Penderel Moon arrived in Bahawalpur as revenue minister in April 1947 under Prime Minister Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani, later governor of West Pakistan and remembered by Salahuddin Abbasi as a "lovely little roly-poly man". He took over from Sir Richard Crofton who had been in the post since 1942, the first of the two British Prime Ministers of Bahawalpur. |
Moon commented on a "vague hostility" to the arrival of another British official, which he put down in part to the desire to see at last the end of the British and secondly to a tradition of "anti-western, obscurantist and reactionary Islam" in Bahawalpur. In the former complaint, the population must have been disappointed to get a second British Prime Minister after Independence. In the latter, such opinions may have been part of the earlier clash of the British with tradition embodied in Maulvi Ghulam Hussain. They were not overtly shared by the anglophile nawab. |
However, in the years since Bahawalpur was absorbed into the Punjab, marginalised, forgotten and impoverished in the enrichment of the upper Punjab, reactionary Islam had gained ground in Bahawalpur once more. The huge support, moral and financial, given by the nawab of Bahawalpur to the Quaid-i-Azam and the new Islamic state of Pakistan at its birth had been in no wise remembered and only reciprocated in broken promises to the state. |
As the most important Muslim-majority state with a Muslim ruler, leaving aside the different story and geographical location of Hyderabad, and with geographical borders with Sindh and Punjab, Bahawalpur's accession to Pakistan must have appeared certain. |
Moon wrote, the people of the state "knew nothing of any other possibility". The Muslim population was "well content" with the prospect and most of the minority communities accepted it without serious concern. |
It was only as panic grew, and Muslims from Rajputana began to move into Bahawalpur, in the weeks leading up to the transfer of power, that their migration was mirrored by that of the Hindu population. They were, in particular, the proprietors of urban businesses, that the nawab hoped and tried to retain in Bahawalpur. |
Sadiq Muhammad Khan was close enough to Jinnah, who had advised the family legally and in relation to the Sutlej Valley Project loan, to have had him as a regular guest at his house, Al Qamar, in Karachi. Eventually, he presented the Quaid with 15 acres of land and ordered that a house should be built for him on it. Jinnah also took a laissez-faire attitude to the princes, so that their expectations of at least semi-independence within Pakistan, and, in Bahawalpur's case, absolute belief in promises of provincial status in due course, would have more allure than any0 offer from a Congress government in India. |
One of his grandfather's servants, deputed to look after Jinnah's building work in Karachi reported no such easy-going attitude in other areas of the Quaid's life. The servant, who was an unusually big man, six and a half feet tall, told Salahuddin that Jinnah was so imperious, he used to tremble in front of him. |
In a riposte to the resolution of 14 June 1947 of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) that suggested that the lapse of paramountcy did not lead to the independence of states as they could not exist separate from the rest of India, Jinnah had made a statement on 17 June: "The Indian states will be an independent sovereign states on the termination of paramountcy and they will be free to adopt any course they like. We do not wish to interfere with internal affairs of any state", and "...we shall be glad to discuss with them and come to settlement which will be in the interest of both." |
Penderel Moon arrived in Bahawalpur as revenue minister in April 1947 under Prime Minister Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani, later governor of West Pakistan and remembered by Salahuddin Abbasi as a "lovely little roly-poly man". He took over from Sir Richard Crofton who had been in the post since 1942, the first of the two British Prime Ministers of Bahawalpur. |
Moon commented on a "vague hostility" to the arrival of another British official, which he put down in part to the desire to see at last the end of the British and secondly to a tradition of "anti-western, obscurantist and reactionary Islam" in Bahawalpur. In the former complaint, the population must have been disappointed to get a second British Prime Minister after Independence. In the latter, such opinions may have been part of the earlier clash of the British with tradition embodied in Maulvi Ghulam Hussain. They were not overtly shared by the anglophile nawab. |
However, in the years since Bahawalpur was absorbed into the Punjab, marginalised, forgotten and impoverished in the enrichment of the upper Punjab, reactionary Islam had gained ground in Bahawalpur once more. The huge support, moral and financial, given by the nawab of Bahawalpur to the Quaid-i-Azam and the new Islamic state of Pakistan at its birth had been in no wise remembered and only reciprocated in broken promises to the state. |
As the most important Muslim-majority state with a Muslim ruler, leaving aside the different story and geographical location of Hyderabad, and with geographical borders with Sindh and Punjab, Bahawalpur's accession to Pakistan must have appeared certain. |
Moon wrote, the people of the state "knew nothing of any other possibility". The Muslim population was "well content" with the prospect and most of the minority communities accepted it without serious concern. |
It was only as panic grew, and Muslims from Rajputana began to move into Bahawalpur, in the weeks leading up to the transfer of power, that their migration was mirrored by that of the Hindu population. They were, in particular, the proprietors of urban businesses, that the nawab hoped and tried to retain in Bahawalpur. |
Sadiq Muhammad Khan was close enough to Jinnah, who had advised the family legally and in relation to the Sutlej Valley Project loan, to have had him as a regular guest at his house, Al Qamar, in Karachi. Eventually, he presented the Quaid with 15 acres of land and ordered that a house should be built for him on it. Jinnah also took a laissez-faire attitude to the princes, so that their expectations of at least semi-independence within Pakistan, and, in Bahawalpur's case, absolute belief in promises of provincial status in due course, would have more allure than any0 offer from a Congress government in India. |
One of his grandfather's servants, deputed to look after Jinnah's building work in Karachi reported no such easy-going attitude in other areas of the Quaid's life. The servant, who was an unusually big man, six and a half feet tall, told Salahuddin that Jinnah was so imperious, he used to tremble in front of him. |
In a riposte to the resolution of 14 June 1947 of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) that suggested that the lapse of paramountcy did not lead to the independence of states as they could not exist separate from the rest of India, Jinnah had made a statement on 17 June: "The Indian states will be an independent sovereign states on the termination of paramountcy and they will be free to adopt any course they like. We do not wish to interfere with internal affairs of any state", and "...we shall be glad to discuss with them and come to settlement which will be in the interest of both." |
Penderel Moon arrived in Bahawalpur as revenue minister in April 1947 under Prime Minister Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani, later governor of West Pakistan and remembered by Salahuddin Abbasi as a "lovely little roly-poly man". He took over from Sir Richard Crofton who had been in the post since 1942, the first of the two British Prime Ministers of Bahawalpur. |
Moon commented on a "vague hostility" to the arrival of another British official, which he put down in part to the desire to see at last the end of the British and secondly to a tradition of "anti-western, obscurantist and reactionary Islam" in Bahawalpur. In the former complaint, the population must have been disappointed to get a second British Prime Minister after Independence. In the latter, such opinions may have been part of the earlier clash of the British with tradition embodied in Maulvi Ghulam Hussain. They were not overtly shared by the anglophile nawab. |
However, in the years since Bahawalpur was absorbed into the Punjab, marginalised, forgotten and impoverished in the enrichment of the upper Punjab, reactionary Islam had gained ground in Bahawalpur once more. The huge support, moral and financial, given by the nawab of Bahawalpur to the Quaid-i-Azam and the new Islamic state of Pakistan at its birth had been in no wise remembered and only reciprocated in broken promises to the state. |
As the most important Muslim-majority state with a Muslim ruler, leaving aside the different story and geographical location of Hyderabad, and with geographical borders with Sindh and Punjab, Bahawalpur's accession to Pakistan must have appeared certain. |
Moon wrote, the people of the state "knew nothing of any other possibility". The Muslim population was "well content" with the prospect and most of the minority communities accepted it without serious concern. |
It was only as panic grew, and Muslims from Rajputana began to move into Bahawalpur, in the weeks leading up to the transfer of power, that their migration was mirrored by that of the Hindu population. They were, in particular, the proprietors of urban businesses, that the nawab hoped and tried to retain in Bahawalpur. |
Sadiq Muhammad Khan was close enough to Jinnah, who had advised the family legally and in relation to the Sutlej Valley Project loan, to have had him as a regular guest at his house, Al Qamar, in Karachi. Eventually, he presented the Quaid with 15 acres of land and ordered that a house should be built for him on it. Jinnah also took a laissez-faire attitude to the princes, so that their expectations of at least semi-independence within Pakistan, and, in Bahawalpur's case, absolute belief in promises of provincial status in due course, would have more allure than any0 offer from a Congress government in India. |
One of his grandfather's servants, deputed to look after Jinnah's building work in Karachi reported no such easy-going attitude in other areas of the Quaid's life. The servant, who was an unusually big man, six and a half feet tall, told Salahuddin that Jinnah was so imperious, he used to tremble in front of him. |
In a riposte to the resolution of 14 June 1947 of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) that suggested that the lapse of paramountcy did not lead to the independence of states as they could not exist separate from the rest of India, Jinnah had made a statement on 17 June: "The Indian states will be an independent sovereign states on the termination of paramountcy and they will be free to adopt any course they like. We do not wish to interfere with internal affairs of any state", and "...we shall be glad to discuss with them and come to settlement which will be in the interest of both." |
Penderel Moon arrived in Bahawalpur as revenue minister in April 1947 under Prime Minister Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani, later governor of West Pakistan and remembered by Salahuddin Abbasi as a "lovely little roly-poly man". He took over from Sir Richard Crofton who had been in the post since 1942, the first of the two British Prime Ministers of Bahawalpur. |
Moon commented on a "vague hostility" to the arrival of another British official, which he put down in part to the desire to see at last the end of the British and secondly to a tradition of "anti-western, obscurantist and reactionary Islam" in Bahawalpur. In the former complaint, the population must have been disappointed to get a second British Prime Minister after Independence. In the latter, such opinions may have been part of the earlier clash of the British with tradition embodied in Maulvi Ghulam Hussain. They were not overtly shared by the anglophile nawab. |
However, in the years since Bahawalpur was absorbed into the Punjab, marginalised, forgotten and impoverished in the enrichment of the upper Punjab, reactionary Islam had gained ground in Bahawalpur once more. The huge support, moral and financial, given by the nawab of Bahawalpur to the Quaid-i-Azam and the new Islamic state of Pakistan at its birth had been in no wise remembered and only reciprocated in broken promises to the state. |
As the most important Muslim-majority state with a Muslim ruler, leaving aside the different story and geographical location of Hyderabad, and with geographical borders with Sindh and Punjab, Bahawalpur's accession to Pakistan must have appeared certain. |
Moon wrote, the people of the state "knew nothing of any other possibility". The Muslim population was "well content" with the prospect and most of the minority communities accepted it without serious concern. |
It was only as panic grew, and Muslims from Rajputana began to move into Bahawalpur, in the weeks leading up to the transfer of power, that their migration was mirrored by that of the Hindu population. They were, in particular, the proprietors of urban businesses, that the nawab hoped and tried to retain in Bahawalpur. |
Sadiq Muhammad Khan was close enough to Jinnah, who had advised the family legally and in relation to the Sutlej Valley Project loan, to have had him as a regular guest at his house, Al Qamar, in Karachi. Eventually, he presented the Quaid with 15 acres of land and ordered that a house should be built for him on it. Jinnah also took a laissez-faire attitude to the princes, so that their expectations of at least semi-independence within Pakistan, and, in Bahawalpur's case, absolute belief in promises of provincial status in due course, would have more allure than any0 offer from a Congress government in India. |
One of his grandfather's servants, deputed to look after Jinnah's building work in Karachi reported no such easy-going attitude in other areas of the Quaid's life. The servant, who was an unusually big man, six and a half feet tall, told Salahuddin that Jinnah was so imperious, he used to tremble in front of him. |
In a riposte to the resolution of 14 June 1947 of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) that suggested that the lapse of paramountcy did not lead to the independence of states as they could not exist separate from the rest of India, Jinnah had made a statement on 17 June: "The Indian states will be an independent sovereign states on the termination of paramountcy and they will be free to adopt any course they like. We do not wish to interfere with internal affairs of any state", and "...we shall be glad to discuss with them and come to settlement which will be in the interest of both." |
Penderel Moon arrived in Bahawalpur as revenue minister in April 1947 under Prime Minister Mushtaq Ahmed Gurmani, later governor of West Pakistan and remembered by Salahuddin Abbasi as a "lovely little roly-poly man". He took over from Sir Richard Crofton who had been in the post since 1942, the first of the two British Prime Ministers of Bahawalpur. |
Moon commented on a "vague hostility" to the arrival of another British official, which he put down in part to the desire to see at last the end of the British and secondly to a tradition of "anti-western, obscurantist and reactionary Islam" in Bahawalpur. In the former complaint, the population must have been disappointed to get a second British Prime Minister after Independence. In the latter, such opinions may have been part of the earlier clash of the British with tradition embodied in Maulvi Ghulam Hussain. They were not overtly shared by the anglophile nawab. |
However, in the years since Bahawalpur was absorbed into the Punjab, marginalised, forgotten and impoverished in the enrichment of the upper Punjab, reactionary Islam had gained ground in Bahawalpur once more. The huge support, moral and financial, given by the nawab of Bahawalpur to the Quaid-i-Azam and the new Islamic state of Pakistan at its birth had been in no wise remembered and only reciprocated in broken promises to the state. |
As the most important Muslim-majority state with a Muslim ruler, leaving aside the different story and geographical location of Hyderabad, and with geographical borders with Sindh and Punjab, Bahawalpur's accession to Pakistan must have appeared certain. |
Moon wrote, the people of the state "knew nothing of any other possibility". The Muslim population was "well content" with the prospect and most of the minority communities accepted it without serious concern. |
It was only as panic grew, and Muslims from Rajputana began to move into Bahawalpur, in the weeks leading up to the transfer of power, that their migration was mirrored by that of the Hindu population. They were, in particular, the proprietors of urban businesses, that the nawab hoped and tried to retain in Bahawalpur. |
Sadiq Muhammad Khan was close enough to Jinnah, who had advised the family legally and in relation to the Sutlej Valley Project loan, to have had him as a regular guest at his house, Al Qamar, in Karachi. Eventually, he presented the Quaid with 15 acres of land and ordered that a house should be built for him on it. Jinnah also took a laissez-faire attitude to the princes, so that their expectations of at least semi-independence within Pakistan, and, in Bahawalpur's case, absolute belief in promises of provincial status in due course, would have more allure than any0 offer from a Congress government in India. |
One of his grandfather's servants, deputed to look after Jinnah's building work in Karachi reported no such easy-going attitude in other areas of the Quaid's life. The servant, who was an unusually big man, six and a half feet tall, told Salahuddin that Jinnah was so imperious, he used to tremble in front of him. |
In a riposte to the resolution of 14 June 1947 of the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) that suggested that the lapse of paramountcy did not lead to the independence of states as they could not exist separate from the rest of India, Jinnah had made a statement on 17 June: "The Indian states will be an independent sovereign states on the termination of paramountcy and they will be free to adopt any course they like. We do not wish to interfere with internal affairs of any state", and "...we shall be glad to discuss with them and come to settlement which will be in the interest of both." |
It was an autumn evening falling over the house in a Kashmiri village that brought the two of them together. |
The woman and child were strangers to themselves and to everyone else. Just then, not one of the many people in the household knew how to comfort either of them. Zeenat, for that was her name, had surprised everyone by ringing the doorbell that October evening, having travelled back to her ancestral home by bus. As she stepped off the vehicle at-the end of the street, her head was bowed, she held a suitcase in one hand and a purse was slung over her other shoulder. It was a short walk by the orchards to the big house where her parents and other relatives lived. |
She arrived unannounced and refused to answer any questions, merely was going upto the stairs to the room that was once hers, where, now, a little stone-faced child sat in the lap of a female relative. At her approach, the woman dislodged the child from her lap, get up from the carpeted floor, and on her way out to get tea, whispered that the childs parents were dead - he was deaf-mute and had been living with them for the past few days. |
When Zeenat and the child were alone in the room, they avoided each other's gaze, locked in their silent personal universes. |
Perhaps they understood each other perfectly. She slumped down in a comer with her back against an embroidered cushion. His small body huddled in an oversized pheran, he sat staring at a wall a few feet away from her. |
Bang! Bang! Bang! Gunshots rang out on the TV screen opposite; a famous daredevil south-Indian hero was making mincemeat of the villains. It was then that she realized that the room had been noisy all this while; her cousin must have been watching the subtitled movie. The sound did not bother her, barely penetrating the iron cloak of wretchedness that she wore. |
The child kept staring at the wall until the woman returned with nun chai and lavas on a tray. Before placing the tray on the floor, she handed the child a piece of the bread, which he accepted with the delayed reactions of a slow automaton. Zeenat too quietly took the tea, cupping her palms around the warm glass tumbler. Her cousin touched her shoulder in a gentle gesture of sympathy, switched the television off and, pulling the curtains across the door, left the two mute strangers in the gaudy room. The colours around them challenged their grey states of mind. There was a small chair in one comer of the room, but no other furniture. The carpet that covered the entire floor was bright red, with a diamond pattern of yellow flowers threaded through it, while the walls were a light shade of blue. |
On one side was a glass-fronted display case that held Quranic inscriptions sewed upon an oval, green velvet backdrop, a pair of porcelain dolls, a framed fold-out family picture, and a small copper samovar. The kitsch dolls had once belonged to Zeenat, who had adored the china couple gazing at each other over a patch of colourful flowers. |
She looked above the rim of her tumbler and her eyes hooked upon the family picture frame. She could not relate to her own image in that glossy photograph taken on a harvest day in the orchard. Her parents stood on either side of her; everyone looked happy. This was when she had first returned home after her marriage to Fayaz in the autumn of 2013. |
It was an autumn evening falling over the house in a Kashmiri village that brought the two of them together. |
The woman and child were strangers to themselves and to everyone else. Just then, not one of the many people in the household knew how to comfort either of them. Zeenat, for that was her name, had surprised everyone by ringing the doorbell that October evening, having travelled back to her ancestral home by bus. As she stepped off the vehicle at-the end of the street, her head was bowed, she held a suitcase in one hand and a purse was slung over her other shoulder. It was a short walk by the orchards to the big house where her parents and other relatives lived. |
She arrived unannounced and refused to answer any questions, merely was going upto the stairs to the room that was once hers, where, now, a little stone-faced child sat in the lap of a female relative. At her approach, the woman dislodged the child from her lap, get up from the carpeted floor, and on her way out to get tea, whispered that the childs parents were dead - he was deaf-mute and had been living with them for the past few days. |
When Zeenat and the child were alone in the room, they avoided each other's gaze, locked in their silent personal universes. |
Perhaps they understood each other perfectly. She slumped down in a comer with her back against an embroidered cushion. His small body huddled in an oversized pheran, he sat staring at a wall a few feet away from her. |
Bang! Bang! Bang! Gunshots rang out on the TV screen opposite; a famous daredevil south-Indian hero was making mincemeat of the villains. It was then that she realized that the room had been noisy all this while; her cousin must have been watching the subtitled movie. The sound did not bother her, barely penetrating the iron cloak of wretchedness that she wore. |
The child kept staring at the wall until the woman returned with nun chai and lavas on a tray. Before placing the tray on the floor, she handed the child a piece of the bread, which he accepted with the delayed reactions of a slow automaton. Zeenat too quietly took the tea, cupping her palms around the warm glass tumbler. Her cousin touched her shoulder in a gentle gesture of sympathy, switched the television off and, pulling the curtains across the door, left the two mute strangers in the gaudy room. The colours around them challenged their grey states of mind. There was a small chair in one comer of the room, but no other furniture. The carpet that covered the entire floor was bright red, with a diamond pattern of yellow flowers threaded through it, while the walls were a light shade of blue. |
On one side was a glass-fronted display case that held Quranic inscriptions sewed upon an oval, green velvet backdrop, a pair of porcelain dolls, a framed fold-out family picture, and a small copper samovar. The kitsch dolls had once belonged to Zeenat, who had adored the china couple gazing at each other over a patch of colourful flowers. |
She looked above the rim of her tumbler and her eyes hooked upon the family picture frame. She could not relate to her own image in that glossy photograph taken on a harvest day in the orchard. Her parents stood on either side of her; everyone looked happy. This was when she had first returned home after her marriage to Fayaz in the autumn of 2013. |
It was an autumn evening falling over the house in a Kashmiri village that brought the two of them together. |
The woman and child were strangers to themselves and to everyone else. Just then, not one of the many people in the household knew how to comfort either of them. Zeenat, for that was her name, had surprised everyone by ringing the doorbell that October evening, having travelled back to her ancestral home by bus. As she stepped off the vehicle at-the end of the street, her head was bowed, she held a suitcase in one hand and a purse was slung over her other shoulder. It was a short walk by the orchards to the big house where her parents and other relatives lived. |
She arrived unannounced and refused to answer any questions, merely was going upto the stairs to the room that was once hers, where, now, a little stone-faced child sat in the lap of a female relative. At her approach, the woman dislodged the child from her lap, get up from the carpeted floor, and on her way out to get tea, whispered that the childs parents were dead - he was deaf-mute and had been living with them for the past few days. |
When Zeenat and the child were alone in the room, they avoided each other's gaze, locked in their silent personal universes. |
Perhaps they understood each other perfectly. She slumped down in a comer with her back against an embroidered cushion. His small body huddled in an oversized pheran, he sat staring at a wall a few feet away from her. |
Bang! Bang! Bang! Gunshots rang out on the TV screen opposite; a famous daredevil south-Indian hero was making mincemeat of the villains. It was then that she realized that the room had been noisy all this while; her cousin must have been watching the subtitled movie. The sound did not bother her, barely penetrating the iron cloak of wretchedness that she wore. |
The child kept staring at the wall until the woman returned with nun chai and lavas on a tray. Before placing the tray on the floor, she handed the child a piece of the bread, which he accepted with the delayed reactions of a slow automaton. Zeenat too quietly took the tea, cupping her palms around the warm glass tumbler. Her cousin touched her shoulder in a gentle gesture of sympathy, switched the television off and, pulling the curtains across the door, left the two mute strangers in the gaudy room. The colours around them challenged their grey states of mind. There was a small chair in one comer of the room, but no other furniture. The carpet that covered the entire floor was bright red, with a diamond pattern of yellow flowers threaded through it, while the walls were a light shade of blue. |
On one side was a glass-fronted display case that held Quranic inscriptions sewed upon an oval, green velvet backdrop, a pair of porcelain dolls, a framed fold-out family picture, and a small copper samovar. The kitsch dolls had once belonged to Zeenat, who had adored the china couple gazing at each other over a patch of colourful flowers. |
She looked above the rim of her tumbler and her eyes hooked upon the family picture frame. She could not relate to her own image in that glossy photograph taken on a harvest day in the orchard. Her parents stood on either side of her; everyone looked happy. This was when she had first returned home after her marriage to Fayaz in the autumn of 2013. |
It was an autumn evening falling over the house in a Kashmiri village that brought the two of them together. |
The woman and child were strangers to themselves and to everyone else. Just then, not one of the many people in the household knew how to comfort either of them. Zeenat, for that was her name, had surprised everyone by ringing the doorbell that October evening, having travelled back to her ancestral home by bus. As she stepped off the vehicle at-the end of the street, her head was bowed, she held a suitcase in one hand and a purse was slung over her other shoulder. It was a short walk by the orchards to the big house where her parents and other relatives lived. |
She arrived unannounced and refused to answer any questions, merely was going upto the stairs to the room that was once hers, where, now, a little stone-faced child sat in the lap of a female relative. At her approach, the woman dislodged the child from her lap, get up from the carpeted floor, and on her way out to get tea, whispered that the childs parents were dead - he was deaf-mute and had been living with them for the past few days. |
When Zeenat and the child were alone in the room, they avoided each other's gaze, locked in their silent personal universes. |
Perhaps they understood each other perfectly. She slumped down in a comer with her back against an embroidered cushion. His small body huddled in an oversized pheran, he sat staring at a wall a few feet away from her. |
Bang! Bang! Bang! Gunshots rang out on the TV screen opposite; a famous daredevil south-Indian hero was making mincemeat of the villains. It was then that she realized that the room had been noisy all this while; her cousin must have been watching the subtitled movie. The sound did not bother her, barely penetrating the iron cloak of wretchedness that she wore. |
The child kept staring at the wall until the woman returned with nun chai and lavas on a tray. Before placing the tray on the floor, she handed the child a piece of the bread, which he accepted with the delayed reactions of a slow automaton. Zeenat too quietly took the tea, cupping her palms around the warm glass tumbler. Her cousin touched her shoulder in a gentle gesture of sympathy, switched the television off and, pulling the curtains across the door, left the two mute strangers in the gaudy room. The colours around them challenged their grey states of mind. There was a small chair in one comer of the room, but no other furniture. The carpet that covered the entire floor was bright red, with a diamond pattern of yellow flowers threaded through it, while the walls were a light shade of blue. |
On one side was a glass-fronted display case that held Quranic inscriptions sewed upon an oval, green velvet backdrop, a pair of porcelain dolls, a framed fold-out family picture, and a small copper samovar. The kitsch dolls had once belonged to Zeenat, who had adored the china couple gazing at each other over a patch of colourful flowers. |
She looked above the rim of her tumbler and her eyes hooked upon the family picture frame. She could not relate to her own image in that glossy photograph taken on a harvest day in the orchard. Her parents stood on either side of her; everyone looked happy. This was when she had first returned home after her marriage to Fayaz in the autumn of 2013. |
It was an autumn evening falling over the house in a Kashmiri village that brought the two of them together. |
The woman and child were strangers to themselves and to everyone else. Just then, not one of the many people in the household knew how to comfort either of them. Zeenat, for that was her name, had surprised everyone by ringing the doorbell that October evening, having travelled back to her ancestral home by bus. As she stepped off the vehicle at-the end of the street, her head was bowed, she held a suitcase in one hand and a purse was slung over her other shoulder. It was a short walk by the orchards to the big house where her parents and other relatives lived. |
She arrived unannounced and refused to answer any questions, merely was going upto the stairs to the room that was once hers, where, now, a little stone-faced child sat in the lap of a female relative. At her approach, the woman dislodged the child from her lap, get up from the carpeted floor, and on her way out to get tea, whispered that the childs parents were dead - he was deaf-mute and had been living with them for the past few days. |
When Zeenat and the child were alone in the room, they avoided each other's gaze, locked in their silent personal universes. |
Perhaps they understood each other perfectly. She slumped down in a comer with her back against an embroidered cushion. His small body huddled in an oversized pheran, he sat staring at a wall a few feet away from her. |
Bang! Bang! Bang! Gunshots rang out on the TV screen opposite; a famous daredevil south-Indian hero was making mincemeat of the villains. It was then that she realized that the room had been noisy all this while; her cousin must have been watching the subtitled movie. The sound did not bother her, barely penetrating the iron cloak of wretchedness that she wore. |
The child kept staring at the wall until the woman returned with nun chai and lavas on a tray. Before placing the tray on the floor, she handed the child a piece of the bread, which he accepted with the delayed reactions of a slow automaton. Zeenat too quietly took the tea, cupping her palms around the warm glass tumbler. Her cousin touched her shoulder in a gentle gesture of sympathy, switched the television off and, pulling the curtains across the door, left the two mute strangers in the gaudy room. The colours around them challenged their grey states of mind. There was a small chair in one comer of the room, but no other furniture. The carpet that covered the entire floor was bright red, with a diamond pattern of yellow flowers threaded through it, while the walls were a light shade of blue. |
