her parents are not alive, a minor brother or sister wholly dependant upon the earnings of the insured person; |
The term "family" is used to indicate different groups of persons who usually live together and are related to each other by marriage, birth or adoption. Sometimes it is used to indicate a small group of persons including only parents and their children. Some other times it is used to indicate a large group of persons including children, their parents, their grandparents, uncles, cousins, all the females who are married to anyone of them and also the adopted children. No matter the group that is referred as family is small or large, there is something that should be present among the members of the group for them to be treated as a "family". There should be a degree of mutual interdependence, of the sharing of lives, of caring and love, or commitment and support. The relationship should not be transient superficial relationship. |
From the legal point of view the expression "family" is of importance because there are some remedies, reliefs and benefits that are given to the family members of some persons under certain circumstances. Let us consider some examples where the expression "family" is important in law. |
In the context of plantation labour, it is the duty of every employer to provide and maintain necessary housing accommodation for every worker (including his family) residing in the plantation. Section 2, Plantation Labour Act, 1951, thus, defines family as: |
"Family", when used in relation to a worker means |
(i) his or her spouse, and |
(ii) the legitimate and adopted children of the worker dependent upon him or, who have not completed their eighteenth year [and includes parents and widow sister, dependent upon him or her] |
In the context of an employee-making nomination under the Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972, the nomination can be made only in favour of a member of his/her family. Section 2(/0, Payment of Gratuity Act, 1972 defines family as: |
(h) "family", in relation to an employee, shall be deemed to consist of- |
(i) in the case of a male employee, himself, his wife, his children, whether married or unmarried, his dependent parents [and the dependent parents of his wife and the widow] and children of his predeceased son, if any, |
(ii) in the case of a female employee, herself, her husband, her children, whether married or unmarried, her dependent parents and the dependent parents of her husband and the widow and children other predeceased son, if any: |
In the context of benefits to the employees when they are sick or injured, some benefits can go to the family members under the Employees State Insurance Act, 1948. Under Section 2(11) of this Act: |
"family" means all or any of the following relatives of an insured person, namely:- |
(i) a spouse; |
(ii) a minor legitimate or adopted child dependent upon the insured person; (in) a child who is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person and who is- |
(a) receiving education, till he or she attains the age of twenty-one years, |
(b) an unmarried daughter; |
(iii) a child who is infirm by reason of any physical or mental abnormality or injury and is wholly dependent on the earnings of the insured person, so long as the infirmity continues; |
(iv) dependant parents, whose income from all sources does not exceed such income as may be prescribed by the Central Government; |
(v) in case the insured person is unmarried and his or her parents are not alive, a minor brother or sister wholly dependant upon the earnings of the insured person; |
In some cases the entire statute is not repugnant to the Constitution. Doctrine of "severability" is used to separate the unconstitutional part of a statute from a constitutionally valid part. Only the part repugnant to the Constitution is declared void and the rest of the statute remains valid and operative. Doctrine of "colourable legislation" is used to hold unconstitutional those statutes or parts of the statutes that are indirectly trying to achieve something that cannot be directly achieved in a legitimate manner. "Basic structure" doctrine is used to strike down the laws that seek to amend or alter the basic structure of the Constitution. Basic structure of the Indian Constitution cannot be altered or amended by the Legislature. In 1C. Golaknath v. State of Punjabi, this doctrine was first mentioned. But in Kesavananda Bharativ. State of Kerala 2, this doctrine was fully developed and used. Supremacy of the Constitution, separation of powers, judicial review, secularism are parts of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution. |
In its appellate jurisdiction the Supreme Court may be approached in the following circumstances: |
1. When the High Court has granted a certificate that the matter involves a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of the Constitution. |
2. When the High Court certifies that the case involves a substantial question of law of general importance, and the said question needs to be decided by the Supreme Court. |
3. When it is a criminal case and the High Court has on appeal reversed an order of acquittal of an accused person and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
4. When the High Court has withdrawn for trial before itself any case from any court subordinate to its authority and has in such trial convicted the accused and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
5. When the High Court has certified that the case is a fit one for appeal to the Supreme Court. |
The Supreme Court also has the power to punish for contempt of court. This includes the power to punish for contempt of itself. [Arts. 129 and 142] Parliament is authorised to confer on the Supreme Court any further powers to entertain and hear appeals from any judgment, final order or sentence in a criminal proceeding of a High Court. The Supreme Court can also review its own judgments. Review is done by a larger Bench when a review petition is filed. |
In its original jurisdiction the High Courts have tried power to hear and decide cases which are brought directly to it. A suit in which the value of the matter is more than Rs 2 crores, is to be brought before the High Court. This is the original pecuniary jurisdiction of the High Courts. Like the Supreme Court, High Courts also have the original jurisdiction to issue writs. In its appellate jurisdiction the High Courts can hear an appeal against the decision of a lower court. High Courts (and also the Supreme Court) hear cases of all kinds, i.e. civil as well as criminal. |