On one side was a glass-fronted display case that held Quranic inscriptions sewed upon an oval, green velvet backdrop, a pair of porcelain dolls, a framed fold-out family picture, and a small copper samovar. The kitsch dolls had once belonged to Zeenat, who had adored the china couple gazing at each other over a patch of colourful flowers. |
She looked above the rim of her tumbler and her eyes hooked upon the family picture frame. She could not relate to her own image in that glossy photograph taken on a harvest day in the orchard. Her parents stood on either side of her; everyone looked happy. This was when she had first returned home after her marriage to Fayaz in the autumn of 2013. |
On 19 April 1993, the flight was to arrive around 2 am. People had gathered in hundreds outside the Sabar Airport, International terminal. Sanjay's family was there accompanied by their film fraternity, as were hundreds of political supporters of Sunil Dutt all set to show solidarity, and of course, the media. My strategy hinged on the arrest to be swift and quick and without providing the hordes gathered outside an opportunity to dramatise it. |
I was in my civvies, waiting with the team on the aerobridge where it meets the aircraft. Sanjay Dutt, a first class passenger, was the first to disembark out of the aircraft door. As he did, I put my hand round his shoulder and drew him aside. I did not know him. So I introduced myself, "I am DCP Rakesh Maria. Where are your boarding pass and passport? Give them to me." |
He looked at me dazed and in a state of shock and meekly handed over the passport and boarding pass without a word. |
I gave them to one of my officers who left to collect his bags. I walked Sanjay Dutt down the steps, from the aerobridge ladder near the aircraft door, on to the tarmac. As per the plan, two vehicles were waiting for us there: my official Ambassador car and a Crime Branch jeep. I sat in my car, next to the driver and Sanjay Dutt was made to sit behind between two constables. |
The Domestic terminal at Santacruz and the International terminal at Sahar share the same airstrips. With the jeep closely following us, we drove on the tarmac to Santacruz - the Domestic terminal. No one spoke a word to Sanjay Dutt during the entire journey. I had categorically instructed the constables that whatever he said or asked, they must not respond, nor utter a single word. |
Sanjay repeatedly kept enquiring as to where we were taking him. He kept moaning that his father, his family were waiting for him. "You cannot do this. Let me meet them once. Let me meet my father!" he kept saying, but none of us uttered even a word. The constables sat totally expressionless, without even turning their faces to look at Sanjay. Like stone statues! |
Coming out of the Santacruz Domestic Airport, we brought Sanjay straight to the Crime Branch in the CP's office at Crawford Market. He was taken to a room with an attached toilet that I had already identified earlier in the day. It was manned by carefully selected handpicked guards. Nobody except me was to speak to him; nobody was allowed to enter the room without my permission. If he wanted to use the toilet, he was to keep its door ajar. Smoking too was prohibited. |
On 19 April 1993, the flight was to arrive around 2 am. People had gathered in hundreds outside the Sabar Airport, International terminal. Sanjay's family was there accompanied by their film fraternity, as were hundreds of political supporters of Sunil Dutt all set to show solidarity, and of course, the media. My strategy hinged on the arrest to be swift and quick and without providing the hordes gathered outside an opportunity to dramatise it. |
I was in my civvies, waiting with the team on the aerobridge where it meets the aircraft. Sanjay Dutt, a first class passenger, was the first to disembark out of the aircraft door. As he did, I put my hand round his shoulder and drew him aside. I did not know him. So I introduced myself, "I am DCP Rakesh Maria. Where are your boarding pass and passport? Give them to me." |
He looked at me dazed and in a state of shock and meekly handed over the passport and boarding pass without a word. |
I gave them to one of my officers who left to collect his bags. I walked Sanjay Dutt down the steps, from the aerobridge ladder near the aircraft door, on to the tarmac. As per the plan, two vehicles were waiting for us there: my official Ambassador car and a Crime Branch jeep. I sat in my car, next to the driver and Sanjay Dutt was made to sit behind between two constables. |
The Domestic terminal at Santacruz and the International terminal at Sahar share the same airstrips. With the jeep closely following us, we drove on the tarmac to Santacruz - the Domestic terminal. No one spoke a word to Sanjay Dutt during the entire journey. I had categorically instructed the constables that whatever he said or asked, they must not respond, nor utter a single word. |
Sanjay repeatedly kept enquiring as to where we were taking him. He kept moaning that his father, his family were waiting for him. "You cannot do this. Let me meet them once. Let me meet my father!" he kept saying, but none of us uttered even a word. The constables sat totally expressionless, without even turning their faces to look at Sanjay. Like stone statues! |
Coming out of the Santacruz Domestic Airport, we brought Sanjay straight to the Crime Branch in the CP's office at Crawford Market. He was taken to a room with an attached toilet that I had already identified earlier in the day. It was manned by carefully selected handpicked guards. Nobody except me was to speak to him; nobody was allowed to enter the room without my permission. If he wanted to use the toilet, he was to keep its door ajar. Smoking too was prohibited. |
On 19 April 1993, the flight was to arrive around 2 am. People had gathered in hundreds outside the Sabar Airport, International terminal. Sanjay's family was there accompanied by their film fraternity, as were hundreds of political supporters of Sunil Dutt all set to show solidarity, and of course, the media. My strategy hinged on the arrest to be swift and quick and without providing the hordes gathered outside an opportunity to dramatise it. |
I was in my civvies, waiting with the team on the aerobridge where it meets the aircraft. Sanjay Dutt, a first class passenger, was the first to disembark out of the aircraft door. As he did, I put my hand round his shoulder and drew him aside. I did not know him. So I introduced myself, "I am DCP Rakesh Maria. Where are your boarding pass and passport? Give them to me." |
He looked at me dazed and in a state of shock and meekly handed over the passport and boarding pass without a word. |
I gave them to one of my officers who left to collect his bags. I walked Sanjay Dutt down the steps, from the aerobridge ladder near the aircraft door, on to the tarmac. As per the plan, two vehicles were waiting for us there: my official Ambassador car and a Crime Branch jeep. I sat in my car, next to the driver and Sanjay Dutt was made to sit behind between two constables. |
The Domestic terminal at Santacruz and the International terminal at Sahar share the same airstrips. With the jeep closely following us, we drove on the tarmac to Santacruz - the Domestic terminal. No one spoke a word to Sanjay Dutt during the entire journey. I had categorically instructed the constables that whatever he said or asked, they must not respond, nor utter a single word. |
Sanjay repeatedly kept enquiring as to where we were taking him. He kept moaning that his father, his family were waiting for him. "You cannot do this. Let me meet them once. Let me meet my father!" he kept saying, but none of us uttered even a word. The constables sat totally expressionless, without even turning their faces to look at Sanjay. Like stone statues! |
Coming out of the Santacruz Domestic Airport, we brought Sanjay straight to the Crime Branch in the CP's office at Crawford Market. He was taken to a room with an attached toilet that I had already identified earlier in the day. It was manned by carefully selected handpicked guards. Nobody except me was to speak to him; nobody was allowed to enter the room without my permission. If he wanted to use the toilet, he was to keep its door ajar. Smoking too was prohibited. |
On 19 April 1993, the flight was to arrive around 2 am. People had gathered in hundreds outside the Sabar Airport, International terminal. Sanjay's family was there accompanied by their film fraternity, as were hundreds of political supporters of Sunil Dutt all set to show solidarity, and of course, the media. My strategy hinged on the arrest to be swift and quick and without providing the hordes gathered outside an opportunity to dramatise it. |
I was in my civvies, waiting with the team on the aerobridge where it meets the aircraft. Sanjay Dutt, a first class passenger, was the first to disembark out of the aircraft door. As he did, I put my hand round his shoulder and drew him aside. I did not know him. So I introduced myself, "I am DCP Rakesh Maria. Where are your boarding pass and passport? Give them to me." |
He looked at me dazed and in a state of shock and meekly handed over the passport and boarding pass without a word. |
I gave them to one of my officers who left to collect his bags. I walked Sanjay Dutt down the steps, from the aerobridge ladder near the aircraft door, on to the tarmac. As per the plan, two vehicles were waiting for us there: my official Ambassador car and a Crime Branch jeep. I sat in my car, next to the driver and Sanjay Dutt was made to sit behind between two constables. |
The Domestic terminal at Santacruz and the International terminal at Sahar share the same airstrips. With the jeep closely following us, we drove on the tarmac to Santacruz - the Domestic terminal. No one spoke a word to Sanjay Dutt during the entire journey. I had categorically instructed the constables that whatever he said or asked, they must not respond, nor utter a single word. |
Sanjay repeatedly kept enquiring as to where we were taking him. He kept moaning that his father, his family were waiting for him. "You cannot do this. Let me meet them once. Let me meet my father!" he kept saying, but none of us uttered even a word. The constables sat totally expressionless, without even turning their faces to look at Sanjay. Like stone statues! |
Coming out of the Santacruz Domestic Airport, we brought Sanjay straight to the Crime Branch in the CP's office at Crawford Market. He was taken to a room with an attached toilet that I had already identified earlier in the day. It was manned by carefully selected handpicked guards. Nobody except me was to speak to him; nobody was allowed to enter the room without my permission. If he wanted to use the toilet, he was to keep its door ajar. Smoking too was prohibited. |
On 19 April 1993, the flight was to arrive around 2 am. People had gathered in hundreds outside the Sabar Airport, International terminal. Sanjay's family was there accompanied by their film fraternity, as were hundreds of political supporters of Sunil Dutt all set to show solidarity, and of course, the media. My strategy hinged on the arrest to be swift and quick and without providing the hordes gathered outside an opportunity to dramatise it. |
I was in my civvies, waiting with the team on the aerobridge where it meets the aircraft. Sanjay Dutt, a first class passenger, was the first to disembark out of the aircraft door. As he did, I put my hand round his shoulder and drew him aside. I did not know him. So I introduced myself, "I am DCP Rakesh Maria. Where are your boarding pass and passport? Give them to me." |
He looked at me dazed and in a state of shock and meekly handed over the passport and boarding pass without a word. |
I gave them to one of my officers who left to collect his bags. I walked Sanjay Dutt down the steps, from the aerobridge ladder near the aircraft door, on to the tarmac. As per the plan, two vehicles were waiting for us there: my official Ambassador car and a Crime Branch jeep. I sat in my car, next to the driver and Sanjay Dutt was made to sit behind between two constables. |
The Domestic terminal at Santacruz and the International terminal at Sahar share the same airstrips. With the jeep closely following us, we drove on the tarmac to Santacruz - the Domestic terminal. No one spoke a word to Sanjay Dutt during the entire journey. I had categorically instructed the constables that whatever he said or asked, they must not respond, nor utter a single word. |
Sanjay repeatedly kept enquiring as to where we were taking him. He kept moaning that his father, his family were waiting for him. "You cannot do this. Let me meet them once. Let me meet my father!" he kept saying, but none of us uttered even a word. The constables sat totally expressionless, without even turning their faces to look at Sanjay. Like stone statues! |
Coming out of the Santacruz Domestic Airport, we brought Sanjay straight to the Crime Branch in the CP's office at Crawford Market. He was taken to a room with an attached toilet that I had already identified earlier in the day. It was manned by carefully selected handpicked guards. Nobody except me was to speak to him; nobody was allowed to enter the room without my permission. If he wanted to use the toilet, he was to keep its door ajar. Smoking too was prohibited. |
On the morning of June 21, the papers printed an item in the international section - it was a slow news day - on the annual Yulin dog meat festival. Wedged in between an article on the birth of quintuplets to a couple in Cleveland, Ohio, and an advertisement for a miracle hair loss treatment, the piece described how visitors to the southern Chinese city of Yulin could celebrate the summer solstice by dining on lychee fruit and fresh dog meat. Animal rights activists condemned the Chinese. The Chinese condemned Western hypocrisy. The dogs were in no position to condemn anybody. |
The festival had been a tradition in Yulin for four hundred years, but there had been no Facebook back then. When Eram dropped the newspaper and grabbed his phone that morning, he found his newsfeed awash with outrage and photographs. Photographs of ten thousand dogs skewered-and-roasted, or awaiting their turn in cages. |
By the time he had driven like fury over to Pall Hill, each of his eight calls to Gehna had gone unanswered. Too impatient to wait for the elevator, he bounded up four flights of stairs and skidded into the apartment. Gehna's mother, who was sitting at the table, was startled into spilling soup down her house robe. |
"Morning, Mrs R, what's the word?" Eram said, trying to catch his breath. "May I just say that that is a lovely, what is it, a kaftan? That is a lovely kaftan. Very fetching. Listen, Gehna's not taking my calls. Is she around, do you know? |
Nina Rai glared at him. "Eram. You know you are welcome in my home. But you will enter it with decorum and not like some crazed hooligan. Would you like a bowl of gazpacho?" |
"Mmm, I would absolutely love a bowl of gazpacho, just, not right this second", said Eram. He was already backtracking towards Gehnas room. "So, is she here? Gehna?" |
"We had breakfast. She was looking at something on her phone and then she said she had a headache." |
"Probably came across some big words, ha ha. I'll just pop in and check on her." |
Eram heard Mrs Rai yelling behind him to leave the door open. It wasn't that she thought Gehna and he would start lucking as soon as they were alone in a room. At least, that wasnt her primary concern. |
What troubled her far more was that the servants - the cook, the cleaning lady, the driver - shouldn't be handed the means to gossip about her daughter's morals (or looseness thereof). Which was funny, thought Eram, because how would she explain Gehna's soon-to-be-enormous belly? He pushed the door to Gehna's room firmly closed behind him. |
The only sound in the room was from the air conditioning. The curtains were drawn. It was a tomb, almost subterranean in the weight of its stillness. Eram's mind shied away from the implications of that thought. |
No. He felt his way in the dark to where he could just about make out a roughly Gehna-shaped pile of blankets and pillows on the bed. He poked his finger at what he guessed was a shoulder. |
"Oi. Wake up, Rai." |
On the morning of June 21, the papers printed an item in the international section - it was a slow news day - on the annual Yulin dog meat festival. Wedged in between an article on the birth of quintuplets to a couple in Cleveland, Ohio, and an advertisement for a miracle hair loss treatment, the piece described how visitors to the southern Chinese city of Yulin could celebrate the summer solstice by dining on lychee fruit and fresh dog meat. Animal rights activists condemned the Chinese. The Chinese condemned Western hypocrisy. The dogs were in no position to condemn anybody. |
The festival had been a tradition in Yulin for four hundred years, but there had been no Facebook back then. When Eram dropped the newspaper and grabbed his phone that morning, he found his newsfeed awash with outrage and photographs. Photographs of ten thousand dogs skewered-and-roasted, or awaiting their turn in cages. |
By the time he had driven like fury over to Pall Hill, each of his eight calls to Gehna had gone unanswered. Too impatient to wait for the elevator, he bounded up four flights of stairs and skidded into the apartment. Gehna's mother, who was sitting at the table, was startled into spilling soup down her house robe. |
"Morning, Mrs R, what's the word?" Eram said, trying to catch his breath. "May I just say that that is a lovely, what is it, a kaftan? That is a lovely kaftan. Very fetching. Listen, Gehna's not taking my calls. Is she around, do you know? |
Nina Rai glared at him. "Eram. You know you are welcome in my home. But you will enter it with decorum and not like some crazed hooligan. Would you like a bowl of gazpacho?" |
"Mmm, I would absolutely love a bowl of gazpacho, just, not right this second", said Eram. He was already backtracking towards Gehnas room. "So, is she here? Gehna?" |
"We had breakfast. She was looking at something on her phone and then she said she had a headache." |
"Probably came across some big words, ha ha. I'll just pop in and check on her." |
Eram heard Mrs Rai yelling behind him to leave the door open. It wasn't that she thought Gehna and he would start lucking as soon as they were alone in a room. At least, that wasnt her primary concern. |
What troubled her far more was that the servants - the cook, the cleaning lady, the driver - shouldn't be handed the means to gossip about her daughter's morals (or looseness thereof). Which was funny, thought Eram, because how would she explain Gehna's soon-to-be-enormous belly? He pushed the door to Gehna's room firmly closed behind him. |
The only sound in the room was from the air conditioning. The curtains were drawn. It was a tomb, almost subterranean in the weight of its stillness. Eram's mind shied away from the implications of that thought. |
No. He felt his way in the dark to where he could just about make out a roughly Gehna-shaped pile of blankets and pillows on the bed. He poked his finger at what he guessed was a shoulder. |
"Oi. Wake up, Rai." |
On the morning of June 21, the papers printed an item in the international section - it was a slow news day - on the annual Yulin dog meat festival. Wedged in between an article on the birth of quintuplets to a couple in Cleveland, Ohio, and an advertisement for a miracle hair loss treatment, the piece described how visitors to the southern Chinese city of Yulin could celebrate the summer solstice by dining on lychee fruit and fresh dog meat. Animal rights activists condemned the Chinese. The Chinese condemned Western hypocrisy. The dogs were in no position to condemn anybody. |
The festival had been a tradition in Yulin for four hundred years, but there had been no Facebook back then. When Eram dropped the newspaper and grabbed his phone that morning, he found his newsfeed awash with outrage and photographs. Photographs of ten thousand dogs skewered-and-roasted, or awaiting their turn in cages. |
By the time he had driven like fury over to Pall Hill, each of his eight calls to Gehna had gone unanswered. Too impatient to wait for the elevator, he bounded up four flights of stairs and skidded into the apartment. Gehna's mother, who was sitting at the table, was startled into spilling soup down her house robe. |
"Morning, Mrs R, what's the word?" Eram said, trying to catch his breath. "May I just say that that is a lovely, what is it, a kaftan? That is a lovely kaftan. Very fetching. Listen, Gehna's not taking my calls. Is she around, do you know? |
Nina Rai glared at him. "Eram. You know you are welcome in my home. But you will enter it with decorum and not like some crazed hooligan. Would you like a bowl of gazpacho?" |
"Mmm, I would absolutely love a bowl of gazpacho, just, not right this second", said Eram. He was already backtracking towards Gehnas room. "So, is she here? Gehna?" |
"We had breakfast. She was looking at something on her phone and then she said she had a headache." |
"Probably came across some big words, ha ha. I'll just pop in and check on her." |
Eram heard Mrs Rai yelling behind him to leave the door open. It wasn't that she thought Gehna and he would start lucking as soon as they were alone in a room. At least, that wasnt her primary concern. |
What troubled her far more was that the servants - the cook, the cleaning lady, the driver - shouldn't be handed the means to gossip about her daughter's morals (or looseness thereof). Which was funny, thought Eram, because how would she explain Gehna's soon-to-be-enormous belly? He pushed the door to Gehna's room firmly closed behind him. |
The only sound in the room was from the air conditioning. The curtains were drawn. It was a tomb, almost subterranean in the weight of its stillness. Eram's mind shied away from the implications of that thought. |
No. He felt his way in the dark to where he could just about make out a roughly Gehna-shaped pile of blankets and pillows on the bed. He poked his finger at what he guessed was a shoulder. |
"Oi. Wake up, Rai." |
On the morning of June 21, the papers printed an item in the international section - it was a slow news day - on the annual Yulin dog meat festival. Wedged in between an article on the birth of quintuplets to a couple in Cleveland, Ohio, and an advertisement for a miracle hair loss treatment, the piece described how visitors to the southern Chinese city of Yulin could celebrate the summer solstice by dining on lychee fruit and fresh dog meat. Animal rights activists condemned the Chinese. The Chinese condemned Western hypocrisy. The dogs were in no position to condemn anybody. |
The festival had been a tradition in Yulin for four hundred years, but there had been no Facebook back then. When Eram dropped the newspaper and grabbed his phone that morning, he found his newsfeed awash with outrage and photographs. Photographs of ten thousand dogs skewered-and-roasted, or awaiting their turn in cages. |
By the time he had driven like fury over to Pall Hill, each of his eight calls to Gehna had gone unanswered. Too impatient to wait for the elevator, he bounded up four flights of stairs and skidded into the apartment. Gehna's mother, who was sitting at the table, was startled into spilling soup down her house robe. |
"Morning, Mrs R, what's the word?" Eram said, trying to catch his breath. "May I just say that that is a lovely, what is it, a kaftan? That is a lovely kaftan. Very fetching. Listen, Gehna's not taking my calls. Is she around, do you know? |
Nina Rai glared at him. "Eram. You know you are welcome in my home. But you will enter it with decorum and not like some crazed hooligan. Would you like a bowl of gazpacho?" |
"Mmm, I would absolutely love a bowl of gazpacho, just, not right this second", said Eram. He was already backtracking towards Gehnas room. "So, is she here? Gehna?" |
"We had breakfast. She was looking at something on her phone and then she said she had a headache." |
"Probably came across some big words, ha ha. I'll just pop in and check on her." |
Eram heard Mrs Rai yelling behind him to leave the door open. It wasn't that she thought Gehna and he would start lucking as soon as they were alone in a room. At least, that wasnt her primary concern. |
What troubled her far more was that the servants - the cook, the cleaning lady, the driver - shouldn't be handed the means to gossip about her daughter's morals (or looseness thereof). Which was funny, thought Eram, because how would she explain Gehna's soon-to-be-enormous belly? He pushed the door to Gehna's room firmly closed behind him. |
The only sound in the room was from the air conditioning. The curtains were drawn. It was a tomb, almost subterranean in the weight of its stillness. Eram's mind shied away from the implications of that thought. |
No. He felt his way in the dark to where he could just about make out a roughly Gehna-shaped pile of blankets and pillows on the bed. He poked his finger at what he guessed was a shoulder. |
"Oi. Wake up, Rai." |
On the morning of June 21, the papers printed an item in the international section - it was a slow news day - on the annual Yulin dog meat festival. Wedged in between an article on the birth of quintuplets to a couple in Cleveland, Ohio, and an advertisement for a miracle hair loss treatment, the piece described how visitors to the southern Chinese city of Yulin could celebrate the summer solstice by dining on lychee fruit and fresh dog meat. Animal rights activists condemned the Chinese. The Chinese condemned Western hypocrisy. The dogs were in no position to condemn anybody. |
The festival had been a tradition in Yulin for four hundred years, but there had been no Facebook back then. When Eram dropped the newspaper and grabbed his phone that morning, he found his newsfeed awash with outrage and photographs. Photographs of ten thousand dogs skewered-and-roasted, or awaiting their turn in cages. |
By the time he had driven like fury over to Pall Hill, each of his eight calls to Gehna had gone unanswered. Too impatient to wait for the elevator, he bounded up four flights of stairs and skidded into the apartment. Gehna's mother, who was sitting at the table, was startled into spilling soup down her house robe. |
"Morning, Mrs R, what's the word?" Eram said, trying to catch his breath. "May I just say that that is a lovely, what is it, a kaftan? That is a lovely kaftan. Very fetching. Listen, Gehna's not taking my calls. Is she around, do you know? |
Nina Rai glared at him. "Eram. You know you are welcome in my home. But you will enter it with decorum and not like some crazed hooligan. Would you like a bowl of gazpacho?" |
"Mmm, I would absolutely love a bowl of gazpacho, just, not right this second", said Eram. He was already backtracking towards Gehnas room. "So, is she here? Gehna?" |
"We had breakfast. She was looking at something on her phone and then she said she had a headache." |
"Probably came across some big words, ha ha. I'll just pop in and check on her." |
Eram heard Mrs Rai yelling behind him to leave the door open. It wasn't that she thought Gehna and he would start lucking as soon as they were alone in a room. At least, that wasnt her primary concern. |
What troubled her far more was that the servants - the cook, the cleaning lady, the driver - shouldn't be handed the means to gossip about her daughter's morals (or looseness thereof). Which was funny, thought Eram, because how would she explain Gehna's soon-to-be-enormous belly? He pushed the door to Gehna's room firmly closed behind him. |
The only sound in the room was from the air conditioning. The curtains were drawn. It was a tomb, almost subterranean in the weight of its stillness. Eram's mind shied away from the implications of that thought. |
No. He felt his way in the dark to where he could just about make out a roughly Gehna-shaped pile of blankets and pillows on the bed. He poked his finger at what he guessed was a shoulder. |
"Oi. Wake up, Rai." |
Reluctantly did Nagendra Natha take Kunda with him to Calcutta. On arriving there he made much search for her aunt's husband, but he found no one in Sham Bazar named Binod Ghosh. He found a Binod Das, who admitted no relationship. Thus Kunda remained as a burthen upon Nagendra. |
Nagendra had one sister, younger than himself, named Kamal Mani, whose father-in-law's house was in Calcutta. Her husband's name was Srish Chandra Mittra. Srish Babu was accountant in the house of plunder. Fairly, and Co. It was a great house, and Srish Chandra was wealthy. He was much attached to his brother-in-law. Nagendra took Kunda Nandini thither, and imparted her story to Kamal Mani. |
Kamal was about eighteen years of age. In features she resembled Nagendra; both brother and sister were very handsome. But, in addition to her beauty, Kamal was famed for her learning. Nagendra's father, engaging an English teacher, had had Kamal Mani and Surja Mukhi well instructed. Kamal's mother-in-law was living, but she dwelt in Srish Chandra's ancestral home. In Calcutta Kamal Mani was house-mistress. |
When he had finished the story of Kunda Nandini, Nagendra said, "Unless you will keep her here, there is no place for her. Later, when I return home, I will take her to Govindpur with me." |
Kamal was very mischievous. When Nagendra had turned away, she snatched up Kunda in her arms and ran off with her. A tub of not very hot water stood in an adjoining room, and suddenly Kamal threw Kunda into it. Kunda was quite frightened. Then Kamal, laughing, took some scented soap and proceeded to wash Kunda. An attendant, seeing Kamal thus employed, bustled up, saying, "I will do it!" I will do it! but Kamal, sprinkling some of the hot water over the woman, sent her running away. Kamal having bathed and rubbed Kunda, she appeared like a dew-washed lotus. Then Kamal, having robed her in a beautiful white garment, dressed her hair with scented oil, and decorated her with ornaments, said to her: "Now go and salute the Dada Babu (elder brother), and return, but mind you do not thus to the master of the house: if he should see you he will want to marry you." |
Nagendra Natha wrote Kunda's history to Surja Mukhi. Also when writing to an intimate friend of his living at a distance, named Hara Deb Ghosal, he spoke of Kunda in the following terms: |
"Tell me what you consider to be the age of beauty in woman. You will say after forty, because your Brahmini is a year or two more than that. The girl Kunda, whose history I have given you, is thirteen. On looking at her, it seems as if that were the age of beauty. The sweetness and simplicity that precede the budding-time of youth are never seen afterwards. This Kunda's simplicity is astonishing; she understands nothing. To-day she even wished to run into the streets to play with the boys. On being forbidden, she was much frightened, and desisted. Kamal is teaching her, and says she shows much aptitude in learning, but she does not understand other things. For instance, her large blue eyeseyes swimming ever like the autumn lotus in clear waterthese two eyes may be fixed upon my face, but they say nothing. I lose my senses gazing on them; I cannot explain better. |
Reluctantly did Nagendra Natha take Kunda with him to Calcutta. On arriving there he made much search for her aunt's husband, but he found no one in Sham Bazar named Binod Ghosh. He found a Binod Das, who admitted no relationship. Thus Kunda remained as a burthen upon Nagendra. |
Nagendra had one sister, younger than himself, named Kamal Mani, whose father-in-law's house was in Calcutta. Her husband's name was Srish Chandra Mittra. Srish Babu was accountant in the house of plunder. Fairly, and Co. It was a great house, and Srish Chandra was wealthy. He was much attached to his brother-in-law. Nagendra took Kunda Nandini thither, and imparted her story to Kamal Mani. |
Kamal was about eighteen years of age. In features she resembled Nagendra; both brother and sister were very handsome. But, in addition to her beauty, Kamal was famed for her learning. Nagendra's father, engaging an English teacher, had had Kamal Mani and Surja Mukhi well instructed. Kamal's mother-in-law was living, but she dwelt in Srish Chandra's ancestral home. In Calcutta Kamal Mani was house-mistress. |
When he had finished the story of Kunda Nandini, Nagendra said, "Unless you will keep her here, there is no place for her. Later, when I return home, I will take her to Govindpur with me." |
Kamal was very mischievous. When Nagendra had turned away, she snatched up Kunda in her arms and ran off with her. A tub of not very hot water stood in an adjoining room, and suddenly Kamal threw Kunda into it. Kunda was quite frightened. Then Kamal, laughing, took some scented soap and proceeded to wash Kunda. An attendant, seeing Kamal thus employed, bustled up, saying, "I will do it!" I will do it! but Kamal, sprinkling some of the hot water over the woman, sent her running away. Kamal having bathed and rubbed Kunda, she appeared like a dew-washed lotus. Then Kamal, having robed her in a beautiful white garment, dressed her hair with scented oil, and decorated her with ornaments, said to her: "Now go and salute the Dada Babu (elder brother), and return, but mind you do not thus to the master of the house: if he should see you he will want to marry you." |
Nagendra Natha wrote Kunda's history to Surja Mukhi. Also when writing to an intimate friend of his living at a distance, named Hara Deb Ghosal, he spoke of Kunda in the following terms: |