In some cases the entire statute is not repugnant to the Constitution. Doctrine of "severability" is used to separate the unconstitutional part of a statute from a constitutionally valid part. Only the part repugnant to the Constitution is declared void and the rest of the statute remains valid and operative. Doctrine of "colourable legislation" is used to hold unconstitutional those statutes or parts of the statutes that are indirectly trying to achieve something that cannot be directly achieved in a legitimate manner. "Basic structure" doctrine is used to strike down the laws that seek to amend or alter the basic structure of the Constitution. Basic structure of the Indian Constitution cannot be altered or amended by the Legislature. In 1C. Golaknath v. State of Punjabi, this doctrine was first mentioned. But in Kesavananda Bharativ. State of Kerala 2, this doctrine was fully developed and used. Supremacy of the Constitution, separation of powers, judicial review, secularism are parts of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution. |
In its appellate jurisdiction the Supreme Court may be approached in the following circumstances: |
1. When the High Court has granted a certificate that the matter involves a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of the Constitution. |
2. When the High Court certifies that the case involves a substantial question of law of general importance, and the said question needs to be decided by the Supreme Court. |
3. When it is a criminal case and the High Court has on appeal reversed an order of acquittal of an accused person and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
4. When the High Court has withdrawn for trial before itself any case from any court subordinate to its authority and has in such trial convicted the accused and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
5. When the High Court has certified that the case is a fit one for appeal to the Supreme Court. |
The Supreme Court also has the power to punish for contempt of court. This includes the power to punish for contempt of itself. [Arts. 129 and 142] Parliament is authorised to confer on the Supreme Court any further powers to entertain and hear appeals from any judgment, final order or sentence in a criminal proceeding of a High Court. The Supreme Court can also review its own judgments. Review is done by a larger Bench when a review petition is filed. |
In its original jurisdiction the High Courts have tried power to hear and decide cases which are brought directly to it. A suit in which the value of the matter is more than Rs 2 crores, is to be brought before the High Court. This is the original pecuniary jurisdiction of the High Courts. Like the Supreme Court, High Courts also have the original jurisdiction to issue writs. In its appellate jurisdiction the High Courts can hear an appeal against the decision of a lower court. High Courts (and also the Supreme Court) hear cases of all kinds, i.e. civil as well as criminal. |
In some cases the entire statute is not repugnant to the Constitution. Doctrine of "severability" is used to separate the unconstitutional part of a statute from a constitutionally valid part. Only the part repugnant to the Constitution is declared void and the rest of the statute remains valid and operative. Doctrine of "colourable legislation" is used to hold unconstitutional those statutes or parts of the statutes that are indirectly trying to achieve something that cannot be directly achieved in a legitimate manner. "Basic structure" doctrine is used to strike down the laws that seek to amend or alter the basic structure of the Constitution. Basic structure of the Indian Constitution cannot be altered or amended by the Legislature. In 1C. Golaknath v. State of Punjabi, this doctrine was first mentioned. But in Kesavananda Bharativ. State of Kerala 2, this doctrine was fully developed and used. Supremacy of the Constitution, separation of powers, judicial review, secularism are parts of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution. |
In its appellate jurisdiction the Supreme Court may be approached in the following circumstances: |
1. When the High Court has granted a certificate that the matter involves a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of the Constitution. |
2. When the High Court certifies that the case involves a substantial question of law of general importance, and the said question needs to be decided by the Supreme Court. |
3. When it is a criminal case and the High Court has on appeal reversed an order of acquittal of an accused person and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
4. When the High Court has withdrawn for trial before itself any case from any court subordinate to its authority and has in such trial convicted the accused and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
5. When the High Court has certified that the case is a fit one for appeal to the Supreme Court. |
The Supreme Court also has the power to punish for contempt of court. This includes the power to punish for contempt of itself. [Arts. 129 and 142] Parliament is authorised to confer on the Supreme Court any further powers to entertain and hear appeals from any judgment, final order or sentence in a criminal proceeding of a High Court. The Supreme Court can also review its own judgments. Review is done by a larger Bench when a review petition is filed. |
In its original jurisdiction the High Courts have tried power to hear and decide cases which are brought directly to it. A suit in which the value of the matter is more than Rs 2 crores, is to be brought before the High Court. This is the original pecuniary jurisdiction of the High Courts. Like the Supreme Court, High Courts also have the original jurisdiction to issue writs. In its appellate jurisdiction the High Courts can hear an appeal against the decision of a lower court. High Courts (and also the Supreme Court) hear cases of all kinds, i.e. civil as well as criminal. |
In some cases the entire statute is not repugnant to the Constitution. Doctrine of "severability" is used to separate the unconstitutional part of a statute from a constitutionally valid part. Only the part repugnant to the Constitution is declared void and the rest of the statute remains valid and operative. Doctrine of "colourable legislation" is used to hold unconstitutional those statutes or parts of the statutes that are indirectly trying to achieve something that cannot be directly achieved in a legitimate manner. "Basic structure" doctrine is used to strike down the laws that seek to amend or alter the basic structure of the Constitution. Basic structure of the Indian Constitution cannot be altered or amended by the Legislature. In 1C. Golaknath v. State of Punjabi, this doctrine was first mentioned. But in Kesavananda Bharativ. State of Kerala 2, this doctrine was fully developed and used. Supremacy of the Constitution, separation of powers, judicial review, secularism are parts of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution. |
In its appellate jurisdiction the Supreme Court may be approached in the following circumstances: |
1. When the High Court has granted a certificate that the matter involves a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of the Constitution. |
2. When the High Court certifies that the case involves a substantial question of law of general importance, and the said question needs to be decided by the Supreme Court. |
3. When it is a criminal case and the High Court has on appeal reversed an order of acquittal of an accused person and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
4. When the High Court has withdrawn for trial before itself any case from any court subordinate to its authority and has in such trial convicted the accused and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
5. When the High Court has certified that the case is a fit one for appeal to the Supreme Court. |
The Supreme Court also has the power to punish for contempt of court. This includes the power to punish for contempt of itself. [Arts. 129 and 142] Parliament is authorised to confer on the Supreme Court any further powers to entertain and hear appeals from any judgment, final order or sentence in a criminal proceeding of a High Court. The Supreme Court can also review its own judgments. Review is done by a larger Bench when a review petition is filed. |
In its original jurisdiction the High Courts have tried power to hear and decide cases which are brought directly to it. A suit in which the value of the matter is more than Rs 2 crores, is to be brought before the High Court. This is the original pecuniary jurisdiction of the High Courts. Like the Supreme Court, High Courts also have the original jurisdiction to issue writs. In its appellate jurisdiction the High Courts can hear an appeal against the decision of a lower court. High Courts (and also the Supreme Court) hear cases of all kinds, i.e. civil as well as criminal. |
In some cases the entire statute is not repugnant to the Constitution. Doctrine of "severability" is used to separate the unconstitutional part of a statute from a constitutionally valid part. Only the part repugnant to the Constitution is declared void and the rest of the statute remains valid and operative. Doctrine of "colourable legislation" is used to hold unconstitutional those statutes or parts of the statutes that are indirectly trying to achieve something that cannot be directly achieved in a legitimate manner. "Basic structure" doctrine is used to strike down the laws that seek to amend or alter the basic structure of the Constitution. Basic structure of the Indian Constitution cannot be altered or amended by the Legislature. In 1C. Golaknath v. State of Punjabi, this doctrine was first mentioned. But in Kesavananda Bharativ. State of Kerala 2, this doctrine was fully developed and used. Supremacy of the Constitution, separation of powers, judicial review, secularism are parts of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution. |
In its appellate jurisdiction the Supreme Court may be approached in the following circumstances: |
1. When the High Court has granted a certificate that the matter involves a substantial question of law as to the interpretation of the Constitution. |
2. When the High Court certifies that the case involves a substantial question of law of general importance, and the said question needs to be decided by the Supreme Court. |
3. When it is a criminal case and the High Court has on appeal reversed an order of acquittal of an accused person and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
4. When the High Court has withdrawn for trial before itself any case from any court subordinate to its authority and has in such trial convicted the accused and sentenced him to death or to imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than 10 years. |
5. When the High Court has certified that the case is a fit one for appeal to the Supreme Court. |
The Supreme Court also has the power to punish for contempt of court. This includes the power to punish for contempt of itself. [Arts. 129 and 142] Parliament is authorised to confer on the Supreme Court any further powers to entertain and hear appeals from any judgment, final order or sentence in a criminal proceeding of a High Court. The Supreme Court can also review its own judgments. Review is done by a larger Bench when a review petition is filed. |
In its original jurisdiction the High Courts have tried power to hear and decide cases which are brought directly to it. A suit in which the value of the matter is more than Rs 2 crores, is to be brought before the High Court. This is the original pecuniary jurisdiction of the High Courts. Like the Supreme Court, High Courts also have the original jurisdiction to issue writs. In its appellate jurisdiction the High Courts can hear an appeal against the decision of a lower court. High Courts (and also the Supreme Court) hear cases of all kinds, i.e. civil as well as criminal. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
For centuries the argument of free will and determinism has been the ongoing great debate. Between a philosophical and scientific stance there have been many debates as to which notion upholds truth and abides by the laws of nature; determinism or free will. Free will is the concept that we as conscious human beings have the ability to freely and genuinely make undetermined choices in situations where we are free to do so. The opposing view to this, determinism, is the notion that all events in the world are effects or outcomes of previous events. Therefore, free will is the most sensible in the case of human beings because as we are aware of our free will or our ability to choose and this makes us responsible for moral actions and all other acts as human beings. Determinism is the notion which is closely related with the domino effect, as one domino falls the next will fall and so on and so forth. It mostly derives from cause and effect phenomenon. This closed universal view means that there everything is predetermined and predestined to happen leaving no room for anything new to come into existence. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