"Tell me what you consider to be the age of beauty in woman. You will say after forty, because your Brahmini is a year or two more than that. The girl Kunda, whose history I have given you, is thirteen. On looking at her, it seems as if that were the age of beauty. The sweetness and simplicity that precede the budding-time of youth are never seen afterwards. This Kunda's simplicity is astonishing; she understands nothing. To-day she even wished to run into the streets to play with the boys. On being forbidden, she was much frightened, and desisted. Kamal is teaching her, and says she shows much aptitude in learning, but she does not understand other things. For instance, her large blue eyeseyes swimming ever like the autumn lotus in clear waterthese two eyes may be fixed upon my face, but they say nothing. I lose my senses gazing on them; I cannot explain better. |
Reluctantly did Nagendra Natha take Kunda with him to Calcutta. On arriving there he made much search for her aunt's husband, but he found no one in Sham Bazar named Binod Ghosh. He found a Binod Das, who admitted no relationship. Thus Kunda remained as a burthen upon Nagendra. |
Nagendra had one sister, younger than himself, named Kamal Mani, whose father-in-law's house was in Calcutta. Her husband's name was Srish Chandra Mittra. Srish Babu was accountant in the house of plunder. Fairly, and Co. It was a great house, and Srish Chandra was wealthy. He was much attached to his brother-in-law. Nagendra took Kunda Nandini thither, and imparted her story to Kamal Mani. |
Kamal was about eighteen years of age. In features she resembled Nagendra; both brother and sister were very handsome. But, in addition to her beauty, Kamal was famed for her learning. Nagendra's father, engaging an English teacher, had had Kamal Mani and Surja Mukhi well instructed. Kamal's mother-in-law was living, but she dwelt in Srish Chandra's ancestral home. In Calcutta Kamal Mani was house-mistress. |
When he had finished the story of Kunda Nandini, Nagendra said, "Unless you will keep her here, there is no place for her. Later, when I return home, I will take her to Govindpur with me." |
Kamal was very mischievous. When Nagendra had turned away, she snatched up Kunda in her arms and ran off with her. A tub of not very hot water stood in an adjoining room, and suddenly Kamal threw Kunda into it. Kunda was quite frightened. Then Kamal, laughing, took some scented soap and proceeded to wash Kunda. An attendant, seeing Kamal thus employed, bustled up, saying, "I will do it!" I will do it! but Kamal, sprinkling some of the hot water over the woman, sent her running away. Kamal having bathed and rubbed Kunda, she appeared like a dew-washed lotus. Then Kamal, having robed her in a beautiful white garment, dressed her hair with scented oil, and decorated her with ornaments, said to her: "Now go and salute the Dada Babu (elder brother), and return, but mind you do not thus to the master of the house: if he should see you he will want to marry you." |
Nagendra Natha wrote Kunda's history to Surja Mukhi. Also when writing to an intimate friend of his living at a distance, named Hara Deb Ghosal, he spoke of Kunda in the following terms: |
"Tell me what you consider to be the age of beauty in woman. You will say after forty, because your Brahmini is a year or two more than that. The girl Kunda, whose history I have given you, is thirteen. On looking at her, it seems as if that were the age of beauty. The sweetness and simplicity that precede the budding-time of youth are never seen afterwards. This Kunda's simplicity is astonishing; she understands nothing. To-day she even wished to run into the streets to play with the boys. On being forbidden, she was much frightened, and desisted. Kamal is teaching her, and says she shows much aptitude in learning, but she does not understand other things. For instance, her large blue eyeseyes swimming ever like the autumn lotus in clear waterthese two eyes may be fixed upon my face, but they say nothing. I lose my senses gazing on them; I cannot explain better. |
Reluctantly did Nagendra Natha take Kunda with him to Calcutta. On arriving there he made much search for her aunt's husband, but he found no one in Sham Bazar named Binod Ghosh. He found a Binod Das, who admitted no relationship. Thus Kunda remained as a burthen upon Nagendra. |
Nagendra had one sister, younger than himself, named Kamal Mani, whose father-in-law's house was in Calcutta. Her husband's name was Srish Chandra Mittra. Srish Babu was accountant in the house of plunder. Fairly, and Co. It was a great house, and Srish Chandra was wealthy. He was much attached to his brother-in-law. Nagendra took Kunda Nandini thither, and imparted her story to Kamal Mani. |
Kamal was about eighteen years of age. In features she resembled Nagendra; both brother and sister were very handsome. But, in addition to her beauty, Kamal was famed for her learning. Nagendra's father, engaging an English teacher, had had Kamal Mani and Surja Mukhi well instructed. Kamal's mother-in-law was living, but she dwelt in Srish Chandra's ancestral home. In Calcutta Kamal Mani was house-mistress. |
When he had finished the story of Kunda Nandini, Nagendra said, "Unless you will keep her here, there is no place for her. Later, when I return home, I will take her to Govindpur with me." |
Kamal was very mischievous. When Nagendra had turned away, she snatched up Kunda in her arms and ran off with her. A tub of not very hot water stood in an adjoining room, and suddenly Kamal threw Kunda into it. Kunda was quite frightened. Then Kamal, laughing, took some scented soap and proceeded to wash Kunda. An attendant, seeing Kamal thus employed, bustled up, saying, "I will do it!" I will do it! but Kamal, sprinkling some of the hot water over the woman, sent her running away. Kamal having bathed and rubbed Kunda, she appeared like a dew-washed lotus. Then Kamal, having robed her in a beautiful white garment, dressed her hair with scented oil, and decorated her with ornaments, said to her: "Now go and salute the Dada Babu (elder brother), and return, but mind you do not thus to the master of the house: if he should see you he will want to marry you." |
Nagendra Natha wrote Kunda's history to Surja Mukhi. Also when writing to an intimate friend of his living at a distance, named Hara Deb Ghosal, he spoke of Kunda in the following terms: |
"Tell me what you consider to be the age of beauty in woman. You will say after forty, because your Brahmini is a year or two more than that. The girl Kunda, whose history I have given you, is thirteen. On looking at her, it seems as if that were the age of beauty. The sweetness and simplicity that precede the budding-time of youth are never seen afterwards. This Kunda's simplicity is astonishing; she understands nothing. To-day she even wished to run into the streets to play with the boys. On being forbidden, she was much frightened, and desisted. Kamal is teaching her, and says she shows much aptitude in learning, but she does not understand other things. For instance, her large blue eyeseyes swimming ever like the autumn lotus in clear waterthese two eyes may be fixed upon my face, but they say nothing. I lose my senses gazing on them; I cannot explain better. |
Reluctantly did Nagendra Natha take Kunda with him to Calcutta. On arriving there he made much search for her aunt's husband, but he found no one in Sham Bazar named Binod Ghosh. He found a Binod Das, who admitted no relationship. Thus Kunda remained as a burthen upon Nagendra. |
Nagendra had one sister, younger than himself, named Kamal Mani, whose father-in-law's house was in Calcutta. Her husband's name was Srish Chandra Mittra. Srish Babu was accountant in the house of plunder. Fairly, and Co. It was a great house, and Srish Chandra was wealthy. He was much attached to his brother-in-law. Nagendra took Kunda Nandini thither, and imparted her story to Kamal Mani. |
Kamal was about eighteen years of age. In features she resembled Nagendra; both brother and sister were very handsome. But, in addition to her beauty, Kamal was famed for her learning. Nagendra's father, engaging an English teacher, had had Kamal Mani and Surja Mukhi well instructed. Kamal's mother-in-law was living, but she dwelt in Srish Chandra's ancestral home. In Calcutta Kamal Mani was house-mistress. |
When he had finished the story of Kunda Nandini, Nagendra said, "Unless you will keep her here, there is no place for her. Later, when I return home, I will take her to Govindpur with me." |
Kamal was very mischievous. When Nagendra had turned away, she snatched up Kunda in her arms and ran off with her. A tub of not very hot water stood in an adjoining room, and suddenly Kamal threw Kunda into it. Kunda was quite frightened. Then Kamal, laughing, took some scented soap and proceeded to wash Kunda. An attendant, seeing Kamal thus employed, bustled up, saying, "I will do it!" I will do it! but Kamal, sprinkling some of the hot water over the woman, sent her running away. Kamal having bathed and rubbed Kunda, she appeared like a dew-washed lotus. Then Kamal, having robed her in a beautiful white garment, dressed her hair with scented oil, and decorated her with ornaments, said to her: "Now go and salute the Dada Babu (elder brother), and return, but mind you do not thus to the master of the house: if he should see you he will want to marry you." |
Nagendra Natha wrote Kunda's history to Surja Mukhi. Also when writing to an intimate friend of his living at a distance, named Hara Deb Ghosal, he spoke of Kunda in the following terms: |
"Tell me what you consider to be the age of beauty in woman. You will say after forty, because your Brahmini is a year or two more than that. The girl Kunda, whose history I have given you, is thirteen. On looking at her, it seems as if that were the age of beauty. The sweetness and simplicity that precede the budding-time of youth are never seen afterwards. This Kunda's simplicity is astonishing; she understands nothing. To-day she even wished to run into the streets to play with the boys. On being forbidden, she was much frightened, and desisted. Kamal is teaching her, and says she shows much aptitude in learning, but she does not understand other things. For instance, her large blue eyeseyes swimming ever like the autumn lotus in clear waterthese two eyes may be fixed upon my face, but they say nothing. I lose my senses gazing on them; I cannot explain better. |
The MoUs concluded during the visit covered health and energy sectors, adding to the vast existing panoply of framework agreements already in place. The decision on purchase by India of over 3 billion worth of state-of-the-art defence equipment including Apache and Romeo MH-60 helicopters comes in the wake of earlier purchases worth 18 billion between 2008 and 2019. These will definitely enhance India's combat capabilities given that these platforms are the most sophisticated in the world, acquired at a time when vigorous parallel efforts are being made in India to promote jointness in military affairs through the newly created post of Chief of Defence Staff. |
The India-US defence partnership is likely to benefit from the Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) status accorded to defence exports to India but, more fundamentally, by the Industrial Security Annex (ISA) signed in December 2019 during the 2+2 Dialogue. |
At the press briefing after the talks, Modi said the India-US relationship was one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. Another key takeaway is the burgeoning energy partnership, which will improve India's natural gas distribution network. India is already buying large volumes of oil and natural gas from the US, which is expected to rise to nearly 10 billion in value in 2019-2020. |
Bugbears in India-US relations are fewer today. There is far greater appreciation of India's concerns on cross-border terrorism even as the US is once again looking at Pakistan through the prism of its interests in Afghanistan. Too much is being made, though, of the proposed US deal with the Taliban for a pull-out. There is no clarity about the modalities concerning withdrawal, and, going by differences this week over "reduction in violence", there is every chance of the deal going awry. |
There were unmistakable tongue-in-cheek references to China by Trump during the visit, without directly naming it. In his address at Motera, Trump contrasted India's democratic ways with "a nation that seeks power through coercion, intimidation, and aggression". In referring to 5G during the joint press briefing, he emphasised "the need for this emerging technology to be a tool for freedom, progress and prosperity, not to do anything where it could be conceived as the conduct of suppression and censorship." This was expected, given the growing debate around the world on the relative superiority of the liberal democratic order versus "authoritarian state capitalism." |
All in all, it was a "very special visit, unforgettable and extraordinary" and "very very wonderful" as Trump described it. Here were two of the world's most charismatic leaders with an unparalleled mass appeal, together so soon, only a few months after a hugely successful "Howdy Modi" show in Houston. Their style questions Adlai Stevenson's generalisation of diplomacy as a mixture of protocol, alcohol and geritol. With both men given to public display of affection shorn of stiff protocol, and both brimming with youthful energy, India-US relations are set to deepen further to mutual advantage. |
The MoUs concluded during the visit covered health and energy sectors, adding to the vast existing panoply of framework agreements already in place. The decision on purchase by India of over 3 billion worth of state-of-the-art defence equipment including Apache and Romeo MH-60 helicopters comes in the wake of earlier purchases worth 18 billion between 2008 and 2019. These will definitely enhance India's combat capabilities given that these platforms are the most sophisticated in the world, acquired at a time when vigorous parallel efforts are being made in India to promote jointness in military affairs through the newly created post of Chief of Defence Staff. |
The India-US defence partnership is likely to benefit from the Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) status accorded to defence exports to India but, more fundamentally, by the Industrial Security Annex (ISA) signed in December 2019 during the 2+2 Dialogue. |
At the press briefing after the talks, Modi said the India-US relationship was one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. Another key takeaway is the burgeoning energy partnership, which will improve India's natural gas distribution network. India is already buying large volumes of oil and natural gas from the US, which is expected to rise to nearly 10 billion in value in 2019-2020. |
Bugbears in India-US relations are fewer today. There is far greater appreciation of India's concerns on cross-border terrorism even as the US is once again looking at Pakistan through the prism of its interests in Afghanistan. Too much is being made, though, of the proposed US deal with the Taliban for a pull-out. There is no clarity about the modalities concerning withdrawal, and, going by differences this week over "reduction in violence", there is every chance of the deal going awry. |
There were unmistakable tongue-in-cheek references to China by Trump during the visit, without directly naming it. In his address at Motera, Trump contrasted India's democratic ways with "a nation that seeks power through coercion, intimidation, and aggression". In referring to 5G during the joint press briefing, he emphasised "the need for this emerging technology to be a tool for freedom, progress and prosperity, not to do anything where it could be conceived as the conduct of suppression and censorship." This was expected, given the growing debate around the world on the relative superiority of the liberal democratic order versus "authoritarian state capitalism." |
All in all, it was a "very special visit, unforgettable and extraordinary" and "very very wonderful" as Trump described it. Here were two of the world's most charismatic leaders with an unparalleled mass appeal, together so soon, only a few months after a hugely successful "Howdy Modi" show in Houston. Their style questions Adlai Stevenson's generalisation of diplomacy as a mixture of protocol, alcohol and geritol. With both men given to public display of affection shorn of stiff protocol, and both brimming with youthful energy, India-US relations are set to deepen further to mutual advantage. |
The MoUs concluded during the visit covered health and energy sectors, adding to the vast existing panoply of framework agreements already in place. The decision on purchase by India of over 3 billion worth of state-of-the-art defence equipment including Apache and Romeo MH-60 helicopters comes in the wake of earlier purchases worth 18 billion between 2008 and 2019. These will definitely enhance India's combat capabilities given that these platforms are the most sophisticated in the world, acquired at a time when vigorous parallel efforts are being made in India to promote jointness in military affairs through the newly created post of Chief of Defence Staff. |
The India-US defence partnership is likely to benefit from the Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) status accorded to defence exports to India but, more fundamentally, by the Industrial Security Annex (ISA) signed in December 2019 during the 2+2 Dialogue. |
At the press briefing after the talks, Modi said the India-US relationship was one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. Another key takeaway is the burgeoning energy partnership, which will improve India's natural gas distribution network. India is already buying large volumes of oil and natural gas from the US, which is expected to rise to nearly 10 billion in value in 2019-2020. |
Bugbears in India-US relations are fewer today. There is far greater appreciation of India's concerns on cross-border terrorism even as the US is once again looking at Pakistan through the prism of its interests in Afghanistan. Too much is being made, though, of the proposed US deal with the Taliban for a pull-out. There is no clarity about the modalities concerning withdrawal, and, going by differences this week over "reduction in violence", there is every chance of the deal going awry. |
There were unmistakable tongue-in-cheek references to China by Trump during the visit, without directly naming it. In his address at Motera, Trump contrasted India's democratic ways with "a nation that seeks power through coercion, intimidation, and aggression". In referring to 5G during the joint press briefing, he emphasised "the need for this emerging technology to be a tool for freedom, progress and prosperity, not to do anything where it could be conceived as the conduct of suppression and censorship." This was expected, given the growing debate around the world on the relative superiority of the liberal democratic order versus "authoritarian state capitalism." |
All in all, it was a "very special visit, unforgettable and extraordinary" and "very very wonderful" as Trump described it. Here were two of the world's most charismatic leaders with an unparalleled mass appeal, together so soon, only a few months after a hugely successful "Howdy Modi" show in Houston. Their style questions Adlai Stevenson's generalisation of diplomacy as a mixture of protocol, alcohol and geritol. With both men given to public display of affection shorn of stiff protocol, and both brimming with youthful energy, India-US relations are set to deepen further to mutual advantage. |
The MoUs concluded during the visit covered health and energy sectors, adding to the vast existing panoply of framework agreements already in place. The decision on purchase by India of over 3 billion worth of state-of-the-art defence equipment including Apache and Romeo MH-60 helicopters comes in the wake of earlier purchases worth 18 billion between 2008 and 2019. These will definitely enhance India's combat capabilities given that these platforms are the most sophisticated in the world, acquired at a time when vigorous parallel efforts are being made in India to promote jointness in military affairs through the newly created post of Chief of Defence Staff. |
The India-US defence partnership is likely to benefit from the Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) status accorded to defence exports to India but, more fundamentally, by the Industrial Security Annex (ISA) signed in December 2019 during the 2+2 Dialogue. |
At the press briefing after the talks, Modi said the India-US relationship was one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. Another key takeaway is the burgeoning energy partnership, which will improve India's natural gas distribution network. India is already buying large volumes of oil and natural gas from the US, which is expected to rise to nearly 10 billion in value in 2019-2020. |
Bugbears in India-US relations are fewer today. There is far greater appreciation of India's concerns on cross-border terrorism even as the US is once again looking at Pakistan through the prism of its interests in Afghanistan. Too much is being made, though, of the proposed US deal with the Taliban for a pull-out. There is no clarity about the modalities concerning withdrawal, and, going by differences this week over "reduction in violence", there is every chance of the deal going awry. |
There were unmistakable tongue-in-cheek references to China by Trump during the visit, without directly naming it. In his address at Motera, Trump contrasted India's democratic ways with "a nation that seeks power through coercion, intimidation, and aggression". In referring to 5G during the joint press briefing, he emphasised "the need for this emerging technology to be a tool for freedom, progress and prosperity, not to do anything where it could be conceived as the conduct of suppression and censorship." This was expected, given the growing debate around the world on the relative superiority of the liberal democratic order versus "authoritarian state capitalism." |
All in all, it was a "very special visit, unforgettable and extraordinary" and "very very wonderful" as Trump described it. Here were two of the world's most charismatic leaders with an unparalleled mass appeal, together so soon, only a few months after a hugely successful "Howdy Modi" show in Houston. Their style questions Adlai Stevenson's generalisation of diplomacy as a mixture of protocol, alcohol and geritol. With both men given to public display of affection shorn of stiff protocol, and both brimming with youthful energy, India-US relations are set to deepen further to mutual advantage. |
The MoUs concluded during the visit covered health and energy sectors, adding to the vast existing panoply of framework agreements already in place. The decision on purchase by India of over 3 billion worth of state-of-the-art defence equipment including Apache and Romeo MH-60 helicopters comes in the wake of earlier purchases worth 18 billion between 2008 and 2019. These will definitely enhance India's combat capabilities given that these platforms are the most sophisticated in the world, acquired at a time when vigorous parallel efforts are being made in India to promote jointness in military affairs through the newly created post of Chief of Defence Staff. |
The India-US defence partnership is likely to benefit from the Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) status accorded to defence exports to India but, more fundamentally, by the Industrial Security Annex (ISA) signed in December 2019 during the 2+2 Dialogue. |
At the press briefing after the talks, Modi said the India-US relationship was one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. Another key takeaway is the burgeoning energy partnership, which will improve India's natural gas distribution network. India is already buying large volumes of oil and natural gas from the US, which is expected to rise to nearly 10 billion in value in 2019-2020. |
Bugbears in India-US relations are fewer today. There is far greater appreciation of India's concerns on cross-border terrorism even as the US is once again looking at Pakistan through the prism of its interests in Afghanistan. Too much is being made, though, of the proposed US deal with the Taliban for a pull-out. There is no clarity about the modalities concerning withdrawal, and, going by differences this week over "reduction in violence", there is every chance of the deal going awry. |
There were unmistakable tongue-in-cheek references to China by Trump during the visit, without directly naming it. In his address at Motera, Trump contrasted India's democratic ways with "a nation that seeks power through coercion, intimidation, and aggression". In referring to 5G during the joint press briefing, he emphasised "the need for this emerging technology to be a tool for freedom, progress and prosperity, not to do anything where it could be conceived as the conduct of suppression and censorship." This was expected, given the growing debate around the world on the relative superiority of the liberal democratic order versus "authoritarian state capitalism." |
All in all, it was a "very special visit, unforgettable and extraordinary" and "very very wonderful" as Trump described it. Here were two of the world's most charismatic leaders with an unparalleled mass appeal, together so soon, only a few months after a hugely successful "Howdy Modi" show in Houston. Their style questions Adlai Stevenson's generalisation of diplomacy as a mixture of protocol, alcohol and geritol. With both men given to public display of affection shorn of stiff protocol, and both brimming with youthful energy, India-US relations are set to deepen further to mutual advantage. |
Nobody has ever thought of Thomas Hobbes living in early 21st century Iran. It was because of his experiences of the political turmoil of the English Civil Wars that he wrote Leviathan. How would he have reacted to the Iran of today? It is a difficult question to answer, and yet, Iran is today the hotbed of backstabbing factions, religious fanaticism and political violence. |
As the parliamentary elections end in Iran with the conservatives and hardliners now controlling the parliament, there is no doubt that Iranians are now facing a Hobbesian state with absolute power, where the compulsions of security and survival demand minimisation and rejection of any legal or moral restraints on the use of force. In fact, nothing could be closer to the cool realism of Hobbes than the authoritarian course on which the Iranian regime has embarked. Its case rests on premises entirely consistent with Hobbes' understanding of the sovereign state as the absolute master of all his subjects and the final arbiter of all questions in the society. |
Consequently, the fact that candidates affiliated with Iran's Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) won a majority of the seats in the 290-seat parliament shows, once again, that the IRGC wields control over vast segments of Iranian politics, economy and foreign policy. Though the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, as the commander-in-chief, continues to have a synergistic relationship with the IRGC, the Guards seem to play a more active role in the political decision making of Iran. |
The recent control of the parliamentary elections and the disqualification of some 9,000 potential candidates, most of them reformists and moderates, by the powerful Guardian Council shows, once again, that the IRGC and conservatives close to Khamenei are trying to take over the government that, since Rouhani's presidency, was led by a group which wanted to open relations with the West. For now, with the victory of the hardliners, the newly reshaped Iranian parliament will take a much firmer stance against the US and its allies in Europe and in the region. However, the Iranian legislature will be handed to the conservatives in a situation of political instability and economic crisis triggered by US sanctions. Also, the new hardline lawmakers will start their job as MPs in an Islamic republic which suffers from fracturing pillars of legitimacy. |
The brutal crackdown, in November 2019 (1,000 people dead and 7,000 arrested), against those Iranian citizens who took to the streets to express their discontent with a 200 per cent increase in fuel prices, damaged the regime's already fragile electoral pillar and weakened its claims to legitimacy. Around 58 million Iranians were eligible to vote in the recent parliamentary elections with 9 million voters in the capital city of Tehran. Yet, many citizens, including the Iranian urban middle-class, boycotted the elections in major cities. |
The official voter turnout (42.5 per cent, which is the lowest in the history of the Islamic republic) is a clear expression of people's disenchantment with the process of elections in Iran. Let us not forget that the turnout in the 2016 election, which was dominated by reformers who supported President Rouhani and the nuclear deal of 2015, was almost 62 per cent. Though Khamenei blamed the low turnout on the "negative propaganda" about the new coronavirus, it is clear to everyone that the Iranian regime is proving that it is incapable of reform. |
Nobody has ever thought of Thomas Hobbes living in early 21st century Iran. It was because of his experiences of the political turmoil of the English Civil Wars that he wrote Leviathan. How would he have reacted to the Iran of today? It is a difficult question to answer, and yet, Iran is today the hotbed of backstabbing factions, religious fanaticism and political violence. |
As the parliamentary elections end in Iran with the conservatives and hardliners now controlling the parliament, there is no doubt that Iranians are now facing a Hobbesian state with absolute power, where the compulsions of security and survival demand minimisation and rejection of any legal or moral restraints on the use of force. In fact, nothing could be closer to the cool realism of Hobbes than the authoritarian course on which the Iranian regime has embarked. Its case rests on premises entirely consistent with Hobbes' understanding of the sovereign state as the absolute master of all his subjects and the final arbiter of all questions in the society. |
Consequently, the fact that candidates affiliated with Iran's Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) won a majority of the seats in the 290-seat parliament shows, once again, that the IRGC wields control over vast segments of Iranian politics, economy and foreign policy. Though the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, as the commander-in-chief, continues to have a synergistic relationship with the IRGC, the Guards seem to play a more active role in the political decision making of Iran. |
The recent control of the parliamentary elections and the disqualification of some 9,000 potential candidates, most of them reformists and moderates, by the powerful Guardian Council shows, once again, that the IRGC and conservatives close to Khamenei are trying to take over the government that, since Rouhani's presidency, was led by a group which wanted to open relations with the West. For now, with the victory of the hardliners, the newly reshaped Iranian parliament will take a much firmer stance against the US and its allies in Europe and in the region. However, the Iranian legislature will be handed to the conservatives in a situation of political instability and economic crisis triggered by US sanctions. Also, the new hardline lawmakers will start their job as MPs in an Islamic republic which suffers from fracturing pillars of legitimacy. |
The brutal crackdown, in November 2019 (1,000 people dead and 7,000 arrested), against those Iranian citizens who took to the streets to express their discontent with a 200 per cent increase in fuel prices, damaged the regime's already fragile electoral pillar and weakened its claims to legitimacy. Around 58 million Iranians were eligible to vote in the recent parliamentary elections with 9 million voters in the capital city of Tehran. Yet, many citizens, including the Iranian urban middle-class, boycotted the elections in major cities. |
The official voter turnout (42.5 per cent, which is the lowest in the history of the Islamic republic) is a clear expression of people's disenchantment with the process of elections in Iran. Let us not forget that the turnout in the 2016 election, which was dominated by reformers who supported President Rouhani and the nuclear deal of 2015, was almost 62 per cent. Though Khamenei blamed the low turnout on the "negative propaganda" about the new coronavirus, it is clear to everyone that the Iranian regime is proving that it is incapable of reform. |
Nobody has ever thought of Thomas Hobbes living in early 21st century Iran. It was because of his experiences of the political turmoil of the English Civil Wars that he wrote Leviathan. How would he have reacted to the Iran of today? It is a difficult question to answer, and yet, Iran is today the hotbed of backstabbing factions, religious fanaticism and political violence. |
As the parliamentary elections end in Iran with the conservatives and hardliners now controlling the parliament, there is no doubt that Iranians are now facing a Hobbesian state with absolute power, where the compulsions of security and survival demand minimisation and rejection of any legal or moral restraints on the use of force. In fact, nothing could be closer to the cool realism of Hobbes than the authoritarian course on which the Iranian regime has embarked. Its case rests on premises entirely consistent with Hobbes' understanding of the sovereign state as the absolute master of all his subjects and the final arbiter of all questions in the society. |
Consequently, the fact that candidates affiliated with Iran's Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) won a majority of the seats in the 290-seat parliament shows, once again, that the IRGC wields control over vast segments of Iranian politics, economy and foreign policy. Though the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, as the commander-in-chief, continues to have a synergistic relationship with the IRGC, the Guards seem to play a more active role in the political decision making of Iran. |