For centuries the argument of free will and determinism has been the ongoing great debate. Between a philosophical and scientific stance there have been many debates as to which notion upholds truth and abides by the laws of nature; determinism or free will. Free will is the concept that we as conscious human beings have the ability to freely and genuinely make undetermined choices in situations where we are free to do so. The opposing view to this, determinism, is the notion that all events in the world are effects or outcomes of previous events. Therefore, free will is the most sensible in the case of human beings because as we are aware of our free will or our ability to choose and this makes us responsible for moral actions and all other acts as human beings. Determinism is the notion which is closely related with the domino effect, as one domino falls the next will fall and so on and so forth. It mostly derives from cause and effect phenomenon. This closed universal view means that there everything is predetermined and predestined to happen leaving no room for anything new to come into existence. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
For centuries the argument of free will and determinism has been the ongoing great debate. Between a philosophical and scientific stance there have been many debates as to which notion upholds truth and abides by the laws of nature; determinism or free will. Free will is the concept that we as conscious human beings have the ability to freely and genuinely make undetermined choices in situations where we are free to do so. The opposing view to this, determinism, is the notion that all events in the world are effects or outcomes of previous events. Therefore, free will is the most sensible in the case of human beings because as we are aware of our free will or our ability to choose and this makes us responsible for moral actions and all other acts as human beings. Determinism is the notion which is closely related with the domino effect, as one domino falls the next will fall and so on and so forth. It mostly derives from cause and effect phenomenon. This closed universal view means that there everything is predetermined and predestined to happen leaving no room for anything new to come into existence. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
For centuries the argument of free will and determinism has been the ongoing great debate. Between a philosophical and scientific stance there have been many debates as to which notion upholds truth and abides by the laws of nature; determinism or free will. Free will is the concept that we as conscious human beings have the ability to freely and genuinely make undetermined choices in situations where we are free to do so. The opposing view to this, determinism, is the notion that all events in the world are effects or outcomes of previous events. Therefore, free will is the most sensible in the case of human beings because as we are aware of our free will or our ability to choose and this makes us responsible for moral actions and all other acts as human beings. Determinism is the notion which is closely related with the domino effect, as one domino falls the next will fall and so on and so forth. It mostly derives from cause and effect phenomenon. This closed universal view means that there everything is predetermined and predestined to happen leaving no room for anything new to come into existence. |
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The Banking industry in India plays an important role in the financial system as it provides financial assistance to industrial sector, agricultural sector and household sector. The banking industry contributes to the economical growth of the country as they are the major credit creators of the nation. During the recent time, the banking industry has seen significant development and large investments. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is the central bank of India, it regulates, controls and monitors other banks in India. Banks are classified into commercial banks, private sector banks, public sector banks, foreign banks and cooperative banks. Technological advancements have improvised the banking sector. Banking sector provide wide variety of financial services which increases the productivity of the economy. Due to increase in competition, the private sector banks are also trying to improve their performance and increase their profitability position. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The Banking industry in India plays an important role in the financial system as it provides financial assistance to industrial sector, agricultural sector and household sector. The banking industry contributes to the economical growth of the country as they are the major credit creators of the nation. During the recent time, the banking industry has seen significant development and large investments. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is the central bank of India, it regulates, controls and monitors other banks in India. Banks are classified into commercial banks, private sector banks, public sector banks, foreign banks and cooperative banks. Technological advancements have improvised the banking sector. Banking sector provide wide variety of financial services which increases the productivity of the economy. Due to increase in competition, the private sector banks are also trying to improve their performance and increase their profitability position. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The Banking industry in India plays an important role in the financial system as it provides financial assistance to industrial sector, agricultural sector and household sector. The banking industry contributes to the economical growth of the country as they are the major credit creators of the nation. During the recent time, the banking industry has seen significant development and large investments. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is the central bank of India, it regulates, controls and monitors other banks in India. Banks are classified into commercial banks, private sector banks, public sector banks, foreign banks and cooperative banks. Technological advancements have improvised the banking sector. Banking sector provide wide variety of financial services which increases the productivity of the economy. Due to increase in competition, the private sector banks are also trying to improve their performance and increase their profitability position. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The Banking industry in India plays an important role in the financial system as it provides financial assistance to industrial sector, agricultural sector and household sector. The banking industry contributes to the economical growth of the country as they are the major credit creators of the nation. During the recent time, the banking industry has seen significant development and large investments. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is the central bank of India, it regulates, controls and monitors other banks in India. Banks are classified into commercial banks, private sector banks, public sector banks, foreign banks and cooperative banks. Technological advancements have improvised the banking sector. Banking sector provide wide variety of financial services which increases the productivity of the economy. Due to increase in competition, the private sector banks are also trying to improve their performance and increase their profitability position. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Parents play a crucial role in facilitating their child's learning. This connection with learning is indispensable and continues through all aspects of a child's life, especially during their schooling years. There is a renewed national focus within the last decade on the role that families and communities play in their child's educational development. This calls for the wider community to amplify their contribution to a child's development and enhance their learning experience. Parents and communities influence young people's educational pathways and personal development just as much as schooling does. The more effectively these partnerships work together, the better the outcome for students' well-being, happiness and academic achievement. To achieve positive outcomes, it is essential to nurture relationships between school, family and community to work together cohesively for a students overall success. This even has been one of the agendas of government policy in most of the countries. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Parents play a crucial role in facilitating their child's learning. This connection with learning is indispensable and continues through all aspects of a child's life, especially during their schooling years. There is a renewed national focus within the last decade on the role that families and communities play in their child's educational development. This calls for the wider community to amplify their contribution to a child's development and enhance their learning experience. Parents and communities influence young people's educational pathways and personal development just as much as schooling does. The more effectively these partnerships work together, the better the outcome for students' well-being, happiness and academic achievement. To achieve positive outcomes, it is essential to nurture relationships between school, family and community to work together cohesively for a students overall success. This even has been one of the agendas of government policy in most of the countries. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Parents play a crucial role in facilitating their child's learning. This connection with learning is indispensable and continues through all aspects of a child's life, especially during their schooling years. There is a renewed national focus within the last decade on the role that families and communities play in their child's educational development. This calls for the wider community to amplify their contribution to a child's development and enhance their learning experience. Parents and communities influence young people's educational pathways and personal development just as much as schooling does. The more effectively these partnerships work together, the better the outcome for students' well-being, happiness and academic achievement. To achieve positive outcomes, it is essential to nurture relationships between school, family and community to work together cohesively for a students overall success. This even has been one of the agendas of government policy in most of the countries. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Parents play a crucial role in facilitating their child's learning. This connection with learning is indispensable and continues through all aspects of a child's life, especially during their schooling years. There is a renewed national focus within the last decade on the role that families and communities play in their child's educational development. This calls for the wider community to amplify their contribution to a child's development and enhance their learning experience. Parents and communities influence young people's educational pathways and personal development just as much as schooling does. The more effectively these partnerships work together, the better the outcome for students' well-being, happiness and academic achievement. To achieve positive outcomes, it is essential to nurture relationships between school, family and community to work together cohesively for a students overall success. This even has been one of the agendas of government policy in most of the countries. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Parents play a crucial role in facilitating their child's learning. This connection with learning is indispensable and continues through all aspects of a child's life, especially during their schooling years. There is a renewed national focus within the last decade on the role that families and communities play in their child's educational development. This calls for the wider community to amplify their contribution to a child's development and enhance their learning experience. Parents and communities influence young people's educational pathways and personal development just as much as schooling does. The more effectively these partnerships work together, the better the outcome for students' well-being, happiness and academic achievement. To achieve positive outcomes, it is essential to nurture relationships between school, family and community to work together cohesively for a students overall success. This even has been one of the agendas of government policy in most of the countries. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