The recent control of the parliamentary elections and the disqualification of some 9,000 potential candidates, most of them reformists and moderates, by the powerful Guardian Council shows, once again, that the IRGC and conservatives close to Khamenei are trying to take over the government that, since Rouhani's presidency, was led by a group which wanted to open relations with the West. For now, with the victory of the hardliners, the newly reshaped Iranian parliament will take a much firmer stance against the US and its allies in Europe and in the region. However, the Iranian legislature will be handed to the conservatives in a situation of political instability and economic crisis triggered by US sanctions. Also, the new hardline lawmakers will start their job as MPs in an Islamic republic which suffers from fracturing pillars of legitimacy. |
The brutal crackdown, in November 2019 (1,000 people dead and 7,000 arrested), against those Iranian citizens who took to the streets to express their discontent with a 200 per cent increase in fuel prices, damaged the regime's already fragile electoral pillar and weakened its claims to legitimacy. Around 58 million Iranians were eligible to vote in the recent parliamentary elections with 9 million voters in the capital city of Tehran. Yet, many citizens, including the Iranian urban middle-class, boycotted the elections in major cities. |
The official voter turnout (42.5 per cent, which is the lowest in the history of the Islamic republic) is a clear expression of people's disenchantment with the process of elections in Iran. Let us not forget that the turnout in the 2016 election, which was dominated by reformers who supported President Rouhani and the nuclear deal of 2015, was almost 62 per cent. Though Khamenei blamed the low turnout on the "negative propaganda" about the new coronavirus, it is clear to everyone that the Iranian regime is proving that it is incapable of reform. |
Nobody has ever thought of Thomas Hobbes living in early 21st century Iran. It was because of his experiences of the political turmoil of the English Civil Wars that he wrote Leviathan. How would he have reacted to the Iran of today? It is a difficult question to answer, and yet, Iran is today the hotbed of backstabbing factions, religious fanaticism and political violence. |
As the parliamentary elections end in Iran with the conservatives and hardliners now controlling the parliament, there is no doubt that Iranians are now facing a Hobbesian state with absolute power, where the compulsions of security and survival demand minimisation and rejection of any legal or moral restraints on the use of force. In fact, nothing could be closer to the cool realism of Hobbes than the authoritarian course on which the Iranian regime has embarked. Its case rests on premises entirely consistent with Hobbes' understanding of the sovereign state as the absolute master of all his subjects and the final arbiter of all questions in the society. |
Consequently, the fact that candidates affiliated with Iran's Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) won a majority of the seats in the 290-seat parliament shows, once again, that the IRGC wields control over vast segments of Iranian politics, economy and foreign policy. Though the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, as the commander-in-chief, continues to have a synergistic relationship with the IRGC, the Guards seem to play a more active role in the political decision making of Iran. |
The recent control of the parliamentary elections and the disqualification of some 9,000 potential candidates, most of them reformists and moderates, by the powerful Guardian Council shows, once again, that the IRGC and conservatives close to Khamenei are trying to take over the government that, since Rouhani's presidency, was led by a group which wanted to open relations with the West. For now, with the victory of the hardliners, the newly reshaped Iranian parliament will take a much firmer stance against the US and its allies in Europe and in the region. However, the Iranian legislature will be handed to the conservatives in a situation of political instability and economic crisis triggered by US sanctions. Also, the new hardline lawmakers will start their job as MPs in an Islamic republic which suffers from fracturing pillars of legitimacy. |
The brutal crackdown, in November 2019 (1,000 people dead and 7,000 arrested), against those Iranian citizens who took to the streets to express their discontent with a 200 per cent increase in fuel prices, damaged the regime's already fragile electoral pillar and weakened its claims to legitimacy. Around 58 million Iranians were eligible to vote in the recent parliamentary elections with 9 million voters in the capital city of Tehran. Yet, many citizens, including the Iranian urban middle-class, boycotted the elections in major cities. |
The official voter turnout (42.5 per cent, which is the lowest in the history of the Islamic republic) is a clear expression of people's disenchantment with the process of elections in Iran. Let us not forget that the turnout in the 2016 election, which was dominated by reformers who supported President Rouhani and the nuclear deal of 2015, was almost 62 per cent. Though Khamenei blamed the low turnout on the "negative propaganda" about the new coronavirus, it is clear to everyone that the Iranian regime is proving that it is incapable of reform. |
Nobody has ever thought of Thomas Hobbes living in early 21st century Iran. It was because of his experiences of the political turmoil of the English Civil Wars that he wrote Leviathan. How would he have reacted to the Iran of today? It is a difficult question to answer, and yet, Iran is today the hotbed of backstabbing factions, religious fanaticism and political violence. |
As the parliamentary elections end in Iran with the conservatives and hardliners now controlling the parliament, there is no doubt that Iranians are now facing a Hobbesian state with absolute power, where the compulsions of security and survival demand minimisation and rejection of any legal or moral restraints on the use of force. In fact, nothing could be closer to the cool realism of Hobbes than the authoritarian course on which the Iranian regime has embarked. Its case rests on premises entirely consistent with Hobbes' understanding of the sovereign state as the absolute master of all his subjects and the final arbiter of all questions in the society. |
Consequently, the fact that candidates affiliated with Iran's Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) won a majority of the seats in the 290-seat parliament shows, once again, that the IRGC wields control over vast segments of Iranian politics, economy and foreign policy. Though the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, as the commander-in-chief, continues to have a synergistic relationship with the IRGC, the Guards seem to play a more active role in the political decision making of Iran. |
The recent control of the parliamentary elections and the disqualification of some 9,000 potential candidates, most of them reformists and moderates, by the powerful Guardian Council shows, once again, that the IRGC and conservatives close to Khamenei are trying to take over the government that, since Rouhani's presidency, was led by a group which wanted to open relations with the West. For now, with the victory of the hardliners, the newly reshaped Iranian parliament will take a much firmer stance against the US and its allies in Europe and in the region. However, the Iranian legislature will be handed to the conservatives in a situation of political instability and economic crisis triggered by US sanctions. Also, the new hardline lawmakers will start their job as MPs in an Islamic republic which suffers from fracturing pillars of legitimacy. |
The brutal crackdown, in November 2019 (1,000 people dead and 7,000 arrested), against those Iranian citizens who took to the streets to express their discontent with a 200 per cent increase in fuel prices, damaged the regime's already fragile electoral pillar and weakened its claims to legitimacy. Around 58 million Iranians were eligible to vote in the recent parliamentary elections with 9 million voters in the capital city of Tehran. Yet, many citizens, including the Iranian urban middle-class, boycotted the elections in major cities. |
The official voter turnout (42.5 per cent, which is the lowest in the history of the Islamic republic) is a clear expression of people's disenchantment with the process of elections in Iran. Let us not forget that the turnout in the 2016 election, which was dominated by reformers who supported President Rouhani and the nuclear deal of 2015, was almost 62 per cent. Though Khamenei blamed the low turnout on the "negative propaganda" about the new coronavirus, it is clear to everyone that the Iranian regime is proving that it is incapable of reform. |
Moments before the stage is (literally) set for the big reveal in Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga, the film offers a narrative ruse. Sahil Mirza (Rajkumar Rao), hopelessly smitten by Sweety (Sonam Kapoor) and freshly recovering from the knowledge that she in fact likes another girl, attempts to help in his new role as a confidante. A (failed) dramatist, he scripts a play closely mirroring Sweety's life, her struggles the isolation she has been forced to inhabit since childhood and under the garb of requesting members of her family to participate intends to break it down to them. Unaware of its origin or the set-up, they agree but are visibly rattled on hearing the 'story'. Her father, Balbir Chaudhary (Anil Kapoor) dismisses the premise as improbable but his mother (Madhumalti Kapoor) justifies its existence: "It is a comedy". The matriarch's reasoning, which unwittingly serves as a commentary, works. Potrayed as a film aficionado, homosexuality for her has existed as an off-shoot of comedy in celluloid, and for good reasons. Same-sex love or even a lone representative from the community has been routinely introduced as a subplot to elicit laughter. They have been treated as the excess the genre of comedy is known for. Hitesh Kewalya employs the same ruse in Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, except the excess here is not the behavioural attributes of the homosexual protagonists but the reactions to them. The joke is on the expectation that presupposes homosexuality to be funny. It is on Balbir Chaudhary's mother and the likes of her. It is on us. |
Kewalya's film, touted as the first to bring homosexuality within the purview of the mainstream, does not revolve around a character's discomfiting freeing realisation that they do not fit in nor concludes with them mustering the courage to come out. It is not preoccupied with locating the moment the cat is let out of the bag. In Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, the cat is already out, prowling stealthily, even meowing occasionally. When we meet Kartik Singh (Ayushmann Khurana) and Aman Tripathi (Jitendra Kumar), one is helping the other to get up on a train even though both are wearing capes. Being salesmen, the outfits are occupational hazards but they serve a bigger purpose of subverting the hypermasculinity associated with superheroes and underlining the characters' innate mutual dependence, in spite of and because of the capes. They have discovered themselves and each other from the outset. But are discovered when on their way to Aman's sisters wedding, his father sees both men kissing in a moving train. The ensuing comedy constitutes the disarray his immediate and extended family are thrown into as each becomes privy to this 'information'. |
Moments before the stage is (literally) set for the big reveal in Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga, the film offers a narrative ruse. Sahil Mirza (Rajkumar Rao), hopelessly smitten by Sweety (Sonam Kapoor) and freshly recovering from the knowledge that she in fact likes another girl, attempts to help in his new role as a confidante. A (failed) dramatist, he scripts a play closely mirroring Sweety's life, her struggles the isolation she has been forced to inhabit since childhood and under the garb of requesting members of her family to participate intends to break it down to them. Unaware of its origin or the set-up, they agree but are visibly rattled on hearing the 'story'. Her father, Balbir Chaudhary (Anil Kapoor) dismisses the premise as improbable but his mother (Madhumalti Kapoor) justifies its existence: "It is a comedy". The matriarch's reasoning, which unwittingly serves as a commentary, works. Potrayed as a film aficionado, homosexuality for her has existed as an off-shoot of comedy in celluloid, and for good reasons. Same-sex love or even a lone representative from the community has been routinely introduced as a subplot to elicit laughter. They have been treated as the excess the genre of comedy is known for. Hitesh Kewalya employs the same ruse in Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, except the excess here is not the behavioural attributes of the homosexual protagonists but the reactions to them. The joke is on the expectation that presupposes homosexuality to be funny. It is on Balbir Chaudhary's mother and the likes of her. It is on us. |
Kewalya's film, touted as the first to bring homosexuality within the purview of the mainstream, does not revolve around a character's discomfiting freeing realisation that they do not fit in nor concludes with them mustering the courage to come out. It is not preoccupied with locating the moment the cat is let out of the bag. In Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, the cat is already out, prowling stealthily, even meowing occasionally. When we meet Kartik Singh (Ayushmann Khurana) and Aman Tripathi (Jitendra Kumar), one is helping the other to get up on a train even though both are wearing capes. Being salesmen, the outfits are occupational hazards but they serve a bigger purpose of subverting the hypermasculinity associated with superheroes and underlining the characters' innate mutual dependence, in spite of and because of the capes. They have discovered themselves and each other from the outset. But are discovered when on their way to Aman's sisters wedding, his father sees both men kissing in a moving train. The ensuing comedy constitutes the disarray his immediate and extended family are thrown into as each becomes privy to this 'information'. |
Moments before the stage is (literally) set for the big reveal in Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga, the film offers a narrative ruse. Sahil Mirza (Rajkumar Rao), hopelessly smitten by Sweety (Sonam Kapoor) and freshly recovering from the knowledge that she in fact likes another girl, attempts to help in his new role as a confidante. A (failed) dramatist, he scripts a play closely mirroring Sweety's life, her struggles the isolation she has been forced to inhabit since childhood and under the garb of requesting members of her family to participate intends to break it down to them. Unaware of its origin or the set-up, they agree but are visibly rattled on hearing the 'story'. Her father, Balbir Chaudhary (Anil Kapoor) dismisses the premise as improbable but his mother (Madhumalti Kapoor) justifies its existence: "It is a comedy". The matriarch's reasoning, which unwittingly serves as a commentary, works. Potrayed as a film aficionado, homosexuality for her has existed as an off-shoot of comedy in celluloid, and for good reasons. Same-sex love or even a lone representative from the community has been routinely introduced as a subplot to elicit laughter. They have been treated as the excess the genre of comedy is known for. Hitesh Kewalya employs the same ruse in Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, except the excess here is not the behavioural attributes of the homosexual protagonists but the reactions to them. The joke is on the expectation that presupposes homosexuality to be funny. It is on Balbir Chaudhary's mother and the likes of her. It is on us. |
Kewalya's film, touted as the first to bring homosexuality within the purview of the mainstream, does not revolve around a character's discomfiting freeing realisation that they do not fit in nor concludes with them mustering the courage to come out. It is not preoccupied with locating the moment the cat is let out of the bag. In Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, the cat is already out, prowling stealthily, even meowing occasionally. When we meet Kartik Singh (Ayushmann Khurana) and Aman Tripathi (Jitendra Kumar), one is helping the other to get up on a train even though both are wearing capes. Being salesmen, the outfits are occupational hazards but they serve a bigger purpose of subverting the hypermasculinity associated with superheroes and underlining the characters' innate mutual dependence, in spite of and because of the capes. They have discovered themselves and each other from the outset. But are discovered when on their way to Aman's sisters wedding, his father sees both men kissing in a moving train. The ensuing comedy constitutes the disarray his immediate and extended family are thrown into as each becomes privy to this 'information'. |
Moments before the stage is (literally) set for the big reveal in Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga, the film offers a narrative ruse. Sahil Mirza (Rajkumar Rao), hopelessly smitten by Sweety (Sonam Kapoor) and freshly recovering from the knowledge that she in fact likes another girl, attempts to help in his new role as a confidante. A (failed) dramatist, he scripts a play closely mirroring Sweety's life, her struggles the isolation she has been forced to inhabit since childhood and under the garb of requesting members of her family to participate intends to break it down to them. Unaware of its origin or the set-up, they agree but are visibly rattled on hearing the 'story'. Her father, Balbir Chaudhary (Anil Kapoor) dismisses the premise as improbable but his mother (Madhumalti Kapoor) justifies its existence: "It is a comedy". The matriarch's reasoning, which unwittingly serves as a commentary, works. Potrayed as a film aficionado, homosexuality for her has existed as an off-shoot of comedy in celluloid, and for good reasons. Same-sex love or even a lone representative from the community has been routinely introduced as a subplot to elicit laughter. They have been treated as the excess the genre of comedy is known for. Hitesh Kewalya employs the same ruse in Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, except the excess here is not the behavioural attributes of the homosexual protagonists but the reactions to them. The joke is on the expectation that presupposes homosexuality to be funny. It is on Balbir Chaudhary's mother and the likes of her. It is on us. |
Kewalya's film, touted as the first to bring homosexuality within the purview of the mainstream, does not revolve around a character's discomfiting freeing realisation that they do not fit in nor concludes with them mustering the courage to come out. It is not preoccupied with locating the moment the cat is let out of the bag. In Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, the cat is already out, prowling stealthily, even meowing occasionally. When we meet Kartik Singh (Ayushmann Khurana) and Aman Tripathi (Jitendra Kumar), one is helping the other to get up on a train even though both are wearing capes. Being salesmen, the outfits are occupational hazards but they serve a bigger purpose of subverting the hypermasculinity associated with superheroes and underlining the characters' innate mutual dependence, in spite of and because of the capes. They have discovered themselves and each other from the outset. But are discovered when on their way to Aman's sisters wedding, his father sees both men kissing in a moving train. The ensuing comedy constitutes the disarray his immediate and extended family are thrown into as each becomes privy to this 'information'. |
Moments before the stage is (literally) set for the big reveal in Ek Ladki Ko Dekha Toh Aisa Laga, the film offers a narrative ruse. Sahil Mirza (Rajkumar Rao), hopelessly smitten by Sweety (Sonam Kapoor) and freshly recovering from the knowledge that she in fact likes another girl, attempts to help in his new role as a confidante. A (failed) dramatist, he scripts a play closely mirroring Sweety's life, her struggles the isolation she has been forced to inhabit since childhood and under the garb of requesting members of her family to participate intends to break it down to them. Unaware of its origin or the set-up, they agree but are visibly rattled on hearing the 'story'. Her father, Balbir Chaudhary (Anil Kapoor) dismisses the premise as improbable but his mother (Madhumalti Kapoor) justifies its existence: "It is a comedy". The matriarch's reasoning, which unwittingly serves as a commentary, works. Potrayed as a film aficionado, homosexuality for her has existed as an off-shoot of comedy in celluloid, and for good reasons. Same-sex love or even a lone representative from the community has been routinely introduced as a subplot to elicit laughter. They have been treated as the excess the genre of comedy is known for. Hitesh Kewalya employs the same ruse in Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, except the excess here is not the behavioural attributes of the homosexual protagonists but the reactions to them. The joke is on the expectation that presupposes homosexuality to be funny. It is on Balbir Chaudhary's mother and the likes of her. It is on us. |
Kewalya's film, touted as the first to bring homosexuality within the purview of the mainstream, does not revolve around a character's discomfiting freeing realisation that they do not fit in nor concludes with them mustering the courage to come out. It is not preoccupied with locating the moment the cat is let out of the bag. In Shubh Mangal Zyada Saavdhan, the cat is already out, prowling stealthily, even meowing occasionally. When we meet Kartik Singh (Ayushmann Khurana) and Aman Tripathi (Jitendra Kumar), one is helping the other to get up on a train even though both are wearing capes. Being salesmen, the outfits are occupational hazards but they serve a bigger purpose of subverting the hypermasculinity associated with superheroes and underlining the characters' innate mutual dependence, in spite of and because of the capes. They have discovered themselves and each other from the outset. But are discovered when on their way to Aman's sisters wedding, his father sees both men kissing in a moving train. The ensuing comedy constitutes the disarray his immediate and extended family are thrown into as each becomes privy to this 'information'. |
Holding the Central government responsible for the violence in northeast Delhi that claimed 20 lives, Congress interim president Sonia Gandhi Wednesday said Home Minister Amit Shah must resign. She also hit out at Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal for not taking adequate steps to ensure peace in the national capital. |
Condemning the violence, Gandhi said, "Delhi Police has remained paralysed. In the last 72 hours, around 18 lives have been lost so far, including a head constable. Hundreds are in hospitals, many with gunshot injuries. Violence continues unabated on the streets of North East Delhi. The Centre and the Union Home Minister is responsible for the present situation in Delhi. The Union Home Minister should resign." |
"Delhi government and the Chief Minister are equally responsible for not activating the administration to reach out to the people to maintain peace and harmony. It is the collective failure of both governments that have resulted in a great tragedy in the capital city", added Gandhi. |
The Congress chief also hit out at BJP leaders for creating an atmosphere of "fear and hatred". "There is a conspiracy behind the violence, the country also saw this during Delhi elections. Many BJP leaders made inciting comments creating an atmosphere of fear and hatred", said Gandhi. |
Gandhi was speaking to the media after the meeting of Congress Working Committee held earlier in the day. Gandhi and top leaders including Manmohan Singh, A K Anthony, Ghulam Nabi Azad, P Chidambaram, Priyanka Gandhi were present during the meeting. |
The party is likely to evolve a strategy on the continued violence in Delhi, following protests over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). |
Speaking just minutes after her mother's press briefing, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra also appealed to Delhi residents to desist from violence. "What BJP leader Kapil Mishra has said is shameful and the government not doing anything is even more shameful," Priyanka said. |
Priyanka, too, appealed to the people of Delhi not to indulge in any violence as it is them who will suffer due to it. She also urged all Congress party workers to ensure that there is peace in the city. |
Later, reacting to Sonia Gandhi's remark, Union Minister Prakash Javadekar said her statement is "unfortunate and condemnable". "At such times all parties should ensure that peace is maintained, blaming the government instead is dirty politics. Politicising this violence is wrong", said Javadekar. |
"They're asking where was Amit Shah. He took an all-party meeting yesterday where a Cong leader was also present. The home minister gave directions to Police and also boost the morale of Police. Statements by Congress will have an adverse effect on the morale of police", added Javadekar |
Holding the Central government responsible for the violence in northeast Delhi that claimed 20 lives, Congress interim president Sonia Gandhi Wednesday said Home Minister Amit Shah must resign. She also hit out at Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal for not taking adequate steps to ensure peace in the national capital. |
Condemning the violence, Gandhi said, "Delhi Police has remained paralysed. In the last 72 hours, around 18 lives have been lost so far, including a head constable. Hundreds are in hospitals, many with gunshot injuries. Violence continues unabated on the streets of North East Delhi. The Centre and the Union Home Minister is responsible for the present situation in Delhi. The Union Home Minister should resign." |
"Delhi government and the Chief Minister are equally responsible for not activating the administration to reach out to the people to maintain peace and harmony. It is the collective failure of both governments that have resulted in a great tragedy in the capital city", added Gandhi. |
The Congress chief also hit out at BJP leaders for creating an atmosphere of "fear and hatred". "There is a conspiracy behind the violence, the country also saw this during Delhi elections. Many BJP leaders made inciting comments creating an atmosphere of fear and hatred", said Gandhi. |
Gandhi was speaking to the media after the meeting of Congress Working Committee held earlier in the day. Gandhi and top leaders including Manmohan Singh, A K Anthony, Ghulam Nabi Azad, P Chidambaram, Priyanka Gandhi were present during the meeting. |
The party is likely to evolve a strategy on the continued violence in Delhi, following protests over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). |
Speaking just minutes after her mother's press briefing, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra also appealed to Delhi residents to desist from violence. "What BJP leader Kapil Mishra has said is shameful and the government not doing anything is even more shameful," Priyanka said. |
Priyanka, too, appealed to the people of Delhi not to indulge in any violence as it is them who will suffer due to it. She also urged all Congress party workers to ensure that there is peace in the city. |
Later, reacting to Sonia Gandhi's remark, Union Minister Prakash Javadekar said her statement is "unfortunate and condemnable". "At such times all parties should ensure that peace is maintained, blaming the government instead is dirty politics. Politicising this violence is wrong", said Javadekar. |
"They're asking where was Amit Shah. He took an all-party meeting yesterday where a Cong leader was also present. The home minister gave directions to Police and also boost the morale of Police. Statements by Congress will have an adverse effect on the morale of police", added Javadekar |
Holding the Central government responsible for the violence in northeast Delhi that claimed 20 lives, Congress interim president Sonia Gandhi Wednesday said Home Minister Amit Shah must resign. She also hit out at Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal for not taking adequate steps to ensure peace in the national capital. |
Condemning the violence, Gandhi said, "Delhi Police has remained paralysed. In the last 72 hours, around 18 lives have been lost so far, including a head constable. Hundreds are in hospitals, many with gunshot injuries. Violence continues unabated on the streets of North East Delhi. The Centre and the Union Home Minister is responsible for the present situation in Delhi. The Union Home Minister should resign." |
"Delhi government and the Chief Minister are equally responsible for not activating the administration to reach out to the people to maintain peace and harmony. It is the collective failure of both governments that have resulted in a great tragedy in the capital city", added Gandhi. |
The Congress chief also hit out at BJP leaders for creating an atmosphere of "fear and hatred". "There is a conspiracy behind the violence, the country also saw this during Delhi elections. Many BJP leaders made inciting comments creating an atmosphere of fear and hatred", said Gandhi. |
Gandhi was speaking to the media after the meeting of Congress Working Committee held earlier in the day. Gandhi and top leaders including Manmohan Singh, A K Anthony, Ghulam Nabi Azad, P Chidambaram, Priyanka Gandhi were present during the meeting. |
The party is likely to evolve a strategy on the continued violence in Delhi, following protests over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). |
Speaking just minutes after her mother's press briefing, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra also appealed to Delhi residents to desist from violence. "What BJP leader Kapil Mishra has said is shameful and the government not doing anything is even more shameful," Priyanka said. |
Priyanka, too, appealed to the people of Delhi not to indulge in any violence as it is them who will suffer due to it. She also urged all Congress party workers to ensure that there is peace in the city. |
Later, reacting to Sonia Gandhi's remark, Union Minister Prakash Javadekar said her statement is "unfortunate and condemnable". "At such times all parties should ensure that peace is maintained, blaming the government instead is dirty politics. Politicising this violence is wrong", said Javadekar. |
"They're asking where was Amit Shah. He took an all-party meeting yesterday where a Cong leader was also present. The home minister gave directions to Police and also boost the morale of Police. Statements by Congress will have an adverse effect on the morale of police", added Javadekar |
Holding the Central government responsible for the violence in northeast Delhi that claimed 20 lives, Congress interim president Sonia Gandhi Wednesday said Home Minister Amit Shah must resign. She also hit out at Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal for not taking adequate steps to ensure peace in the national capital. |
Condemning the violence, Gandhi said, "Delhi Police has remained paralysed. In the last 72 hours, around 18 lives have been lost so far, including a head constable. Hundreds are in hospitals, many with gunshot injuries. Violence continues unabated on the streets of North East Delhi. The Centre and the Union Home Minister is responsible for the present situation in Delhi. The Union Home Minister should resign." |
"Delhi government and the Chief Minister are equally responsible for not activating the administration to reach out to the people to maintain peace and harmony. It is the collective failure of both governments that have resulted in a great tragedy in the capital city", added Gandhi. |
The Congress chief also hit out at BJP leaders for creating an atmosphere of "fear and hatred". "There is a conspiracy behind the violence, the country also saw this during Delhi elections. Many BJP leaders made inciting comments creating an atmosphere of fear and hatred", said Gandhi. |
Gandhi was speaking to the media after the meeting of Congress Working Committee held earlier in the day. Gandhi and top leaders including Manmohan Singh, A K Anthony, Ghulam Nabi Azad, P Chidambaram, Priyanka Gandhi were present during the meeting. |
The party is likely to evolve a strategy on the continued violence in Delhi, following protests over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). |
Speaking just minutes after her mother's press briefing, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra also appealed to Delhi residents to desist from violence. "What BJP leader Kapil Mishra has said is shameful and the government not doing anything is even more shameful," Priyanka said. |
Priyanka, too, appealed to the people of Delhi not to indulge in any violence as it is them who will suffer due to it. She also urged all Congress party workers to ensure that there is peace in the city. |
Later, reacting to Sonia Gandhi's remark, Union Minister Prakash Javadekar said her statement is "unfortunate and condemnable". "At such times all parties should ensure that peace is maintained, blaming the government instead is dirty politics. Politicising this violence is wrong", said Javadekar. |
"They're asking where was Amit Shah. He took an all-party meeting yesterday where a Cong leader was also present. The home minister gave directions to Police and also boost the morale of Police. Statements by Congress will have an adverse effect on the morale of police", added Javadekar |
Holding the Central government responsible for the violence in northeast Delhi that claimed 20 lives, Congress interim president Sonia Gandhi Wednesday said Home Minister Amit Shah must resign. She also hit out at Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal for not taking adequate steps to ensure peace in the national capital. |