To start off we should imagine that either distant future humans or an advanced race of aliens could manufacture code and start a supercomputer that could simulate a whole separate universe. If this is so who is saying that our descendants would not try to do that one day? And more importantly how would we know that we are not currently living in one. This perception is important because it makes people question the very foundations of what they know to be true as it makes people think about how disconnected they are from the real world. If we want a computer simulation to process a human's mind down to a perfect detail and for each person in the simulation to truly be their own cognitive person then we need a Substrate-Independent mind. This is the idea that our minds are not limited to only being our brain cells, but that we can transfer our minds or create others to exist in other ways, for our example as a computer program. Of course, this isnt necessary; the post humans could program a neural network to act just like a human. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
To start off we should imagine that either distant future humans or an advanced race of aliens could manufacture code and start a supercomputer that could simulate a whole separate universe. If this is so who is saying that our descendants would not try to do that one day? And more importantly how would we know that we are not currently living in one. This perception is important because it makes people question the very foundations of what they know to be true as it makes people think about how disconnected they are from the real world. If we want a computer simulation to process a human's mind down to a perfect detail and for each person in the simulation to truly be their own cognitive person then we need a Substrate-Independent mind. This is the idea that our minds are not limited to only being our brain cells, but that we can transfer our minds or create others to exist in other ways, for our example as a computer program. Of course, this isnt necessary; the post humans could program a neural network to act just like a human. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
To start off we should imagine that either distant future humans or an advanced race of aliens could manufacture code and start a supercomputer that could simulate a whole separate universe. If this is so who is saying that our descendants would not try to do that one day? And more importantly how would we know that we are not currently living in one. This perception is important because it makes people question the very foundations of what they know to be true as it makes people think about how disconnected they are from the real world. If we want a computer simulation to process a human's mind down to a perfect detail and for each person in the simulation to truly be their own cognitive person then we need a Substrate-Independent mind. This is the idea that our minds are not limited to only being our brain cells, but that we can transfer our minds or create others to exist in other ways, for our example as a computer program. Of course, this isnt necessary; the post humans could program a neural network to act just like a human. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
To start off we should imagine that either distant future humans or an advanced race of aliens could manufacture code and start a supercomputer that could simulate a whole separate universe. If this is so who is saying that our descendants would not try to do that one day? And more importantly how would we know that we are not currently living in one. This perception is important because it makes people question the very foundations of what they know to be true as it makes people think about how disconnected they are from the real world. If we want a computer simulation to process a human's mind down to a perfect detail and for each person in the simulation to truly be their own cognitive person then we need a Substrate-Independent mind. This is the idea that our minds are not limited to only being our brain cells, but that we can transfer our minds or create others to exist in other ways, for our example as a computer program. Of course, this isnt necessary; the post humans could program a neural network to act just like a human. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
To start off we should imagine that either distant future humans or an advanced race of aliens could manufacture code and start a supercomputer that could simulate a whole separate universe. If this is so who is saying that our descendants would not try to do that one day? And more importantly how would we know that we are not currently living in one. This perception is important because it makes people question the very foundations of what they know to be true as it makes people think about how disconnected they are from the real world. If we want a computer simulation to process a human's mind down to a perfect detail and for each person in the simulation to truly be their own cognitive person then we need a Substrate-Independent mind. This is the idea that our minds are not limited to only being our brain cells, but that we can transfer our minds or create others to exist in other ways, for our example as a computer program. Of course, this isnt necessary; the post humans could program a neural network to act just like a human. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Development does not require a dramatic change in lifestyle, but only a small portion of your lifestyle to change to make an impact. There are many alternative resources that can be used. The sustainable development can be categorized into two concepts, which are known as "needs" and "limitations". The needs can be ranging from basic to sophisticated lifestyles. But the true sense of needs is having good place to live, good food for survival, good career for development and healthy environment at top priority. The limitations are the parameters that warn us not to misuse or deplete natural resources and human resources. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Development does not require a dramatic change in lifestyle, but only a small portion of your lifestyle to change to make an impact. There are many alternative resources that can be used. The sustainable development can be categorized into two concepts, which are known as "needs" and "limitations". The needs can be ranging from basic to sophisticated lifestyles. But the true sense of needs is having good place to live, good food for survival, good career for development and healthy environment at top priority. The limitations are the parameters that warn us not to misuse or deplete natural resources and human resources. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Development does not require a dramatic change in lifestyle, but only a small portion of your lifestyle to change to make an impact. There are many alternative resources that can be used. The sustainable development can be categorized into two concepts, which are known as "needs" and "limitations". The needs can be ranging from basic to sophisticated lifestyles. But the true sense of needs is having good place to live, good food for survival, good career for development and healthy environment at top priority. The limitations are the parameters that warn us not to misuse or deplete natural resources and human resources. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