Condemning the violence, Gandhi said, "Delhi Police has remained paralysed. In the last 72 hours, around 18 lives have been lost so far, including a head constable. Hundreds are in hospitals, many with gunshot injuries. Violence continues unabated on the streets of North East Delhi. The Centre and the Union Home Minister is responsible for the present situation in Delhi. The Union Home Minister should resign." |
"Delhi government and the Chief Minister are equally responsible for not activating the administration to reach out to the people to maintain peace and harmony. It is the collective failure of both governments that have resulted in a great tragedy in the capital city", added Gandhi. |
The Congress chief also hit out at BJP leaders for creating an atmosphere of "fear and hatred". "There is a conspiracy behind the violence, the country also saw this during Delhi elections. Many BJP leaders made inciting comments creating an atmosphere of fear and hatred", said Gandhi. |
Gandhi was speaking to the media after the meeting of Congress Working Committee held earlier in the day. Gandhi and top leaders including Manmohan Singh, A K Anthony, Ghulam Nabi Azad, P Chidambaram, Priyanka Gandhi were present during the meeting. |
The party is likely to evolve a strategy on the continued violence in Delhi, following protests over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). |
Speaking just minutes after her mother's press briefing, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra also appealed to Delhi residents to desist from violence. "What BJP leader Kapil Mishra has said is shameful and the government not doing anything is even more shameful," Priyanka said. |
Priyanka, too, appealed to the people of Delhi not to indulge in any violence as it is them who will suffer due to it. She also urged all Congress party workers to ensure that there is peace in the city. |
Later, reacting to Sonia Gandhi's remark, Union Minister Prakash Javadekar said her statement is "unfortunate and condemnable". "At such times all parties should ensure that peace is maintained, blaming the government instead is dirty politics. Politicising this violence is wrong", said Javadekar. |
"They're asking where was Amit Shah. He took an all-party meeting yesterday where a Cong leader was also present. The home minister gave directions to Police and also boost the morale of Police. Statements by Congress will have an adverse effect on the morale of police", added Javadekar |
Indigenous groups and Costa Rica's president on Tuesday mourned the killing of yet another indigenous activist, amid continuing land disputes in the Central American country. |
The National Front of Indigenous Peoples said Jhery Rivera of the Broran Indian community was slain Monday in the hamlet of Terraba. |
Some Costa Rican indigenous communities have begun squatting on land that they have ancestral claims to, sparking conflicts with the current occupants of what are now cattle ranches and farms. The squatter communities, known as "recuperaciones" or "recovered lands", have been attacked before. |
"Starting Sunday February 23, a group of landowners went to Terraba to intimidate and attack indigenous people at four new recovered areas", the National Front said in a statement. It accused landowners of "racist violence" against 13 indigenous families that have taken over the land, and said the Costa Rican government failed to protect them. |
The National Front claimed one landowner had burned a farm near Terraba, seeking to blame the indigenous group for it and spark reprisals against them. |
Costa Rican President X condemned the killing and wrote in his Twitter account that one suspect had been detained. The president gave the dead man's name as Yeri, and other media have spelled it Yheri. In 2019, a BriBri indigenous land activist, Sergio Rojas, was killed in a nearby area. |
Costa Rica has about 104,000 indigenous people in eight language or ethnic groups, or about 2.4% of the population. Most live in ancestral territories near the border with Panama, but their land claims have not been fully enforced and settlers moved into many of their areas. |
Indigenous groups and Costa Rica's president on Tuesday mourned the killing of yet another indigenous activist, amid continuing land disputes in the Central American country. |
The National Front of Indigenous Peoples said Jhery Rivera of the Broran Indian community was slain Monday in the hamlet of Terraba. |
Some Costa Rican indigenous communities have begun squatting on land that they have ancestral claims to, sparking conflicts with the current occupants of what are now cattle ranches and farms. The squatter communities, known as "recuperaciones" or "recovered lands", have been attacked before. |
"Starting Sunday February 23, a group of landowners went to Terraba to intimidate and attack indigenous people at four new recovered areas", the National Front said in a statement. It accused landowners of "racist violence" against 13 indigenous families that have taken over the land, and said the Costa Rican government failed to protect them. |
The National Front claimed one landowner had burned a farm near Terraba, seeking to blame the indigenous group for it and spark reprisals against them. |
Costa Rican President X condemned the killing and wrote in his Twitter account that one suspect had been detained. The president gave the dead man's name as Yeri, and other media have spelled it Yheri. In 2019, a BriBri indigenous land activist, Sergio Rojas, was killed in a nearby area. |
Costa Rica has about 104,000 indigenous people in eight language or ethnic groups, or about 2.4% of the population. Most live in ancestral territories near the border with Panama, but their land claims have not been fully enforced and settlers moved into many of their areas. |
Indigenous groups and Costa Rica's president on Tuesday mourned the killing of yet another indigenous activist, amid continuing land disputes in the Central American country. |
The National Front of Indigenous Peoples said Jhery Rivera of the Broran Indian community was slain Monday in the hamlet of Terraba. |
Some Costa Rican indigenous communities have begun squatting on land that they have ancestral claims to, sparking conflicts with the current occupants of what are now cattle ranches and farms. The squatter communities, known as "recuperaciones" or "recovered lands", have been attacked before. |
"Starting Sunday February 23, a group of landowners went to Terraba to intimidate and attack indigenous people at four new recovered areas", the National Front said in a statement. It accused landowners of "racist violence" against 13 indigenous families that have taken over the land, and said the Costa Rican government failed to protect them. |
The National Front claimed one landowner had burned a farm near Terraba, seeking to blame the indigenous group for it and spark reprisals against them. |
Costa Rican President X condemned the killing and wrote in his Twitter account that one suspect had been detained. The president gave the dead man's name as Yeri, and other media have spelled it Yheri. In 2019, a BriBri indigenous land activist, Sergio Rojas, was killed in a nearby area. |
Costa Rica has about 104,000 indigenous people in eight language or ethnic groups, or about 2.4% of the population. Most live in ancestral territories near the border with Panama, but their land claims have not been fully enforced and settlers moved into many of their areas. |
Indigenous groups and Costa Rica's president on Tuesday mourned the killing of yet another indigenous activist, amid continuing land disputes in the Central American country. |
The National Front of Indigenous Peoples said Jhery Rivera of the Broran Indian community was slain Monday in the hamlet of Terraba. |
Some Costa Rican indigenous communities have begun squatting on land that they have ancestral claims to, sparking conflicts with the current occupants of what are now cattle ranches and farms. The squatter communities, known as "recuperaciones" or "recovered lands", have been attacked before. |
"Starting Sunday February 23, a group of landowners went to Terraba to intimidate and attack indigenous people at four new recovered areas", the National Front said in a statement. It accused landowners of "racist violence" against 13 indigenous families that have taken over the land, and said the Costa Rican government failed to protect them. |
The National Front claimed one landowner had burned a farm near Terraba, seeking to blame the indigenous group for it and spark reprisals against them. |
Costa Rican President X condemned the killing and wrote in his Twitter account that one suspect had been detained. The president gave the dead man's name as Yeri, and other media have spelled it Yheri. In 2019, a BriBri indigenous land activist, Sergio Rojas, was killed in a nearby area. |
Costa Rica has about 104,000 indigenous people in eight language or ethnic groups, or about 2.4% of the population. Most live in ancestral territories near the border with Panama, but their land claims have not been fully enforced and settlers moved into many of their areas. |
Indigenous groups and Costa Rica's president on Tuesday mourned the killing of yet another indigenous activist, amid continuing land disputes in the Central American country. |
The National Front of Indigenous Peoples said Jhery Rivera of the Broran Indian community was slain Monday in the hamlet of Terraba. |
Some Costa Rican indigenous communities have begun squatting on land that they have ancestral claims to, sparking conflicts with the current occupants of what are now cattle ranches and farms. The squatter communities, known as "recuperaciones" or "recovered lands", have been attacked before. |
"Starting Sunday February 23, a group of landowners went to Terraba to intimidate and attack indigenous people at four new recovered areas", the National Front said in a statement. It accused landowners of "racist violence" against 13 indigenous families that have taken over the land, and said the Costa Rican government failed to protect them. |
The National Front claimed one landowner had burned a farm near Terraba, seeking to blame the indigenous group for it and spark reprisals against them. |
Costa Rican President X condemned the killing and wrote in his Twitter account that one suspect had been detained. The president gave the dead man's name as Yeri, and other media have spelled it Yheri. In 2019, a BriBri indigenous land activist, Sergio Rojas, was killed in a nearby area. |
Costa Rica has about 104,000 indigenous people in eight language or ethnic groups, or about 2.4% of the population. Most live in ancestral territories near the border with Panama, but their land claims have not been fully enforced and settlers moved into many of their areas. |
Calling it an "intelligence failure" during US President Donald Trump's state visit to India, Tamil superstar Rajinikanth Wednesday said the government should step down if it's unable to control the violence in northeast Delhi over the Citizenship Amendment Act should with an "iron fist". |
In his first reaction on the violence that has so far claimed at least 27 lives, Rajnikanth accused "some parties (of) using religion for their politics." |
"If you are not controlling it (protest) now, in the future it will be a huge problem," he said, adding that the government should control the "protesters with an iron fist", or "resign if they are not capable of doing it." |
He also urged the government to implement steps to bring the situation under control. "It is an intelligence failure in Delhi. They should have taken more care when Trump was around", he said. |
Referring to BJP's Kapil Mishra who had threatened anti-CAA protesters, just hours before violence escalated in the area, Rajnikanth said the entire party cannot be blamed. "Just because one person spoke about it, dont blame the entire party", he said. |
The actor, who had previously supported the Citizenship Amendment Act, said he is "hurt" that he is being associated with the BJP over his personal views. "I said my views on CAA, immediately a few senior journalists, few senior politicians are claiming that I am a BJP man. Its hurting", he said, adding that the Act is not likely to be repealed (despite the protests). |
Actor Kamal Haasan lauded Rajinikanth for speaking out on the violence. "Well done my friend Rajinikanth! come this way, this is the right path. This is not a separate way (Taking a dig at his famous movie dialogue en vazhi thani vazhi), an entire race has marched this royal way. Welcome, congrats," Haasan tweeted. |
Defending his support to the amended citizenship law, the actor said he would be the first to raise his voice if there was any threat to Muslims in the country. |
Speculation over Rajnikanth joining the BJP had been rife especially since after his support to the government on the CAA. Last year, the superstar clarified that he would not be swayed by the "many attempts" to "saffronise" him. Saying that the 'media has always linked him to the BJP, which is not true', Rajinikanth had said, "Many attempts have been made to saffronise me, just like how it was done to Thiruvalluvar. But, neither Thiruvalluvar nor I will get caught in this." |
The actor had launched Rajini Makkal Mandram before the 2019 Lok Sabha elections but has not yet contested elections. |
Calling it an "intelligence failure" during US President Donald Trump's state visit to India, Tamil superstar Rajinikanth Wednesday said the government should step down if it's unable to control the violence in northeast Delhi over the Citizenship Amendment Act should with an "iron fist". |
In his first reaction on the violence that has so far claimed at least 27 lives, Rajnikanth accused "some parties (of) using religion for their politics." |
"If you are not controlling it (protest) now, in the future it will be a huge problem," he said, adding that the government should control the "protesters with an iron fist", or "resign if they are not capable of doing it." |
He also urged the government to implement steps to bring the situation under control. "It is an intelligence failure in Delhi. They should have taken more care when Trump was around", he said. |
Referring to BJP's Kapil Mishra who had threatened anti-CAA protesters, just hours before violence escalated in the area, Rajnikanth said the entire party cannot be blamed. "Just because one person spoke about it, dont blame the entire party", he said. |
The actor, who had previously supported the Citizenship Amendment Act, said he is "hurt" that he is being associated with the BJP over his personal views. "I said my views on CAA, immediately a few senior journalists, few senior politicians are claiming that I am a BJP man. Its hurting", he said, adding that the Act is not likely to be repealed (despite the protests). |
Actor Kamal Haasan lauded Rajinikanth for speaking out on the violence. "Well done my friend Rajinikanth! come this way, this is the right path. This is not a separate way (Taking a dig at his famous movie dialogue en vazhi thani vazhi), an entire race has marched this royal way. Welcome, congrats," Haasan tweeted. |
Defending his support to the amended citizenship law, the actor said he would be the first to raise his voice if there was any threat to Muslims in the country. |
Speculation over Rajnikanth joining the BJP had been rife especially since after his support to the government on the CAA. Last year, the superstar clarified that he would not be swayed by the "many attempts" to "saffronise" him. Saying that the 'media has always linked him to the BJP, which is not true', Rajinikanth had said, "Many attempts have been made to saffronise me, just like how it was done to Thiruvalluvar. But, neither Thiruvalluvar nor I will get caught in this." |
The actor had launched Rajini Makkal Mandram before the 2019 Lok Sabha elections but has not yet contested elections. |
Calling it an "intelligence failure" during US President Donald Trump's state visit to India, Tamil superstar Rajinikanth Wednesday said the government should step down if it's unable to control the violence in northeast Delhi over the Citizenship Amendment Act should with an "iron fist". |
In his first reaction on the violence that has so far claimed at least 27 lives, Rajnikanth accused "some parties (of) using religion for their politics." |
"If you are not controlling it (protest) now, in the future it will be a huge problem," he said, adding that the government should control the "protesters with an iron fist", or "resign if they are not capable of doing it." |
He also urged the government to implement steps to bring the situation under control. "It is an intelligence failure in Delhi. They should have taken more care when Trump was around", he said. |
Referring to BJP's Kapil Mishra who had threatened anti-CAA protesters, just hours before violence escalated in the area, Rajnikanth said the entire party cannot be blamed. "Just because one person spoke about it, dont blame the entire party", he said. |
The actor, who had previously supported the Citizenship Amendment Act, said he is "hurt" that he is being associated with the BJP over his personal views. "I said my views on CAA, immediately a few senior journalists, few senior politicians are claiming that I am a BJP man. Its hurting", he said, adding that the Act is not likely to be repealed (despite the protests). |
Actor Kamal Haasan lauded Rajinikanth for speaking out on the violence. "Well done my friend Rajinikanth! come this way, this is the right path. This is not a separate way (Taking a dig at his famous movie dialogue en vazhi thani vazhi), an entire race has marched this royal way. Welcome, congrats," Haasan tweeted. |
Defending his support to the amended citizenship law, the actor said he would be the first to raise his voice if there was any threat to Muslims in the country. |
Speculation over Rajnikanth joining the BJP had been rife especially since after his support to the government on the CAA. Last year, the superstar clarified that he would not be swayed by the "many attempts" to "saffronise" him. Saying that the 'media has always linked him to the BJP, which is not true', Rajinikanth had said, "Many attempts have been made to saffronise me, just like how it was done to Thiruvalluvar. But, neither Thiruvalluvar nor I will get caught in this." |
The actor had launched Rajini Makkal Mandram before the 2019 Lok Sabha elections but has not yet contested elections. |
Calling it an "intelligence failure" during US President Donald Trump's state visit to India, Tamil superstar Rajinikanth Wednesday said the government should step down if it's unable to control the violence in northeast Delhi over the Citizenship Amendment Act should with an "iron fist". |
In his first reaction on the violence that has so far claimed at least 27 lives, Rajnikanth accused "some parties (of) using religion for their politics." |
"If you are not controlling it (protest) now, in the future it will be a huge problem," he said, adding that the government should control the "protesters with an iron fist", or "resign if they are not capable of doing it." |
He also urged the government to implement steps to bring the situation under control. "It is an intelligence failure in Delhi. They should have taken more care when Trump was around", he said. |
Referring to BJP's Kapil Mishra who had threatened anti-CAA protesters, just hours before violence escalated in the area, Rajnikanth said the entire party cannot be blamed. "Just because one person spoke about it, dont blame the entire party", he said. |
The actor, who had previously supported the Citizenship Amendment Act, said he is "hurt" that he is being associated with the BJP over his personal views. "I said my views on CAA, immediately a few senior journalists, few senior politicians are claiming that I am a BJP man. Its hurting", he said, adding that the Act is not likely to be repealed (despite the protests). |
Actor Kamal Haasan lauded Rajinikanth for speaking out on the violence. "Well done my friend Rajinikanth! come this way, this is the right path. This is not a separate way (Taking a dig at his famous movie dialogue en vazhi thani vazhi), an entire race has marched this royal way. Welcome, congrats," Haasan tweeted. |
Defending his support to the amended citizenship law, the actor said he would be the first to raise his voice if there was any threat to Muslims in the country. |
Speculation over Rajnikanth joining the BJP had been rife especially since after his support to the government on the CAA. Last year, the superstar clarified that he would not be swayed by the "many attempts" to "saffronise" him. Saying that the 'media has always linked him to the BJP, which is not true', Rajinikanth had said, "Many attempts have been made to saffronise me, just like how it was done to Thiruvalluvar. But, neither Thiruvalluvar nor I will get caught in this." |
The actor had launched Rajini Makkal Mandram before the 2019 Lok Sabha elections but has not yet contested elections. |
Calling it an "intelligence failure" during US President Donald Trump's state visit to India, Tamil superstar Rajinikanth Wednesday said the government should step down if it's unable to control the violence in northeast Delhi over the Citizenship Amendment Act should with an "iron fist". |
In his first reaction on the violence that has so far claimed at least 27 lives, Rajnikanth accused "some parties (of) using religion for their politics." |
"If you are not controlling it (protest) now, in the future it will be a huge problem," he said, adding that the government should control the "protesters with an iron fist", or "resign if they are not capable of doing it." |
He also urged the government to implement steps to bring the situation under control. "It is an intelligence failure in Delhi. They should have taken more care when Trump was around", he said. |
Referring to BJP's Kapil Mishra who had threatened anti-CAA protesters, just hours before violence escalated in the area, Rajnikanth said the entire party cannot be blamed. "Just because one person spoke about it, dont blame the entire party", he said. |
The actor, who had previously supported the Citizenship Amendment Act, said he is "hurt" that he is being associated with the BJP over his personal views. "I said my views on CAA, immediately a few senior journalists, few senior politicians are claiming that I am a BJP man. Its hurting", he said, adding that the Act is not likely to be repealed (despite the protests). |
Actor Kamal Haasan lauded Rajinikanth for speaking out on the violence. "Well done my friend Rajinikanth! come this way, this is the right path. This is not a separate way (Taking a dig at his famous movie dialogue en vazhi thani vazhi), an entire race has marched this royal way. Welcome, congrats," Haasan tweeted. |
Defending his support to the amended citizenship law, the actor said he would be the first to raise his voice if there was any threat to Muslims in the country. |
Speculation over Rajnikanth joining the BJP had been rife especially since after his support to the government on the CAA. Last year, the superstar clarified that he would not be swayed by the "many attempts" to "saffronise" him. Saying that the 'media has always linked him to the BJP, which is not true', Rajinikanth had said, "Many attempts have been made to saffronise me, just like how it was done to Thiruvalluvar. But, neither Thiruvalluvar nor I will get caught in this." |
The actor had launched Rajini Makkal Mandram before the 2019 Lok Sabha elections but has not yet contested elections. |
In December 2018, Nm Aayog released its 'Strategy for New India ©75' which defined clear objectives for 2022-23, with an overview of 41 distinct areas. In this document, however, the strategy for 'water resources' is as insipid and unrealistic as the successive National Water Policies (NWP). |
Effective strategic planning must satisfy three essential requirements. One, acknowledge and analyse past failures; two, suggest realistic and implementable goals; and three, stipulate who will do what, and within what time frame. The 'strategy' for water fails on all three counts. |
Impaired Vision: |
The document reiterates two failed ideas: adopting an integrated river basin management approach, and setting up of river basin organisations (RBOs) for major basins. |
The integrated management concept has been around for 70 years, but not even one moderate size basin has been managed thus anywhere in the world. And 32 years after the NWP of 1987 recommended RBOs, not a single one has been established for any major basin. |
The water resources regulatory authority is another failed idea. Maharashtra established a water resources regulatory authority in 2005. But far from an improvement in managing resources, water management in Maharashtra has gone from bad to worse. Without analysing why the WRA already established has failed, the recommendation to establish water resources regulatory authorities is inexcusable. |
The strategy document notes that there is a huge gap between Irrigation potential created and utilised, and recommends that the Water Ministry draw up an action plan to complete command area development (CAD) works to reduce the gap. |
Again, a recommendation is made without analysing why CAD works remain incomplete, that too despite having a CAD authority as an integral component of the ministry. |
Goals: |
· Providing adequate and safe piped water supply. |
· Providing water to all farms and industries. |
· Ensuring continuous and clean flow in all the Indian rivers. |
· Assuring long-term sustainability of groundwater. |
· Safeguarding proper operation and maintenance of water infrastructure. |
· Utilising surface water resources to the full potential of 690 billion cu.m. |
· Improving on-farm water-use efficiency. |
· Ensuring zero discharge of untreated effluents from industrial units. |
Issue with above mentioned goals: |
These goals are not just over ambitious, but absurdly unrealistic, particularly for a five-year window. Not even one of these goals has been achieved in any State in the past 72 years. Some goals, such as 'Har Khet Ko Pani (irrigation to every field)', are simply not achievable. A strategy document must specify who will be responsible and accountable for achieving the specific goals, and in what time-frame. Otherwise, no one will accept the responsibility to carry out various tasks, and nothing will get done. |
What are the challenges in India's water sector? |
· Irrigation potential created but not being used. |
· Poor efficiency of irrigation systems and indiscriminate use of water in agriculture. |
· Poor implementation and maintenance of projects. |
· Cropping patterns not aligned to agro-climatic zones. |
· Subsidised pricing of water. |
· Citizens not getting piped water supply. |
· Contamination of groundwater. |
· The Easement Act, 1882 which grants groundwater ownership rights to landowners has resulted in uncontrolled extractions of groundwater. |
In December 2018, Nm Aayog released its 'Strategy for New India ©75' which defined clear objectives for 2022-23, with an overview of 41 distinct areas. In this document, however, the strategy for 'water resources' is as insipid and unrealistic as the successive National Water Policies (NWP). |
Effective strategic planning must satisfy three essential requirements. One, acknowledge and analyse past failures; two, suggest realistic and implementable goals; and three, stipulate who will do what, and within what time frame. The 'strategy' for water fails on all three counts. |
Impaired Vision: |
The document reiterates two failed ideas: adopting an integrated river basin management approach, and setting up of river basin organisations (RBOs) for major basins. |
The integrated management concept has been around for 70 years, but not even one moderate size basin has been managed thus anywhere in the world. And 32 years after the NWP of 1987 recommended RBOs, not a single one has been established for any major basin. |
The water resources regulatory authority is another failed idea. Maharashtra established a water resources regulatory authority in 2005. But far from an improvement in managing resources, water management in Maharashtra has gone from bad to worse. Without analysing why the WRA already established has failed, the recommendation to establish water resources regulatory authorities is inexcusable. |
The strategy document notes that there is a huge gap between Irrigation potential created and utilised, and recommends that the Water Ministry draw up an action plan to complete command area development (CAD) works to reduce the gap. |
Again, a recommendation is made without analysing why CAD works remain incomplete, that too despite having a CAD authority as an integral component of the ministry. |
Goals: |
· Providing adequate and safe piped water supply. |
· Providing water to all farms and industries. |
· Ensuring continuous and clean flow in all the Indian rivers. |
· Assuring long-term sustainability of groundwater. |
· Safeguarding proper operation and maintenance of water infrastructure. |
· Utilising surface water resources to the full potential of 690 billion cu.m. |
· Improving on-farm water-use efficiency. |
· Ensuring zero discharge of untreated effluents from industrial units. |
Issue with above mentioned goals: |
These goals are not just over ambitious, but absurdly unrealistic, particularly for a five-year window. Not even one of these goals has been achieved in any State in the past 72 years. Some goals, such as 'Har Khet Ko Pani (irrigation to every field)', are simply not achievable. A strategy document must specify who will be responsible and accountable for achieving the specific goals, and in what time-frame. Otherwise, no one will accept the responsibility to carry out various tasks, and nothing will get done. |
What are the challenges in India's water sector? |
· Irrigation potential created but not being used. |
· Poor efficiency of irrigation systems and indiscriminate use of water in agriculture. |
· Poor implementation and maintenance of projects. |
· Cropping patterns not aligned to agro-climatic zones. |
· Subsidised pricing of water. |
· Citizens not getting piped water supply. |
· Contamination of groundwater. |
· The Easement Act, 1882 which grants groundwater ownership rights to landowners has resulted in uncontrolled extractions of groundwater. |
In December 2018, Nm Aayog released its 'Strategy for New India ©75' which defined clear objectives for 2022-23, with an overview of 41 distinct areas. In this document, however, the strategy for 'water resources' is as insipid and unrealistic as the successive National Water Policies (NWP). |
Effective strategic planning must satisfy three essential requirements. One, acknowledge and analyse past failures; two, suggest realistic and implementable goals; and three, stipulate who will do what, and within what time frame. The 'strategy' for water fails on all three counts. |
Impaired Vision: |
The document reiterates two failed ideas: adopting an integrated river basin management approach, and setting up of river basin organisations (RBOs) for major basins. |
The integrated management concept has been around for 70 years, but not even one moderate size basin has been managed thus anywhere in the world. And 32 years after the NWP of 1987 recommended RBOs, not a single one has been established for any major basin. |
The water resources regulatory authority is another failed idea. Maharashtra established a water resources regulatory authority in 2005. But far from an improvement in managing resources, water management in Maharashtra has gone from bad to worse. Without analysing why the WRA already established has failed, the recommendation to establish water resources regulatory authorities is inexcusable. |
The strategy document notes that there is a huge gap between Irrigation potential created and utilised, and recommends that the Water Ministry draw up an action plan to complete command area development (CAD) works to reduce the gap. |
Again, a recommendation is made without analysing why CAD works remain incomplete, that too despite having a CAD authority as an integral component of the ministry. |
Goals: |
· Providing adequate and safe piped water supply. |
· Providing water to all farms and industries. |
· Ensuring continuous and clean flow in all the Indian rivers. |
· Assuring long-term sustainability of groundwater. |
· Safeguarding proper operation and maintenance of water infrastructure. |
· Utilising surface water resources to the full potential of 690 billion cu.m. |
· Improving on-farm water-use efficiency. |
· Ensuring zero discharge of untreated effluents from industrial units. |
Issue with above mentioned goals: |
These goals are not just over ambitious, but absurdly unrealistic, particularly for a five-year window. Not even one of these goals has been achieved in any State in the past 72 years. Some goals, such as 'Har Khet Ko Pani (irrigation to every field)', are simply not achievable. A strategy document must specify who will be responsible and accountable for achieving the specific goals, and in what time-frame. Otherwise, no one will accept the responsibility to carry out various tasks, and nothing will get done. |
What are the challenges in India's water sector? |
· Irrigation potential created but not being used. |
· Poor efficiency of irrigation systems and indiscriminate use of water in agriculture. |
· Poor implementation and maintenance of projects. |
· Cropping patterns not aligned to agro-climatic zones. |
· Subsidised pricing of water. |
· Citizens not getting piped water supply. |
· Contamination of groundwater. |
· The Easement Act, 1882 which grants groundwater ownership rights to landowners has resulted in uncontrolled extractions of groundwater. |
In December 2018, Nm Aayog released its 'Strategy for New India ©75' which defined clear objectives for 2022-23, with an overview of 41 distinct areas. In this document, however, the strategy for 'water resources' is as insipid and unrealistic as the successive National Water Policies (NWP). |
Effective strategic planning must satisfy three essential requirements. One, acknowledge and analyse past failures; two, suggest realistic and implementable goals; and three, stipulate who will do what, and within what time frame. The 'strategy' for water fails on all three counts. |
Impaired Vision: |
The document reiterates two failed ideas: adopting an integrated river basin management approach, and setting up of river basin organisations (RBOs) for major basins. |
The integrated management concept has been around for 70 years, but not even one moderate size basin has been managed thus anywhere in the world. And 32 years after the NWP of 1987 recommended RBOs, not a single one has been established for any major basin. |
The water resources regulatory authority is another failed idea. Maharashtra established a water resources regulatory authority in 2005. But far from an improvement in managing resources, water management in Maharashtra has gone from bad to worse. Without analysing why the WRA already established has failed, the recommendation to establish water resources regulatory authorities is inexcusable. |
The strategy document notes that there is a huge gap between Irrigation potential created and utilised, and recommends that the Water Ministry draw up an action plan to complete command area development (CAD) works to reduce the gap. |
Again, a recommendation is made without analysing why CAD works remain incomplete, that too despite having a CAD authority as an integral component of the ministry. |
Goals: |
· Providing adequate and safe piped water supply. |
· Providing water to all farms and industries. |
· Ensuring continuous and clean flow in all the Indian rivers. |
· Assuring long-term sustainability of groundwater. |
· Safeguarding proper operation and maintenance of water infrastructure. |
· Utilising surface water resources to the full potential of 690 billion cu.m. |
· Improving on-farm water-use efficiency. |
· Ensuring zero discharge of untreated effluents from industrial units. |
Issue with above mentioned goals: |
These goals are not just over ambitious, but absurdly unrealistic, particularly for a five-year window. Not even one of these goals has been achieved in any State in the past 72 years. Some goals, such as 'Har Khet Ko Pani (irrigation to every field)', are simply not achievable. A strategy document must specify who will be responsible and accountable for achieving the specific goals, and in what time-frame. Otherwise, no one will accept the responsibility to carry out various tasks, and nothing will get done. |
What are the challenges in India's water sector? |
· Irrigation potential created but not being used. |
· Poor efficiency of irrigation systems and indiscriminate use of water in agriculture. |
· Poor implementation and maintenance of projects. |
· Cropping patterns not aligned to agro-climatic zones. |
· Subsidised pricing of water. |
· Citizens not getting piped water supply. |
· Contamination of groundwater. |
· The Easement Act, 1882 which grants groundwater ownership rights to landowners has resulted in uncontrolled extractions of groundwater. |
In December 2018, Nm Aayog released its 'Strategy for New India ©75' which defined clear objectives for 2022-23, with an overview of 41 distinct areas. In this document, however, the strategy for 'water resources' is as insipid and unrealistic as the successive National Water Policies (NWP). |
Effective strategic planning must satisfy three essential requirements. One, acknowledge and analyse past failures; two, suggest realistic and implementable goals; and three, stipulate who will do what, and within what time frame. The 'strategy' for water fails on all three counts. |
Impaired Vision: |
The document reiterates two failed ideas: adopting an integrated river basin management approach, and setting up of river basin organisations (RBOs) for major basins. |
The integrated management concept has been around for 70 years, but not even one moderate size basin has been managed thus anywhere in the world. And 32 years after the NWP of 1987 recommended RBOs, not a single one has been established for any major basin. |
The water resources regulatory authority is another failed idea. Maharashtra established a water resources regulatory authority in 2005. But far from an improvement in managing resources, water management in Maharashtra has gone from bad to worse. Without analysing why the WRA already established has failed, the recommendation to establish water resources regulatory authorities is inexcusable. |
The strategy document notes that there is a huge gap between Irrigation potential created and utilised, and recommends that the Water Ministry draw up an action plan to complete command area development (CAD) works to reduce the gap. |
Again, a recommendation is made without analysing why CAD works remain incomplete, that too despite having a CAD authority as an integral component of the ministry. |
Goals: |
· Providing adequate and safe piped water supply. |
· Providing water to all farms and industries. |
· Ensuring continuous and clean flow in all the Indian rivers. |
· Assuring long-term sustainability of groundwater. |
· Safeguarding proper operation and maintenance of water infrastructure. |
· Utilising surface water resources to the full potential of 690 billion cu.m. |
· Improving on-farm water-use efficiency. |
· Ensuring zero discharge of untreated effluents from industrial units. |
Issue with above mentioned goals: |
These goals are not just over ambitious, but absurdly unrealistic, particularly for a five-year window. Not even one of these goals has been achieved in any State in the past 72 years. Some goals, such as 'Har Khet Ko Pani (irrigation to every field)', are simply not achievable. A strategy document must specify who will be responsible and accountable for achieving the specific goals, and in what time-frame. Otherwise, no one will accept the responsibility to carry out various tasks, and nothing will get done. |
What are the challenges in India's water sector? |
· Irrigation potential created but not being used. |
· Poor efficiency of irrigation systems and indiscriminate use of water in agriculture. |
· Poor implementation and maintenance of projects. |
· Cropping patterns not aligned to agro-climatic zones. |
· Subsidised pricing of water. |
· Citizens not getting piped water supply. |
· Contamination of groundwater. |
· The Easement Act, 1882 which grants groundwater ownership rights to landowners has resulted in uncontrolled extractions of groundwater. |
The situation in the South China Sea (SCS), which acts as the Chinese base for its operations in the Indian Ocean, is fast deteriorating with the Chinese aggressiveness. It is pursuing threefold policy to achieve its objective of converting the South China Sea into its lake. |
· First, it has created artificial islands changing the geographical features of the region to bolster its claims. In addition, China's militarisation of the artificial islands continue unabated despite objections from other countries. In these islands, China has built infrastructure to place its war fighting equipment including missiles, radars, signal jamming systems, ships and fighter aircraft. |
· Second, China is weakening the unity among the ASEAN by coercion to ensure that this group does not act unitedly against its interests in the ASEAN meetings. |
· Third, China now is increasingly trying to control the EEZs of other nations. Several times in the past China has used intimidation to try to stop ASEAN nations from exploiting their off-shore resources, while making use of resources of EEZs of other countries. Earlier, Indian ships had been intimidated through radio messages from Chinese ships to move out from the Vietnamese EEZ. The Indian oil exploration initiatives in that area had also been threatened by China in the past. China also continue to violate the Philippines' EEZ - a country that did not press for the implementation of the Ruling of the PCA after getting the Judgement in its favour. |
Legal Challenges ahead: |
There are many grey areas in the law of the sea. These include the conduct of maritime scientific research in the waters that other states have sovereign control over. Great powers, rising or Incumbent, tend to interpret international law to suit their interests and convenience. |
Weaker ones have no way of enforcing their rights under UNCLOS. More broadly, it is difficult to separate marine scientific research for peaceful and military purposes. |
Shi Yan 1 now operates as part of the so-called "national fleet" for marine scientific research. Earlier this decade, China consolidated its marine research activities. In this regard, it brought together multiple governmental agencies, ministries and commercial entitles like oil companies under one administrative framework. It will also closely align research with larger maritime goals, civilian and military, set by the party-state. In the past, China's marine science research was confined to near seas in the Western Pacific. It now extends to seas all around the world. About half of the marine scientific fleet is reportedly devoted to distant seas. |
Objectives for the national science fleet of China: |
· To map the sea-bed resources of the worlds ocean's/China has internationally sanctioned licences to explore sea-bed mining in a few areas including in the South-western Indian Ocean. |
· To develop large ocean databases that facilitate Chinese naval operations by providing accurate maritime domain awareness. |
· To use its national fleet for science diplomacy that adds to building productive maritime and naval cooperation with coastal states across the world. |
· It also lets China set the rules for global marine scientific research. |
What this incident holds for India? |
All major naval powers through history have sought to leverage marine scientific research to broader national objectives, both civilian and military. |
The Shi Yan incident is a useful reminder to India on the need to invest more in maritime scientific research. India needs to strengthen its own national capabilities in this regard. |
While their national structures may not allow the kind of centralised strategic framework that China has put in place, India and its partners, including the US, Japan, Australia and France, should develop mechanisms for collaborative research in maritime scientific domain. India and its partners must also consider better coordination between their respective maritime science diplomacy initiatives in the region. Such partnerships would provide a sound basis for eventual engagement with China on marine scientific research. |
The situation in the South China Sea (SCS), which acts as the Chinese base for its operations in the Indian Ocean, is fast deteriorating with the Chinese aggressiveness. It is pursuing threefold policy to achieve its objective of converting the South China Sea into its lake. |
· First, it has created artificial islands changing the geographical features of the region to bolster its claims. In addition, China's militarisation of the artificial islands continue unabated despite objections from other countries. In these islands, China has built infrastructure to place its war fighting equipment including missiles, radars, signal jamming systems, ships and fighter aircraft. |
· Second, China is weakening the unity among the ASEAN by coercion to ensure that this group does not act unitedly against its interests in the ASEAN meetings. |
· Third, China now is increasingly trying to control the EEZs of other nations. Several times in the past China has used intimidation to try to stop ASEAN nations from exploiting their off-shore resources, while making use of resources of EEZs of other countries. Earlier, Indian ships had been intimidated through radio messages from Chinese ships to move out from the Vietnamese EEZ. The Indian oil exploration initiatives in that area had also been threatened by China in the past. China also continue to violate the Philippines' EEZ - a country that did not press for the implementation of the Ruling of the PCA after getting the Judgement in its favour. |
Legal Challenges ahead: |
There are many grey areas in the law of the sea. These include the conduct of maritime scientific research in the waters that other states have sovereign control over. Great powers, rising or Incumbent, tend to interpret international law to suit their interests and convenience. |
Weaker ones have no way of enforcing their rights under UNCLOS. More broadly, it is difficult to separate marine scientific research for peaceful and military purposes. |
Shi Yan 1 now operates as part of the so-called "national fleet" for marine scientific research. Earlier this decade, China consolidated its marine research activities. In this regard, it brought together multiple governmental agencies, ministries and commercial entitles like oil companies under one administrative framework. It will also closely align research with larger maritime goals, civilian and military, set by the party-state. In the past, China's marine science research was confined to near seas in the Western Pacific. It now extends to seas all around the world. About half of the marine scientific fleet is reportedly devoted to distant seas. |
Objectives for the national science fleet of China: |
· To map the sea-bed resources of the worlds ocean's/China has internationally sanctioned licences to explore sea-bed mining in a few areas including in the South-western Indian Ocean. |
· To develop large ocean databases that facilitate Chinese naval operations by providing accurate maritime domain awareness. |
· To use its national fleet for science diplomacy that adds to building productive maritime and naval cooperation with coastal states across the world. |
· It also lets China set the rules for global marine scientific research. |
What this incident holds for India? |
All major naval powers through history have sought to leverage marine scientific research to broader national objectives, both civilian and military. |
The Shi Yan incident is a useful reminder to India on the need to invest more in maritime scientific research. India needs to strengthen its own national capabilities in this regard. |
While their national structures may not allow the kind of centralised strategic framework that China has put in place, India and its partners, including the US, Japan, Australia and France, should develop mechanisms for collaborative research in maritime scientific domain. India and its partners must also consider better coordination between their respective maritime science diplomacy initiatives in the region. Such partnerships would provide a sound basis for eventual engagement with China on marine scientific research. |
The situation in the South China Sea (SCS), which acts as the Chinese base for its operations in the Indian Ocean, is fast deteriorating with the Chinese aggressiveness. It is pursuing threefold policy to achieve its objective of converting the South China Sea into its lake. |
· First, it has created artificial islands changing the geographical features of the region to bolster its claims. In addition, China's militarisation of the artificial islands continue unabated despite objections from other countries. In these islands, China has built infrastructure to place its war fighting equipment including missiles, radars, signal jamming systems, ships and fighter aircraft. |
· Second, China is weakening the unity among the ASEAN by coercion to ensure that this group does not act unitedly against its interests in the ASEAN meetings. |
· Third, China now is increasingly trying to control the EEZs of other nations. Several times in the past China has used intimidation to try to stop ASEAN nations from exploiting their off-shore resources, while making use of resources of EEZs of other countries. Earlier, Indian ships had been intimidated through radio messages from Chinese ships to move out from the Vietnamese EEZ. The Indian oil exploration initiatives in that area had also been threatened by China in the past. China also continue to violate the Philippines' EEZ - a country that did not press for the implementation of the Ruling of the PCA after getting the Judgement in its favour. |
Legal Challenges ahead: |
There are many grey areas in the law of the sea. These include the conduct of maritime scientific research in the waters that other states have sovereign control over. Great powers, rising or Incumbent, tend to interpret international law to suit their interests and convenience. |
Weaker ones have no way of enforcing their rights under UNCLOS. More broadly, it is difficult to separate marine scientific research for peaceful and military purposes. |
Shi Yan 1 now operates as part of the so-called "national fleet" for marine scientific research. Earlier this decade, China consolidated its marine research activities. In this regard, it brought together multiple governmental agencies, ministries and commercial entitles like oil companies under one administrative framework. It will also closely align research with larger maritime goals, civilian and military, set by the party-state. In the past, China's marine science research was confined to near seas in the Western Pacific. It now extends to seas all around the world. About half of the marine scientific fleet is reportedly devoted to distant seas. |
Objectives for the national science fleet of China: |
· To map the sea-bed resources of the worlds ocean's/China has internationally sanctioned licences to explore sea-bed mining in a few areas including in the South-western Indian Ocean. |
· To develop large ocean databases that facilitate Chinese naval operations by providing accurate maritime domain awareness. |
· To use its national fleet for science diplomacy that adds to building productive maritime and naval cooperation with coastal states across the world. |
· It also lets China set the rules for global marine scientific research. |
What this incident holds for India? |
All major naval powers through history have sought to leverage marine scientific research to broader national objectives, both civilian and military. |
The Shi Yan incident is a useful reminder to India on the need to invest more in maritime scientific research. India needs to strengthen its own national capabilities in this regard. |
While their national structures may not allow the kind of centralised strategic framework that China has put in place, India and its partners, including the US, Japan, Australia and France, should develop mechanisms for collaborative research in maritime scientific domain. India and its partners must also consider better coordination between their respective maritime science diplomacy initiatives in the region. Such partnerships would provide a sound basis for eventual engagement with China on marine scientific research. |
The situation in the South China Sea (SCS), which acts as the Chinese base for its operations in the Indian Ocean, is fast deteriorating with the Chinese aggressiveness. It is pursuing threefold policy to achieve its objective of converting the South China Sea into its lake. |
· First, it has created artificial islands changing the geographical features of the region to bolster its claims. In addition, China's militarisation of the artificial islands continue unabated despite objections from other countries. In these islands, China has built infrastructure to place its war fighting equipment including missiles, radars, signal jamming systems, ships and fighter aircraft. |
· Second, China is weakening the unity among the ASEAN by coercion to ensure that this group does not act unitedly against its interests in the ASEAN meetings. |
· Third, China now is increasingly trying to control the EEZs of other nations. Several times in the past China has used intimidation to try to stop ASEAN nations from exploiting their off-shore resources, while making use of resources of EEZs of other countries. Earlier, Indian ships had been intimidated through radio messages from Chinese ships to move out from the Vietnamese EEZ. The Indian oil exploration initiatives in that area had also been threatened by China in the past. China also continue to violate the Philippines' EEZ - a country that did not press for the implementation of the Ruling of the PCA after getting the Judgement in its favour. |
Legal Challenges ahead: |
There are many grey areas in the law of the sea. These include the conduct of maritime scientific research in the waters that other states have sovereign control over. Great powers, rising or Incumbent, tend to interpret international law to suit their interests and convenience. |
Weaker ones have no way of enforcing their rights under UNCLOS. More broadly, it is difficult to separate marine scientific research for peaceful and military purposes. |
Shi Yan 1 now operates as part of the so-called "national fleet" for marine scientific research. Earlier this decade, China consolidated its marine research activities. In this regard, it brought together multiple governmental agencies, ministries and commercial entitles like oil companies under one administrative framework. It will also closely align research with larger maritime goals, civilian and military, set by the party-state. In the past, China's marine science research was confined to near seas in the Western Pacific. It now extends to seas all around the world. About half of the marine scientific fleet is reportedly devoted to distant seas. |
Objectives for the national science fleet of China: |
· To map the sea-bed resources of the worlds ocean's/China has internationally sanctioned licences to explore sea-bed mining in a few areas including in the South-western Indian Ocean. |
· To develop large ocean databases that facilitate Chinese naval operations by providing accurate maritime domain awareness. |
· To use its national fleet for science diplomacy that adds to building productive maritime and naval cooperation with coastal states across the world. |
· It also lets China set the rules for global marine scientific research. |
What this incident holds for India? |
All major naval powers through history have sought to leverage marine scientific research to broader national objectives, both civilian and military. |
The Shi Yan incident is a useful reminder to India on the need to invest more in maritime scientific research. India needs to strengthen its own national capabilities in this regard. |
While their national structures may not allow the kind of centralised strategic framework that China has put in place, India and its partners, including the US, Japan, Australia and France, should develop mechanisms for collaborative research in maritime scientific domain. India and its partners must also consider better coordination between their respective maritime science diplomacy initiatives in the region. Such partnerships would provide a sound basis for eventual engagement with China on marine scientific research. |
The situation in the South China Sea (SCS), which acts as the Chinese base for its operations in the Indian Ocean, is fast deteriorating with the Chinese aggressiveness. It is pursuing threefold policy to achieve its objective of converting the South China Sea into its lake. |
· First, it has created artificial islands changing the geographical features of the region to bolster its claims. In addition, China's militarisation of the artificial islands continue unabated despite objections from other countries. In these islands, China has built infrastructure to place its war fighting equipment including missiles, radars, signal jamming systems, ships and fighter aircraft. |
· Second, China is weakening the unity among the ASEAN by coercion to ensure that this group does not act unitedly against its interests in the ASEAN meetings. |
· Third, China now is increasingly trying to control the EEZs of other nations. Several times in the past China has used intimidation to try to stop ASEAN nations from exploiting their off-shore resources, while making use of resources of EEZs of other countries. Earlier, Indian ships had been intimidated through radio messages from Chinese ships to move out from the Vietnamese EEZ. The Indian oil exploration initiatives in that area had also been threatened by China in the past. China also continue to violate the Philippines' EEZ - a country that did not press for the implementation of the Ruling of the PCA after getting the Judgement in its favour. |
Legal Challenges ahead: |
There are many grey areas in the law of the sea. These include the conduct of maritime scientific research in the waters that other states have sovereign control over. Great powers, rising or Incumbent, tend to interpret international law to suit their interests and convenience. |
Weaker ones have no way of enforcing their rights under UNCLOS. More broadly, it is difficult to separate marine scientific research for peaceful and military purposes. |
Shi Yan 1 now operates as part of the so-called "national fleet" for marine scientific research. Earlier this decade, China consolidated its marine research activities. In this regard, it brought together multiple governmental agencies, ministries and commercial entitles like oil companies under one administrative framework. It will also closely align research with larger maritime goals, civilian and military, set by the party-state. In the past, China's marine science research was confined to near seas in the Western Pacific. It now extends to seas all around the world. About half of the marine scientific fleet is reportedly devoted to distant seas. |
Objectives for the national science fleet of China: |
· To map the sea-bed resources of the worlds ocean's/China has internationally sanctioned licences to explore sea-bed mining in a few areas including in the South-western Indian Ocean. |
· To develop large ocean databases that facilitate Chinese naval operations by providing accurate maritime domain awareness. |
· To use its national fleet for science diplomacy that adds to building productive maritime and naval cooperation with coastal states across the world. |
· It also lets China set the rules for global marine scientific research. |
What this incident holds for India? |
All major naval powers through history have sought to leverage marine scientific research to broader national objectives, both civilian and military. |
The Shi Yan incident is a useful reminder to India on the need to invest more in maritime scientific research. India needs to strengthen its own national capabilities in this regard. |
While their national structures may not allow the kind of centralised strategic framework that China has put in place, India and its partners, including the US, Japan, Australia and France, should develop mechanisms for collaborative research in maritime scientific domain. India and its partners must also consider better coordination between their respective maritime science diplomacy initiatives in the region. Such partnerships would provide a sound basis for eventual engagement with China on marine scientific research. |
With growing legislation and rampant breaches, theres increased attention on advising clients in these areas, and firms ensuring their own systems are better protected. Breach-related costs and liabilitylitigation, government investigations and fines, audit, and responsecompel it. |
The American Bar Association's 2019 Legal Tech Report revealed that 26% of respondent firms reported a data breach; that number is steadily increasing. One month into 2020, five US law firms have already been compromised by a new round of ransomware attacks. In two of those cases, a portion of the firms' stolen data has already been posted online. |
The 2018 Morrison & Foerster and ALM Intelligence Privacy & Data Security In-Depth Report shows privacy and security are top concerns for 63% of GCs, with regulations and enforcement a concern for 72%. Given newly enacted legislation like the CCPA, that number is growing considerably this year and will only continue. |
The data revolution is here. Let me read that back from the recordthe data revolution is here. The start of 2020 has the profession realizing that using analytics to extract insights will enable better decision-making across a wide array of legal functions. |
A 2018 study conducted by ALM and LexisNexis® Legal & Professional showed only 36% of AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics; but 90% of them felt that analytics added value to their practice, with 29% calling it "invaluable". That adoption will dramatically increase. For instance, in-house counsel will conduct detailed analysis of efficiency and outcomes, forcing greater practice transparency and accountability. |
At the same time, law firms will have unprecedented capability to assess client profitability and business development ROI. By mining massive data sets like docket data, legislation, case opinions, and contracts, firms can weigh which cases are likely to be profitable, understand industry trends, and measure the efficacy of marketing efforts. Data can also help demonstrate competitive advantage to clients, determine litigation strategy, and better manage the firm's time. |
In-house counsel continues to demand that law firms accurately price matters rather than run up billable hours. Clients are increasingly pushing back against block-billing by imposing stricter billing guidelines, enforcing spending caps, and using technology and data to inspect and analyze legal bills. |
Nearly half of survey respondents in a 2018 report published by the Economist Intelligence Unit cite cost as a challenge to using outside counsel. More than a quarter cite lack of pricing/billing transparency. That is particularly true when working with large law firms. |
This concern has led to hundreds of firms creating new roles like "Chief Pricing Officer", leading to more precise and creative pricing methods by leveraging historical data. In fact, 96% of law firms expect increased price competition to be a permanent trend. And, 79% of those AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics do so to more accurately price projects. |
Practically speaking, a firm cannot effectively price a matter when the scope is unclear. By using new technology to accurately scope, price, and bill legal work, clients can better manage their budgets and cases, while firms can more effectively move the ball forward on client service. |
Lawyers are seeing the emergence of AI and algorithm-based technologies become more commonplace. Nearly every aspect of legal practice is ripe for AI-enabled process improvement and greater efficienciesresearch, trial preparation, contract management, panel evaluation and management, spend and matter management, and e-billing. The emerging generation of tech-savvy lawyers will embrace more advanced technological solutions. |
With growing legislation and rampant breaches, theres increased attention on advising clients in these areas, and firms ensuring their own systems are better protected. Breach-related costs and liabilitylitigation, government investigations and fines, audit, and responsecompel it. |
The American Bar Association's 2019 Legal Tech Report revealed that 26% of respondent firms reported a data breach; that number is steadily increasing. One month into 2020, five US law firms have already been compromised by a new round of ransomware attacks. In two of those cases, a portion of the firms' stolen data has already been posted online. |
The 2018 Morrison & Foerster and ALM Intelligence Privacy & Data Security In-Depth Report shows privacy and security are top concerns for 63% of GCs, with regulations and enforcement a concern for 72%. Given newly enacted legislation like the CCPA, that number is growing considerably this year and will only continue. |
The data revolution is here. Let me read that back from the recordthe data revolution is here. The start of 2020 has the profession realizing that using analytics to extract insights will enable better decision-making across a wide array of legal functions. |
A 2018 study conducted by ALM and LexisNexis® Legal & Professional showed only 36% of AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics; but 90% of them felt that analytics added value to their practice, with 29% calling it "invaluable". That adoption will dramatically increase. For instance, in-house counsel will conduct detailed analysis of efficiency and outcomes, forcing greater practice transparency and accountability. |
At the same time, law firms will have unprecedented capability to assess client profitability and business development ROI. By mining massive data sets like docket data, legislation, case opinions, and contracts, firms can weigh which cases are likely to be profitable, understand industry trends, and measure the efficacy of marketing efforts. Data can also help demonstrate competitive advantage to clients, determine litigation strategy, and better manage the firm's time. |
In-house counsel continues to demand that law firms accurately price matters rather than run up billable hours. Clients are increasingly pushing back against block-billing by imposing stricter billing guidelines, enforcing spending caps, and using technology and data to inspect and analyze legal bills. |
Nearly half of survey respondents in a 2018 report published by the Economist Intelligence Unit cite cost as a challenge to using outside counsel. More than a quarter cite lack of pricing/billing transparency. That is particularly true when working with large law firms. |
This concern has led to hundreds of firms creating new roles like "Chief Pricing Officer", leading to more precise and creative pricing methods by leveraging historical data. In fact, 96% of law firms expect increased price competition to be a permanent trend. And, 79% of those AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics do so to more accurately price projects. |
Practically speaking, a firm cannot effectively price a matter when the scope is unclear. By using new technology to accurately scope, price, and bill legal work, clients can better manage their budgets and cases, while firms can more effectively move the ball forward on client service. |