In order to make children get higher academic results parents criticize children by comparing with better performers in family, friends and society, which makes students panic about exam. Students when unable to meet the expectations of the parents and pressure from society to be best, lower the self confidence in them. Thus, the educational and psychological specialists constantly have been emphasizing on natural or creative learning system where the students are in an environment are freely allowed to choose their interested areas of study and they are not judged by their unlike areas of subjects. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
In order to make children get higher academic results parents criticize children by comparing with better performers in family, friends and society, which makes students panic about exam. Students when unable to meet the expectations of the parents and pressure from society to be best, lower the self confidence in them. Thus, the educational and psychological specialists constantly have been emphasizing on natural or creative learning system where the students are in an environment are freely allowed to choose their interested areas of study and they are not judged by their unlike areas of subjects. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
In order to make children get higher academic results parents criticize children by comparing with better performers in family, friends and society, which makes students panic about exam. Students when unable to meet the expectations of the parents and pressure from society to be best, lower the self confidence in them. Thus, the educational and psychological specialists constantly have been emphasizing on natural or creative learning system where the students are in an environment are freely allowed to choose their interested areas of study and they are not judged by their unlike areas of subjects. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The decisions are not being made by the people in many occupations. Instead, the decision alternatives are provided by the software and not by the people. It will affect the workforce as the role of the workforce in providing, collecting, and analyzing information for decision-making purposes has been reduced. This will reduce many jobs in the managerial posts that were previously related to assisting decision making. Microelectronics is developing at an exponential speed which has far-reaching social consequences for vocational fields. This has opened a free space for genera] public to accessing Information for self support decision systems |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The decisions are not being made by the people in many occupations. Instead, the decision alternatives are provided by the software and not by the people. It will affect the workforce as the role of the workforce in providing, collecting, and analyzing information for decision-making purposes has been reduced. This will reduce many jobs in the managerial posts that were previously related to assisting decision making. Microelectronics is developing at an exponential speed which has far-reaching social consequences for vocational fields. This has opened a free space for genera] public to accessing Information for self support decision systems |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The decisions are not being made by the people in many occupations. Instead, the decision alternatives are provided by the software and not by the people. It will affect the workforce as the role of the workforce in providing, collecting, and analyzing information for decision-making purposes has been reduced. This will reduce many jobs in the managerial posts that were previously related to assisting decision making. Microelectronics is developing at an exponential speed which has far-reaching social consequences for vocational fields. This has opened a free space for general public to accessing Information for self support decision systems |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
A unit of account is an agreed measure for stating the prices of goods and services. Money also serves as a store of value and it holds value over time. Although money is not the only thing that stores values as houses and land also fulfills this function, however, money is different as it can be liquated immediately for other commodities. This stems from the idea that the modern economy is not only an exchange economy but a credit economy. Since, in reality different people want different things at different times which give more weight to liquidity of money. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
A unit of account is an agreed measure for stating the prices of goods and services. Money also serves as a store of value and it holds value over time. Although money is not the only thing that stores values as houses and land also fulfills this function, however, money is different as it can be liquated immediately for other commodities. This stems from the idea that the modern economy is not only an exchange economy but a credit economy. Since, in reality different people want different things at different times which give more weight to liquidity of money. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
A unit of account is an agreed measure for stating the prices of goods and services. Money also serves as a store of value and it holds value over time. Although money is not the only thing that stores values as houses and land also fulfills this function, however, money is different as it can be liquated immediately for other commodities. This stems from the idea that the modern economy is not only an exchange economy but a credit economy. Since, in reality different people want different things at different times which give more weight to liquidity of money. |