Lawyers are seeing the emergence of AI and algorithm-based technologies become more commonplace. Nearly every aspect of legal practice is ripe for AI-enabled process improvement and greater efficienciesresearch, trial preparation, contract management, panel evaluation and management, spend and matter management, and e-billing. The emerging generation of tech-savvy lawyers will embrace more advanced technological solutions. |
With growing legislation and rampant breaches, theres increased attention on advising clients in these areas, and firms ensuring their own systems are better protected. Breach-related costs and liabilitylitigation, government investigations and fines, audit, and responsecompel it. |
The American Bar Association's 2019 Legal Tech Report revealed that 26% of respondent firms reported a data breach; that number is steadily increasing. One month into 2020, five US law firms have already been compromised by a new round of ransomware attacks. In two of those cases, a portion of the firms' stolen data has already been posted online. |
The 2018 Morrison & Foerster and ALM Intelligence Privacy & Data Security In-Depth Report shows privacy and security are top concerns for 63% of GCs, with regulations and enforcement a concern for 72%. Given newly enacted legislation like the CCPA, that number is growing considerably this year and will only continue. |
The data revolution is here. Let me read that back from the recordthe data revolution is here. The start of 2020 has the profession realizing that using analytics to extract insights will enable better decision-making across a wide array of legal functions. |
A 2018 study conducted by ALM and LexisNexis® Legal & Professional showed only 36% of AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics; but 90% of them felt that analytics added value to their practice, with 29% calling it "invaluable". That adoption will dramatically increase. For instance, in-house counsel will conduct detailed analysis of efficiency and outcomes, forcing greater practice transparency and accountability. |
At the same time, law firms will have unprecedented capability to assess client profitability and business development ROI. By mining massive data sets like docket data, legislation, case opinions, and contracts, firms can weigh which cases are likely to be profitable, understand industry trends, and measure the efficacy of marketing efforts. Data can also help demonstrate competitive advantage to clients, determine litigation strategy, and better manage the firm's time. |
In-house counsel continues to demand that law firms accurately price matters rather than run up billable hours. Clients are increasingly pushing back against block-billing by imposing stricter billing guidelines, enforcing spending caps, and using technology and data to inspect and analyze legal bills. |
Nearly half of survey respondents in a 2018 report published by the Economist Intelligence Unit cite cost as a challenge to using outside counsel. More than a quarter cite lack of pricing/billing transparency. That is particularly true when working with large law firms. |
This concern has led to hundreds of firms creating new roles like "Chief Pricing Officer", leading to more precise and creative pricing methods by leveraging historical data. In fact, 96% of law firms expect increased price competition to be a permanent trend. And, 79% of those AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics do so to more accurately price projects. |
Practically speaking, a firm cannot effectively price a matter when the scope is unclear. By using new technology to accurately scope, price, and bill legal work, clients can better manage their budgets and cases, while firms can more effectively move the ball forward on client service. |
Lawyers are seeing the emergence of AI and algorithm-based technologies become more commonplace. Nearly every aspect of legal practice is ripe for AI-enabled process improvement and greater efficienciesresearch, trial preparation, contract management, panel evaluation and management, spend and matter management, and e-billing. The emerging generation of tech-savvy lawyers will embrace more advanced technological solutions. |
With growing legislation and rampant breaches, theres increased attention on advising clients in these areas, and firms ensuring their own systems are better protected. Breach-related costs and liabilitylitigation, government investigations and fines, audit, and responsecompel it. |
The American Bar Association's 2019 Legal Tech Report revealed that 26% of respondent firms reported a data breach; that number is steadily increasing. One month into 2020, five US law firms have already been compromised by a new round of ransomware attacks. In two of those cases, a portion of the firms' stolen data has already been posted online. |
The 2018 Morrison & Foerster and ALM Intelligence Privacy & Data Security In-Depth Report shows privacy and security are top concerns for 63% of GCs, with regulations and enforcement a concern for 72%. Given newly enacted legislation like the CCPA, that number is growing considerably this year and will only continue. |
The data revolution is here. Let me read that back from the recordthe data revolution is here. The start of 2020 has the profession realizing that using analytics to extract insights will enable better decision-making across a wide array of legal functions. |
A 2018 study conducted by ALM and LexisNexis® Legal & Professional showed only 36% of AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics; but 90% of them felt that analytics added value to their practice, with 29% calling it "invaluable". That adoption will dramatically increase. For instance, in-house counsel will conduct detailed analysis of efficiency and outcomes, forcing greater practice transparency and accountability. |
At the same time, law firms will have unprecedented capability to assess client profitability and business development ROI. By mining massive data sets like docket data, legislation, case opinions, and contracts, firms can weigh which cases are likely to be profitable, understand industry trends, and measure the efficacy of marketing efforts. Data can also help demonstrate competitive advantage to clients, determine litigation strategy, and better manage the firm's time. |
In-house counsel continues to demand that law firms accurately price matters rather than run up billable hours. Clients are increasingly pushing back against block-billing by imposing stricter billing guidelines, enforcing spending caps, and using technology and data to inspect and analyze legal bills. |
Nearly half of survey respondents in a 2018 report published by the Economist Intelligence Unit cite cost as a challenge to using outside counsel. More than a quarter cite lack of pricing/billing transparency. That is particularly true when working with large law firms. |
This concern has led to hundreds of firms creating new roles like "Chief Pricing Officer", leading to more precise and creative pricing methods by leveraging historical data. In fact, 96% of law firms expect increased price competition to be a permanent trend. And, 79% of those AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics do so to more accurately price projects. |
Practically speaking, a firm cannot effectively price a matter when the scope is unclear. By using new technology to accurately scope, price, and bill legal work, clients can better manage their budgets and cases, while firms can more effectively move the ball forward on client service. |
Lawyers are seeing the emergence of AI and algorithm-based technologies become more commonplace. Nearly every aspect of legal practice is ripe for AI-enabled process improvement and greater efficienciesresearch, trial preparation, contract management, panel evaluation and management, spend and matter management, and e-billing. The emerging generation of tech-savvy lawyers will embrace more advanced technological solutions. |
With growing legislation and rampant breaches, theres increased attention on advising clients in these areas, and firms ensuring their own systems are better protected. Breach-related costs and liabilitylitigation, government investigations and fines, audit, and responsecompel it. |
The American Bar Association's 2019 Legal Tech Report revealed that 26% of respondent firms reported a data breach; that number is steadily increasing. One month into 2020, five US law firms have already been compromised by a new round of ransomware attacks. In two of those cases, a portion of the firms' stolen data has already been posted online. |
The 2018 Morrison & Foerster and ALM Intelligence Privacy & Data Security In-Depth Report shows privacy and security are top concerns for 63% of GCs, with regulations and enforcement a concern for 72%. Given newly enacted legislation like the CCPA, that number is growing considerably this year and will only continue. |
The data revolution is here. Let me read that back from the recordthe data revolution is here. The start of 2020 has the profession realizing that using analytics to extract insights will enable better decision-making across a wide array of legal functions. |
A 2018 study conducted by ALM and LexisNexis® Legal & Professional showed only 36% of AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics; but 90% of them felt that analytics added value to their practice, with 29% calling it "invaluable". That adoption will dramatically increase. For instance, in-house counsel will conduct detailed analysis of efficiency and outcomes, forcing greater practice transparency and accountability. |
At the same time, law firms will have unprecedented capability to assess client profitability and business development ROI. By mining massive data sets like docket data, legislation, case opinions, and contracts, firms can weigh which cases are likely to be profitable, understand industry trends, and measure the efficacy of marketing efforts. Data can also help demonstrate competitive advantage to clients, determine litigation strategy, and better manage the firm's time. |
In-house counsel continues to demand that law firms accurately price matters rather than run up billable hours. Clients are increasingly pushing back against block-billing by imposing stricter billing guidelines, enforcing spending caps, and using technology and data to inspect and analyze legal bills. |
Nearly half of survey respondents in a 2018 report published by the Economist Intelligence Unit cite cost as a challenge to using outside counsel. More than a quarter cite lack of pricing/billing transparency. That is particularly true when working with large law firms. |
This concern has led to hundreds of firms creating new roles like "Chief Pricing Officer", leading to more precise and creative pricing methods by leveraging historical data. In fact, 96% of law firms expect increased price competition to be a permanent trend. And, 79% of those AmLaw 200 firms using data analytics do so to more accurately price projects. |
Practically speaking, a firm cannot effectively price a matter when the scope is unclear. By using new technology to accurately scope, price, and bill legal work, clients can better manage their budgets and cases, while firms can more effectively move the ball forward on client service. |
Lawyers are seeing the emergence of AI and algorithm-based technologies become more commonplace. Nearly every aspect of legal practice is ripe for AI-enabled process improvement and greater efficienciesresearch, trial preparation, contract management, panel evaluation and management, spend and matter management, and e-billing. The emerging generation of tech-savvy lawyers will embrace more advanced technological solutions. |
The legal profession offers a wide range of job opportunities in private practice, in-house, and government institutions providing a variety of different places to work. One size doesn't fit all: it is hard to generalise about what it is really like working for a law firm because it depends on the size of firm and the type of law practised, but here a few things to think about when considering where you would like to work. |
According to Chambers Students trainees at large city law firms earn in excess of £40,000 and can look forward to a qualification salary of around £100,000, but the reality is very different if you are working in a high street practice outside of London. The area of law you qualify in and the type of clients you advise will determine your salary prospects, for example, a family lawyer working for high value clients will earn considerably more than a legal aid family practitioner. Considerable variation exists in how much you can expect to earn working as a lawyer, it depends on the type of law firm, the area of law and whereabouts in the country you practice. It is important to do your research, so you know what your future salary prospects are. |
Defining culture is not straightforward but it comprises of the values, ideas, behaviours and assumptions shared by a group of people, it influences everything inside a law firm. A positive workplace culture can determine how much you enjoy your job. It is important not to underestimate the impact the environment you work in has on your happiness and wellbeing. In 2018, TARGET jobs asked trainee solicitors to rate their firms culture on a variety of different measures, including working hours, culture, training and diversity. It is hard to generalise, but law is a competitive profession, target driven and that can negatively impact on culture. A good working environment depends a lot on the people you work with and the management philosophy of the firm. A good indication of a happy place to work is high staff retention, if people are happy where they are, they tend to stay. If work life balance and flexible working arrangements are important to you, think carefully about-the type of firm and area of law most likely to offer that. |
Law firms are often high- pressure environments, you are working to tight deadlines, and there is an expectation to get it right. An important skill to learn is how to keep a level head and handle pressure. To successfully work in a law firm, you need to practice staying calm and staying focused on what needs to be done. If you have the opportunity to work in a law clinic at university or volunteer at Citizens Advice or Support Through Court this will really help you to learn how to respond to difficult situations and handle pressure in the workplace. |
The reality of working at a law firm depends on where you work and the law you practice, legal work is complex and offers the opportunity to work in an intellectually challenging environment that often is well paid and rewarding. Make sure you do your research, think carefully about the area of law that is most suited to your personality and the type of firm where you will flourish, speak to other people to get an insight into what it is really like working for a law firm. |
The legal profession offers a wide range of job opportunities in private practice, in-house, and government institutions providing a variety of different places to work. One size doesn't fit all: it is hard to generalise about what it is really like working for a law firm because it depends on the size of firm and the type of law practised, but here a few things to think about when considering where you would like to work. |
According to Chambers Students trainees at large city law firms earn in excess of £40,000 and can look forward to a qualification salary of around £100,000, but the reality is very different if you are working in a high street practice outside of London. The area of law you qualify in and the type of clients you advise will determine your salary prospects, for example, a family lawyer working for high value clients will earn considerably more than a legal aid family practitioner. Considerable variation exists in how much you can expect to earn working as a lawyer, it depends on the type of law firm, the area of law and whereabouts in the country you practice. It is important to do your research, so you know what your future salary prospects are. |
Defining culture is not straightforward but it comprises of the values, ideas, behaviours and assumptions shared by a group of people, it influences everything inside a law firm. A positive workplace culture can determine how much you enjoy your job. It is important not to underestimate the impact the environment you work in has on your happiness and wellbeing. In 2018, TARGET jobs asked trainee solicitors to rate their firms culture on a variety of different measures, including working hours, culture, training and diversity. It is hard to generalise, but law is a competitive profession, target driven and that can negatively impact on culture. A good working environment depends a lot on the people you work with and the management philosophy of the firm. A good indication of a happy place to work is high staff retention, if people are happy where they are, they tend to stay. If work life balance and flexible working arrangements are important to you, think carefully about-the type of firm and area of law most likely to offer that. |
Law firms are often high- pressure environments, you are working to tight deadlines, and there is an expectation to get it right. An important skill to learn is how to keep a level head and handle pressure. To successfully work in a law firm, you need to practice staying calm and staying focused on what needs to be done. If you have the opportunity to work in a law clinic at university or volunteer at Citizens Advice or Support Through Court this will really help you to learn how to respond to difficult situations and handle pressure in the workplace. |
The reality of working at a law firm depends on where you work and the law you practice, legal work is complex and offers the opportunity to work in an intellectually challenging environment that often is well paid and rewarding. Make sure you do your research, think carefully about the area of law that is most suited to your personality and the type of firm where you will flourish, speak to other people to get an insight into what it is really like working for a law firm. |
The legal profession offers a wide range of job opportunities in private practice, in-house, and government institutions providing a variety of different places to work. One size doesn't fit all: it is hard to generalise about what it is really like working for a law firm because it depends on the size of firm and the type of law practised, but here a few things to think about when considering where you would like to work. |
According to Chambers Students trainees at large city law firms earn in excess of £40,000 and can look forward to a qualification salary of around £100,000, but the reality is very different if you are working in a high street practice outside of London. The area of law you qualify in and the type of clients you advise will determine your salary prospects, for example, a family lawyer working for high value clients will earn considerably more than a legal aid family practitioner. Considerable variation exists in how much you can expect to earn working as a lawyer, it depends on the type of law firm, the area of law and whereabouts in the country you practice. It is important to do your research, so you know what your future salary prospects are. |
Defining culture is not straightforward but it comprises of the values, ideas, behaviours and assumptions shared by a group of people, it influences everything inside a law firm. A positive workplace culture can determine how much you enjoy your job. It is important not to underestimate the impact the environment you work in has on your happiness and wellbeing. In 2018, TARGET jobs asked trainee solicitors to rate their firms culture on a variety of different measures, including working hours, culture, training and diversity. It is hard to generalise, but law is a competitive profession, target driven and that can negatively impact on culture. A good working environment depends a lot on the people you work with and the management philosophy of the firm. A good indication of a happy place to work is high staff retention, if people are happy where they are, they tend to stay. If work life balance and flexible working arrangements are important to you, think carefully about-the type of firm and area of law most likely to offer that. |
Law firms are often high- pressure environments, you are working to tight deadlines, and there is an expectation to get it right. An important skill to learn is how to keep a level head and handle pressure. To successfully work in a law firm, you need to practice staying calm and staying focused on what needs to be done. If you have the opportunity to work in a law clinic at university or volunteer at Citizens Advice or Support Through Court this will really help you to learn how to respond to difficult situations and handle pressure in the workplace. |
The reality of working at a law firm depends on where you work and the law you practice, legal work is complex and offers the opportunity to work in an intellectually challenging environment that often is well paid and rewarding. Make sure you do your research, think carefully about the area of law that is most suited to your personality and the type of firm where you will flourish, speak to other people to get an insight into what it is really like working for a law firm. |
The legal profession offers a wide range of job opportunities in private practice, in-house, and government institutions providing a variety of different places to work. One size doesn't fit all: it is hard to generalise about what it is really like working for a law firm because it depends on the size of firm and the type of law practised, but here a few things to think about when considering where you would like to work. |
According to Chambers Students trainees at large city law firms earn in excess of £40,000 and can look forward to a qualification salary of around £100,000, but the reality is very different if you are working in a high street practice outside of London. The area of law you qualify in and the type of clients you advise will determine your salary prospects, for example, a family lawyer working for high value clients will earn considerably more than a legal aid family practitioner. Considerable variation exists in how much you can expect to earn working as a lawyer, it depends on the type of law firm, the area of law and whereabouts in the country you practice. It is important to do your research, so you know what your future salary prospects are. |
Defining culture is not straightforward but it comprises of the values, ideas, behaviours and assumptions shared by a group of people, it influences everything inside a law firm. A positive workplace culture can determine how much you enjoy your job. It is important not to underestimate the impact the environment you work in has on your happiness and wellbeing. In 2018, TARGET jobs asked trainee solicitors to rate their firms culture on a variety of different measures, including working hours, culture, training and diversity. It is hard to generalise, but law is a competitive profession, target driven and that can negatively impact on culture. A good working environment depends a lot on the people you work with and the management philosophy of the firm. A good indication of a happy place to work is high staff retention, if people are happy where they are, they tend to stay. If work life balance and flexible working arrangements are important to you, think carefully about-the type of firm and area of law most likely to offer that. |
Law firms are often high- pressure environments, you are working to tight deadlines, and there is an expectation to get it right. An important skill to learn is how to keep a level head and handle pressure. To successfully work in a law firm, you need to practice staying calm and staying focused on what needs to be done. If you have the opportunity to work in a law clinic at university or volunteer at Citizens Advice or Support Through Court this will really help you to learn how to respond to difficult situations and handle pressure in the workplace. |
The reality of working at a law firm depends on where you work and the law you practice, legal work is complex and offers the opportunity to work in an intellectually challenging environment that often is well paid and rewarding. Make sure you do your research, think carefully about the area of law that is most suited to your personality and the type of firm where you will flourish, speak to other people to get an insight into what it is really like working for a law firm. |
The legal profession offers a wide range of job opportunities in private practice, in-house, and government institutions providing a variety of different places to work. One size doesn't fit all: it is hard to generalise about what it is really like working for a law firm because it depends on the size of firm and the type of law practised, but here a few things to think about when considering where you would like to work. |
According to Chambers Students trainees at large city law firms earn in excess of £40,000 and can look forward to a qualification salary of around £100,000, but the reality is very different if you are working in a high street practice outside of London. The area of law you qualify in and the type of clients you advise will determine your salary prospects, for example, a family lawyer working for high value clients will earn considerably more than a legal aid family practitioner. Considerable variation exists in how much you can expect to earn working as a lawyer, it depends on the type of law firm, the area of law and whereabouts in the country you practice. It is important to do your research, so you know what your future salary prospects are. |
Defining culture is not straightforward but it comprises of the values, ideas, behaviours and assumptions shared by a group of people, it influences everything inside a law firm. A positive workplace culture can determine how much you enjoy your job. It is important not to underestimate the impact the environment you work in has on your happiness and wellbeing. In 2018, TARGET jobs asked trainee solicitors to rate their firms culture on a variety of different measures, including working hours, culture, training and diversity. It is hard to generalise, but law is a competitive profession, target driven and that can negatively impact on culture. A good working environment depends a lot on the people you work with and the management philosophy of the firm. A good indication of a happy place to work is high staff retention, if people are happy where they are, they tend to stay. If work life balance and flexible working arrangements are important to you, think carefully about-the type of firm and area of law most likely to offer that. |
Law firms are often high- pressure environments, you are working to tight deadlines, and there is an expectation to get it right. An important skill to learn is how to keep a level head and handle pressure. To successfully work in a law firm, you need to practice staying calm and staying focused on what needs to be done. If you have the opportunity to work in a law clinic at university or volunteer at Citizens Advice or Support Through Court this will really help you to learn how to respond to difficult situations and handle pressure in the workplace. |
The reality of working at a law firm depends on where you work and the law you practice, legal work is complex and offers the opportunity to work in an intellectually challenging environment that often is well paid and rewarding. Make sure you do your research, think carefully about the area of law that is most suited to your personality and the type of firm where you will flourish, speak to other people to get an insight into what it is really like working for a law firm. |
The citizenship is defined in Article 5 to 11 of our Constitution. Article 5 of the Constitution says that at the commencement of this constitution, every person, who is residing in the territory of India and who born in India or either of his parents born in India or who has been ordinarily resident in the territory of India for not less than five years immediately before commencement of the Constitution, every such person shall be citizen of India. It means any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India is a citizen of India by birth and his citizenship is guaranteed by no other document except the Constitution of India which is supreme law of the land. Therefore the fear of any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India that he can be deprived of his citizenship by any act or rules is baseless and rumours only and is devoid of any merit because any Act of Parliament or of any State or any Rules made there under cannot supersede Indian Constitution. |
Article 6 of the Constitution provides citizenship to the persons who do not fulfil criteria of Article 5 but migrated to India from Pakistan at the time of division. Article 6 provides that any such person who migrated to India from Pakistan, who or either of his parents or either of his grandparents born in India as defined in the Government of India Act 1935 and (i) if he migrated before 19 July 1948, he has been ordinarily resident in India since the date of his migration, or if such person migrated to India after 19 July 1948 and he has been registered as a citizen of India by an officer appointed by the central government on an application made by him before commencement of this constitution. However the only condition for such application is that before making such application that person must be residing in India at least six months before his application. |
Article 7 provides that notwithstanding anything in article 5 and 6, a person who after 1st March 1947, migrated to Pakistan shall not be deemed to be a citizen of India provided if such person after so migrated to Pakistan, has returned to India under a permit for resettlement or permanent returned issued by or under the authority of any law, shall also be deemed to be so migrated to India under Article 6(b) after 19th July 1948. |
With intention to restore and recognise rights of citizenship of the persons who are residing out of India our Constitution under Article 8 provides that if any person who or either of whose parents or any of his grandparents was born in undivided India and who is residing in any country outside India shall be deemed to be a citizen of India, if he is so registered by the diplomatic or consular representative of India in that country. |
The citizenship is defined in Article 5 to 11 of our Constitution. Article 5 of the Constitution says that at the commencement of this constitution, every person, who is residing in the territory of India and who born in India or either of his parents born in India or who has been ordinarily resident in the territory of India for not less than five years immediately before commencement of the Constitution, every such person shall be citizen of India. It means any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India is a citizen of India by birth and his citizenship is guaranteed by no other document except the Constitution of India which is supreme law of the land. Therefore the fear of any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India that he can be deprived of his citizenship by any act or rules is baseless and rumours only and is devoid of any merit because any Act of Parliament or of any State or any Rules made there under cannot supersede Indian Constitution. |
Article 6 of the Constitution provides citizenship to the persons who do not fulfil criteria of Article 5 but migrated to India from Pakistan at the time of division. Article 6 provides that any such person who migrated to India from Pakistan, who or either of his parents or either of his grandparents born in India as defined in the Government of India Act 1935 and (i) if he migrated before 19 July 1948, he has been ordinarily resident in India since the date of his migration, or if such person migrated to India after 19 July 1948 and he has been registered as a citizen of India by an officer appointed by the central government on an application made by him before commencement of this constitution. However the only condition for such application is that before making such application that person must be residing in India at least six months before his application. |
Article 7 provides that notwithstanding anything in article 5 and 6, a person who after 1st March 1947, migrated to Pakistan shall not be deemed to be a citizen of India provided if such person after so migrated to Pakistan, has returned to India under a permit for resettlement or permanent returned issued by or under the authority of any law, shall also be deemed to be so migrated to India under Article 6(b) after 19th July 1948. |
With intention to restore and recognise rights of citizenship of the persons who are residing out of India our Constitution under Article 8 provides that if any person who or either of whose parents or any of his grandparents was born in undivided India and who is residing in any country outside India shall be deemed to be a citizen of India, if he is so registered by the diplomatic or consular representative of India in that country. |
The citizenship is defined in Article 5 to 11 of our Constitution. Article 5 of the Constitution says that at the commencement of this constitution, every person, who is residing in the territory of India and who born in India or either of his parents born in India or who has been ordinarily resident in the territory of India for not less than five years immediately before commencement of the Constitution, every such person shall be citizen of India. It means any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India is a citizen of India by birth and his citizenship is guaranteed by no other document except the Constitution of India which is supreme law of the land. Therefore the fear of any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India that he can be deprived of his citizenship by any act or rules is baseless and rumours only and is devoid of any merit because any Act of Parliament or of any State or any Rules made there under cannot supersede Indian Constitution. |