Direction: In the following questions information about number of candidates interviewed by five commercial firms on different working days has been provided. You are required to read the table carefully and answer the questions given below: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Number of candidates interviewed by five firms on different working days | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following questions information about number of candidates interviewed by five commercial firms on different working days has been provided. You are required to read the table carefully and answer the questions given below: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Number of candidates interviewed by five firms on different working days | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following questions information about number of candidates interviewed by five commercial firms on different working days has been provided. You are required to read the table carefully and answer the questions given below: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Number of candidates interviewed by five firms on different working days | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following questions information about number of candidates interviewed by five commercial firms on different working days has been provided. You are required to read the table carefully and answer the questions given below: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Number of candidates interviewed by five firms on different working days | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following questions information about number of candidates interviewed by five commercial firms on different working days has been provided. You are required to read the table carefully and answer the questions given below: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Number of candidates interviewed by five firms on different working days | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following pie-chart per cent of students enrolled in different cultural activities of a school has been shown. You are required to study the pie-chart carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Number of students = 1800 |
Direction: In the following pie-chart per cent of students enrolled in different cultural activities of a school has been shown. You are required to study the pie-chart carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Number of students = 1800 |
Direction: In the following pie-chart per cent of students enrolled in different cultural activities of a school has been shown. You are required to study the pie-chart carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Number of students = 1800 |
Direction: In the following pie-chart per cent of students enrolled in different cultural activities of a school has been shown. You are required to study the pie-chart carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Number of students = 1800 |
Direction: In the following pie-chart per cent of students enrolled in different cultural activities of a school has been shown. You are required to study the pie-chart carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Number of students = 1800 |
Direction: Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follows. |
In a school there are total 120 staff members and 800 students. 65 per cent of the number of staff members is teachers and remaining staff members are administrative officials. Out of the total number of students 45 per cent are girls. Twenty per cent of the number of girls can speak only Hindi. Remaining girls can speak both Hindi and English. Three-fourth of the number of boys can speak only Hindi. Remaining boys can speak both Hindi and English. Two-third of the number of teachers is male. Five-fourteenth of the number of administrative officials is female. |
Direction: Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follows. |
In a school there are total 120 staff members and 800 students. 65 per cent of the number of staff members is teachers and remaining staff members are administrative officials. Out of the total number of students 45 per cent are girls. Twenty per cent of the number of girls can speak only Hindi. Remaining girls can speak both Hindi and English. Three-fourth of the number of boys can speak only Hindi. Remaining boys can speak both Hindi and English. Two-third of the number of teachers is male. Five-fourteenth of the number of administrative officials is female. |
Direction: Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follows. |
In a school there are total 120 staff members and 800 students. 65 per cent of the number of staff members is teachers and remaining staff members are administrative officials. Out of the total number of students 45 per cent are girls. Twenty per cent of the number of girls can speak only Hindi. Remaining girls can speak both Hindi and English. Three-fourth of the number of boys can speak only Hindi. Remaining boys can speak both Hindi and English. Two-third of the number of teachers is male. Five-fourteenth of the number of administrative officials is female. |
Direction: Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follows. |
In a school there are total 120 staff members and 800 students. 65 per cent of the number of staff members is teachers and remaining staff members are administrative officials. Out of the total number of students 45 per cent are girls. Twenty per cent of the number of girls can speak only Hindi. Remaining girls can speak both Hindi and English. Three-fourth of the number of boys can speak only Hindi. Remaining boys can speak both Hindi and English. Two-third of the number of teachers is male. Five-fourteenth of the number of administrative officials is female. |
Direction: Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follows. |
In a school there are total 120 staff members and 800 students. 65 per cent of the number of staff members is teachers and remaining staff members are administrative officials. Out of the total number of students 45 per cent are girls. Twenty per cent of the number of girls can speak only Hindi. Remaining girls can speak both Hindi and English. Three-fourth of the number of boys can speak only Hindi. Remaining boys can speak both Hindi and English. Two-third of the number of teachers is male. Five-fourteenth of the number of administrative officials is female. |
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