Article 6 of the Constitution provides citizenship to the persons who do not fulfil criteria of Article 5 but migrated to India from Pakistan at the time of division. Article 6 provides that any such person who migrated to India from Pakistan, who or either of his parents or either of his grandparents born in India as defined in the Government of India Act 1935 and (i) if he migrated before 19 July 1948, he has been ordinarily resident in India since the date of his migration, or if such person migrated to India after 19 July 1948 and he has been registered as a citizen of India by an officer appointed by the central government on an application made by him before commencement of this constitution. However the only condition for such application is that before making such application that person must be residing in India at least six months before his application. |
Article 7 provides that notwithstanding anything in article 5 and 6, a person who after 1st March 1947, migrated to Pakistan shall not be deemed to be a citizen of India provided if such person after so migrated to Pakistan, has returned to India under a permit for resettlement or permanent returned issued by or under the authority of any law, shall also be deemed to be so migrated to India under Article 6(b) after 19th July 1948. |
With intention to restore and recognise rights of citizenship of the persons who are residing out of India our Constitution under Article 8 provides that if any person who or either of whose parents or any of his grandparents was born in undivided India and who is residing in any country outside India shall be deemed to be a citizen of India, if he is so registered by the diplomatic or consular representative of India in that country. |
The citizenship is defined in Article 5 to 11 of our Constitution. Article 5 of the Constitution says that at the commencement of this constitution, every person, who is residing in the territory of India and who born in India or either of his parents born in India or who has been ordinarily resident in the territory of India for not less than five years immediately before commencement of the Constitution, every such person shall be citizen of India. It means any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India is a citizen of India by birth and his citizenship is guaranteed by no other document except the Constitution of India which is supreme law of the land. Therefore the fear of any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India that he can be deprived of his citizenship by any act or rules is baseless and rumours only and is devoid of any merit because any Act of Parliament or of any State or any Rules made there under cannot supersede Indian Constitution. |
Article 6 of the Constitution provides citizenship to the persons who do not fulfil criteria of Article 5 but migrated to India from Pakistan at the time of division. Article 6 provides that any such person who migrated to India from Pakistan, who or either of his parents or either of his grandparents born in India as defined in the Government of India Act 1935 and (i) if he migrated before 19 July 1948, he has been ordinarily resident in India since the date of his migration, or if such person migrated to India after 19 July 1948 and he has been registered as a citizen of India by an officer appointed by the central government on an application made by him before commencement of this constitution. However the only condition for such application is that before making such application that person must be residing in India at least six months before his application. |
Article 7 provides that notwithstanding anything in article 5 and 6, a person who after 1st March 1947, migrated to Pakistan shall not be deemed to be a citizen of India provided if such person after so migrated to Pakistan, has returned to India under a permit for resettlement or permanent returned issued by or under the authority of any law, shall also be deemed to be so migrated to India under Article 6(b) after 19th July 1948. |
With intention to restore and recognise rights of citizenship of the persons who are residing out of India our Constitution under Article 8 provides that if any person who or either of whose parents or any of his grandparents was born in undivided India and who is residing in any country outside India shall be deemed to be a citizen of India, if he is so registered by the diplomatic or consular representative of India in that country. |
The citizenship is defined in Article 5 to 11 of our Constitution. Article 5 of the Constitution says that at the commencement of this constitution, every person, who is residing in the territory of India and who born in India or either of his parents born in India or who has been ordinarily resident in the territory of India for not less than five years immediately before commencement of the Constitution, every such person shall be citizen of India. It means any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India is a citizen of India by birth and his citizenship is guaranteed by no other document except the Constitution of India which is supreme law of the land. Therefore the fear of any person who born in India or any of his parents born in India that he can be deprived of his citizenship by any act or rules is baseless and rumours only and is devoid of any merit because any Act of Parliament or of any State or any Rules made there under cannot supersede Indian Constitution. |
Article 6 of the Constitution provides citizenship to the persons who do not fulfil criteria of Article 5 but migrated to India from Pakistan at the time of division. Article 6 provides that any such person who migrated to India from Pakistan, who or either of his parents or either of his grandparents born in India as defined in the Government of India Act 1935 and (i) if he migrated before 19 July 1948, he has been ordinarily resident in India since the date of his migration, or if such person migrated to India after 19 July 1948 and he has been registered as a citizen of India by an officer appointed by the central government on an application made by him before commencement of this constitution. However the only condition for such application is that before making such application that person must be residing in India at least six months before his application. |
Article 7 provides that notwithstanding anything in article 5 and 6, a person who after 1st March 1947, migrated to Pakistan shall not be deemed to be a citizen of India provided if such person after so migrated to Pakistan, has returned to India under a permit for resettlement or permanent returned issued by or under the authority of any law, shall also be deemed to be so migrated to India under Article 6(b) after 19th July 1948. |
With intention to restore and recognise rights of citizenship of the persons who are residing out of India our Constitution under Article 8 provides that if any person who or either of whose parents or any of his grandparents was born in undivided India and who is residing in any country outside India shall be deemed to be a citizen of India, if he is so registered by the diplomatic or consular representative of India in that country. |
In order to protect rights of minorities in both the countries, an agreement was entered between both the Governments on 8.4.1950, which was commonly known as Nehru Liyaquat agreement. This agreement was done between the two Governments after Incidents of mass level loot, destruction of property, killing of people, kidnapping and rapes of women in both the countries recently after division with the migrating people. In order to bring harmony among the people of both minorities and majority communities and to punish the offenders and to protect personal and property rights of migrating people it was decided by both the Governments that they shall ensure to the minorities throughout their territories complete equality of citizenship, irrespective of religion, a full sense of security in respect of life, culture, property and personal honour, freedom of movement within each country and freedom of occupation, speech and worship subject to law and morality. Members of minorities -shall have equal opportunity with members of the majority community to participate in the public life of their country, to hold political or other office and to serve in their country's civil and armed forces. Both Governments declare these rights, to be fundamental and undertake to enforce them effectively. It is policy of both Governments that the enjoyment of these democratic rights shall be assured to all their nationals without distinction. Both governments wish to emphasize that the allegiance and loyalty of the minorities is to the State of which they are citizens and that is to the Government of their own State that they should look for the redress of their grievances. |
By this agreement it was also agreed by the Governments of both the countries that they shall ensure freedom of movement and protection in transit, rights of their moveable and immoveable properties, to restore their immoveable properties if they return till 31.12.1950. Especially in East Bengal, West Bengal, Assam and Tripura to establish Special Courts to restore normal life and to punish the offenders, to restore looted property and abducted women, not to recognize forced conversions, to appoint Commission of Inquiry with a high Court Judge as its head, at once, to enquire into causes and extent of disturbances, to appoint Minority Commissions to look into the grievances and welfare of minorities. |
The three neighbouring countries of India i.e. Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh are Islamic countries by their Constitution, but still in the Constitution or in the Citizenship Acts of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh there is no apparent discrimination with the minorities to get citizenship, right to vote, right to profess religion or to enjoy other rights equally with that of majority, seats are reserved for non Muslims in their National and Provincial Assemblies. But by comparing census data of these countries and media reports there is steep depletion in percentage of non Muslim population in these countries in last few decades, due to atrocities religious persecution, however claim of the Governments of these countries are quite contrary. |
In order to protect rights of minorities in both the countries, an agreement was entered between both the Governments on 8.4.1950, which was commonly known as Nehru Liyaquat agreement. This agreement was done between the two Governments after Incidents of mass level loot, destruction of property, killing of people, kidnapping and rapes of women in both the countries recently after division with the migrating people. In order to bring harmony among the people of both minorities and majority communities and to punish the offenders and to protect personal and property rights of migrating people it was decided by both the Governments that they shall ensure to the minorities throughout their territories complete equality of citizenship, irrespective of religion, a full sense of security in respect of life, culture, property and personal honour, freedom of movement within each country and freedom of occupation, speech and worship subject to law and morality. Members of minorities -shall have equal opportunity with members of the majority community to participate in the public life of their country, to hold political or other office and to serve in their country's civil and armed forces. Both Governments declare these rights, to be fundamental and undertake to enforce them effectively. It is policy of both Governments that the enjoyment of these democratic rights shall be assured to all their nationals without distinction. Both governments wish to emphasize that the allegiance and loyalty of the minorities is to the State of which they are citizens and that is to the Government of their own State that they should look for the redress of their grievances. |
By this agreement it was also agreed by the Governments of both the countries that they shall ensure freedom of movement and protection in transit, rights of their moveable and immoveable properties, to restore their immoveable properties if they return till 31.12.1950. Especially in East Bengal, West Bengal, Assam and Tripura to establish Special Courts to restore normal life and to punish the offenders, to restore looted property and abducted women, not to recognize forced conversions, to appoint Commission of Inquiry with a high Court Judge as its head, at once, to enquire into causes and extent of disturbances, to appoint Minority Commissions to look into the grievances and welfare of minorities. |
The three neighbouring countries of India i.e. Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh are Islamic countries by their Constitution, but still in the Constitution or in the Citizenship Acts of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh there is no apparent discrimination with the minorities to get citizenship, right to vote, right to profess religion or to enjoy other rights equally with that of majority, seats are reserved for non Muslims in their National and Provincial Assemblies. But by comparing census data of these countries and media reports there is steep depletion in percentage of non Muslim population in these countries in last few decades, due to atrocities religious persecution, however claim of the Governments of these countries are quite contrary. |
In order to protect rights of minorities in both the countries, an agreement was entered between both the Governments on 8.4.1950, which was commonly known as Nehru Liyaquat agreement. This agreement was done between the two Governments after Incidents of mass level loot, destruction of property, killing of people, kidnapping and rapes of women in both the countries recently after division with the migrating people. In order to bring harmony among the people of both minorities and majority communities and to punish the offenders and to protect personal and property rights of migrating people it was decided by both the Governments that they shall ensure to the minorities throughout their territories complete equality of citizenship, irrespective of religion, a full sense of security in respect of life, culture, property and personal honour, freedom of movement within each country and freedom of occupation, speech and worship subject to law and morality. Members of minorities -shall have equal opportunity with members of the majority community to participate in the public life of their country, to hold political or other office and to serve in their country's civil and armed forces. Both Governments declare these rights, to be fundamental and undertake to enforce them effectively. It is policy of both Governments that the enjoyment of these democratic rights shall be assured to all their nationals without distinction. Both governments wish to emphasize that the allegiance and loyalty of the minorities is to the State of which they are citizens and that is to the Government of their own State that they should look for the redress of their grievances. |
By this agreement it was also agreed by the Governments of both the countries that they shall ensure freedom of movement and protection in transit, rights of their moveable and immoveable properties, to restore their immoveable properties if they return till 31.12.1950. Especially in East Bengal, West Bengal, Assam and Tripura to establish Special Courts to restore normal life and to punish the offenders, to restore looted property and abducted women, not to recognize forced conversions, to appoint Commission of Inquiry with a high Court Judge as its head, at once, to enquire into causes and extent of disturbances, to appoint Minority Commissions to look into the grievances and welfare of minorities. |
The three neighbouring countries of India i.e. Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh are Islamic countries by their Constitution, but still in the Constitution or in the Citizenship Acts of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh there is no apparent discrimination with the minorities to get citizenship, right to vote, right to profess religion or to enjoy other rights equally with that of majority, seats are reserved for non Muslims in their National and Provincial Assemblies. But by comparing census data of these countries and media reports there is steep depletion in percentage of non Muslim population in these countries in last few decades, due to atrocities religious persecution, however claim of the Governments of these countries are quite contrary. |
In order to protect rights of minorities in both the countries, an agreement was entered between both the Governments on 8.4.1950, which was commonly known as Nehru Liyaquat agreement. This agreement was done between the two Governments after Incidents of mass level loot, destruction of property, killing of people, kidnapping and rapes of women in both the countries recently after division with the migrating people. In order to bring harmony among the people of both minorities and majority communities and to punish the offenders and to protect personal and property rights of migrating people it was decided by both the Governments that they shall ensure to the minorities throughout their territories complete equality of citizenship, irrespective of religion, a full sense of security in respect of life, culture, property and personal honour, freedom of movement within each country and freedom of occupation, speech and worship subject to law and morality. Members of minorities -shall have equal opportunity with members of the majority community to participate in the public life of their country, to hold political or other office and to serve in their country's civil and armed forces. Both Governments declare these rights, to be fundamental and undertake to enforce them effectively. It is policy of both Governments that the enjoyment of these democratic rights shall be assured to all their nationals without distinction. Both governments wish to emphasize that the allegiance and loyalty of the minorities is to the State of which they are citizens and that is to the Government of their own State that they should look for the redress of their grievances. |
By this agreement it was also agreed by the Governments of both the countries that they shall ensure freedom of movement and protection in transit, rights of their moveable and immoveable properties, to restore their immoveable properties if they return till 31.12.1950. Especially in East Bengal, West Bengal, Assam and Tripura to establish Special Courts to restore normal life and to punish the offenders, to restore looted property and abducted women, not to recognize forced conversions, to appoint Commission of Inquiry with a high Court Judge as its head, at once, to enquire into causes and extent of disturbances, to appoint Minority Commissions to look into the grievances and welfare of minorities. |
The three neighbouring countries of India i.e. Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh are Islamic countries by their Constitution, but still in the Constitution or in the Citizenship Acts of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh there is no apparent discrimination with the minorities to get citizenship, right to vote, right to profess religion or to enjoy other rights equally with that of majority, seats are reserved for non Muslims in their National and Provincial Assemblies. But by comparing census data of these countries and media reports there is steep depletion in percentage of non Muslim population in these countries in last few decades, due to atrocities religious persecution, however claim of the Governments of these countries are quite contrary. |
In order to protect rights of minorities in both the countries, an agreement was entered between both the Governments on 8.4.1950, which was commonly known as Nehru Liyaquat agreement. This agreement was done between the two Governments after Incidents of mass level loot, destruction of property, killing of people, kidnapping and rapes of women in both the countries recently after division with the migrating people. In order to bring harmony among the people of both minorities and majority communities and to punish the offenders and to protect personal and property rights of migrating people it was decided by both the Governments that they shall ensure to the minorities throughout their territories complete equality of citizenship, irrespective of religion, a full sense of security in respect of life, culture, property and personal honour, freedom of movement within each country and freedom of occupation, speech and worship subject to law and morality. Members of minorities -shall have equal opportunity with members of the majority community to participate in the public life of their country, to hold political or other office and to serve in their country's civil and armed forces. Both Governments declare these rights, to be fundamental and undertake to enforce them effectively. It is policy of both Governments that the enjoyment of these democratic rights shall be assured to all their nationals without distinction. Both governments wish to emphasize that the allegiance and loyalty of the minorities is to the State of which they are citizens and that is to the Government of their own State that they should look for the redress of their grievances. |
By this agreement it was also agreed by the Governments of both the countries that they shall ensure freedom of movement and protection in transit, rights of their moveable and immoveable properties, to restore their immoveable properties if they return till 31.12.1950. Especially in East Bengal, West Bengal, Assam and Tripura to establish Special Courts to restore normal life and to punish the offenders, to restore looted property and abducted women, not to recognize forced conversions, to appoint Commission of Inquiry with a high Court Judge as its head, at once, to enquire into causes and extent of disturbances, to appoint Minority Commissions to look into the grievances and welfare of minorities. |
The three neighbouring countries of India i.e. Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh are Islamic countries by their Constitution, but still in the Constitution or in the Citizenship Acts of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh there is no apparent discrimination with the minorities to get citizenship, right to vote, right to profess religion or to enjoy other rights equally with that of majority, seats are reserved for non Muslims in their National and Provincial Assemblies. But by comparing census data of these countries and media reports there is steep depletion in percentage of non Muslim population in these countries in last few decades, due to atrocities religious persecution, however claim of the Governments of these countries are quite contrary. |
A former chief justice of Bangladesh, Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha, who had to quit in 2017 under pressure from the Sheikh Hasina Wajed government, is facing arrest on charges of embezzlement. Justice Sinha was Bangladesh's first Hindu chief justice and lived in Australia since resigning. |
He has been charged with embezzling 40 million taka in 2016 by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). Judge KM Imrul Kayes of Dhaka's Senior Special Judges Court took cognisance of the graft charges against him and 10 others. The other accused are former senior officials of Farmers Bank, including its ex-managing director. |
The ACC also quizzed the Bank's former head of business Gazi Salauddin, vice-president, Swapan Kumar Roy, former manager (operations), Lutful Haque, credit in-charge, Shafluddin Ahmed, and executive officer, Umme Salma. The ACC has asked the Special Branch of the police to take steps to prevent them from leaving the country. |
Justice Sinha served as the 21st chief justice of Bangladesh from January 2015 to November 2017. He earned the wrath of the Sheikh Hasina government after his autobiography, A Broken Dream: Rule of Law, Human Rights, & Democracy, opened a Pandoras Box and he was forced to resign following intimidation and threat. |
Justice Sinha's book describes the backdrop of his resignation and gives insights into Bangladesh's numerous social and political issues, including its evolving state of governance. |
His troubles began after he gave a verdict in 2017 where the Supreme Court annulled the 16th amendment to the Constitution which empowered. Parliament to impeach SC judges for misconduct or incapacity. As it upheld the independence of the judiciary, it miffed Sheikh Hasina, who accused Justice Sinha of "humiliating" the country. He was accused of corruption and misuse of power, allegations that he denied. |
Justice Sinha has delivered many important judgments, including one on the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the countrys founder, and the validity of the 5th, 7th, and 13th amendments to Bangladesh's Constitution. |
In the Mujibur Rahman case, the court sentenced 12 killers of the leader to capital punishment. After his elevation, a five-member bench headed by him in 2016 upheld the death sentence of a top Islamist leader for war crimes during the 1971 independence struggle, paving the way for his execution. |
Later, in October 2017, Justice Sinha left Bangladesh for Australia, calling his leave" temporary". A day after his departure, the Supreme Court Issued a statement saying other judges of the Court had decided not to sit on the bench with him over allegations of graft and moral lapses brought to their notice by President Abdul Hamid. The law minister subsequently announced a probe against Justice Sinha. |
In November, Justice Sinha resigned, three months before the completion of his tenure, and he alleged that he was forced to do so because he opposed the country's "undemocratic" and "authoritarian" regime. He has been in exile since. |
In Dhaka's legal circles, the move by the ACC is seen as retaliatory action by the government over the book that exposed its various illegal designs. It chronicled the various events that led to his forced resignation. |
There was a series of unprecedented events leading to tension between the executive and the judiciary. On September 22, 2014, the parliament brought in the 16th amendment that deleted the provision regarding removal of judges through an influential committee of peers known as the Supreme Judicial Council. This process was intended to protect judges from political interference. On May 5, 2016, a special bench declared the amendment unconstitutional. Soon after the verdict, MPs blasted the judges and began displaying disrespect for the judiciary. |
A former chief justice of Bangladesh, Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha, who had to quit in 2017 under pressure from the Sheikh Hasina Wajed government, is facing arrest on charges of embezzlement. Justice Sinha was Bangladesh's first Hindu chief justice and lived in Australia since resigning. |
He has been charged with embezzling 40 million taka in 2016 by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). Judge KM Imrul Kayes of Dhaka's Senior Special Judges Court took cognisance of the graft charges against him and 10 others. The other accused are former senior officials of Farmers Bank, including its ex-managing director. |
The ACC also quizzed the Bank's former head of business Gazi Salauddin, vice-president, Swapan Kumar Roy, former manager (operations), Lutful Haque, credit in-charge, Shafluddin Ahmed, and executive officer, Umme Salma. The ACC has asked the Special Branch of the police to take steps to prevent them from leaving the country. |
Justice Sinha served as the 21st chief justice of Bangladesh from January 2015 to November 2017. He earned the wrath of the Sheikh Hasina government after his autobiography, A Broken Dream: Rule of Law, Human Rights, & Democracy, opened a Pandoras Box and he was forced to resign following intimidation and threat. |
Justice Sinha's book describes the backdrop of his resignation and gives insights into Bangladesh's numerous social and political issues, including its evolving state of governance. |
His troubles began after he gave a verdict in 2017 where the Supreme Court annulled the 16th amendment to the Constitution which empowered. Parliament to impeach SC judges for misconduct or incapacity. As it upheld the independence of the judiciary, it miffed Sheikh Hasina, who accused Justice Sinha of "humiliating" the country. He was accused of corruption and misuse of power, allegations that he denied. |
Justice Sinha has delivered many important judgments, including one on the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the countrys founder, and the validity of the 5th, 7th, and 13th amendments to Bangladesh's Constitution. |
In the Mujibur Rahman case, the court sentenced 12 killers of the leader to capital punishment. After his elevation, a five-member bench headed by him in 2016 upheld the death sentence of a top Islamist leader for war crimes during the 1971 independence struggle, paving the way for his execution. |
Later, in October 2017, Justice Sinha left Bangladesh for Australia, calling his leave" temporary". A day after his departure, the Supreme Court Issued a statement saying other judges of the Court had decided not to sit on the bench with him over allegations of graft and moral lapses brought to their notice by President Abdul Hamid. The law minister subsequently announced a probe against Justice Sinha. |
In November, Justice Sinha resigned, three months before the completion of his tenure, and he alleged that he was forced to do so because he opposed the country's "undemocratic" and "authoritarian" regime. He has been in exile since. |
In Dhaka's legal circles, the move by the ACC is seen as retaliatory action by the government over the book that exposed its various illegal designs. It chronicled the various events that led to his forced resignation. |
There was a series of unprecedented events leading to tension between the executive and the judiciary. On September 22, 2014, the parliament brought in the 16th amendment that deleted the provision regarding removal of judges through an influential committee of peers known as the Supreme Judicial Council. This process was intended to protect judges from political interference. On May 5, 2016, a special bench declared the amendment unconstitutional. Soon after the verdict, MPs blasted the judges and began displaying disrespect for the judiciary. |
A former chief justice of Bangladesh, Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha, who had to quit in 2017 under pressure from the Sheikh Hasina Wajed government, is facing arrest on charges of embezzlement. Justice Sinha was Bangladesh's first Hindu chief justice and lived in Australia since resigning. |
He has been charged with embezzling 40 million taka in 2016 by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). Judge KM Imrul Kayes of Dhaka's Senior Special Judges Court took cognisance of the graft charges against him and 10 others. The other accused are former senior officials of Farmers Bank, including its ex-managing director. |
The ACC also quizzed the Bank's former head of business Gazi Salauddin, vice-president, Swapan Kumar Roy, former manager (operations), Lutful Haque, credit in-charge, Shafluddin Ahmed, and executive officer, Umme Salma. The ACC has asked the Special Branch of the police to take steps to prevent them from leaving the country. |
Justice Sinha served as the 21st chief justice of Bangladesh from January 2015 to November 2017. He earned the wrath of the Sheikh Hasina government after his autobiography, A Broken Dream: Rule of Law, Human Rights, & Democracy, opened a Pandoras Box and he was forced to resign following intimidation and threat. |
Justice Sinha's book describes the backdrop of his resignation and gives insights into Bangladesh's numerous social and political issues, including its evolving state of governance. |
His troubles began after he gave a verdict in 2017 where the Supreme Court annulled the 16th amendment to the Constitution which empowered. Parliament to impeach SC judges for misconduct or incapacity. As it upheld the independence of the judiciary, it miffed Sheikh Hasina, who accused Justice Sinha of "humiliating" the country. He was accused of corruption and misuse of power, allegations that he denied. |
Justice Sinha has delivered many important judgments, including one on the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the countrys founder, and the validity of the 5th, 7th, and 13th amendments to Bangladesh's Constitution. |
In the Mujibur Rahman case, the court sentenced 12 killers of the leader to capital punishment. After his elevation, a five-member bench headed by him in 2016 upheld the death sentence of a top Islamist leader for war crimes during the 1971 independence struggle, paving the way for his execution. |
Later, in October 2017, Justice Sinha left Bangladesh for Australia, calling his leave" temporary". A day after his departure, the Supreme Court Issued a statement saying other judges of the Court had decided not to sit on the bench with him over allegations of graft and moral lapses brought to their notice by President Abdul Hamid. The law minister subsequently announced a probe against Justice Sinha. |
In November, Justice Sinha resigned, three months before the completion of his tenure, and he alleged that he was forced to do so because he opposed the country's "undemocratic" and "authoritarian" regime. He has been in exile since. |
In Dhaka's legal circles, the move by the ACC is seen as retaliatory action by the government over the book that exposed its various illegal designs. It chronicled the various events that led to his forced resignation. |
There was a series of unprecedented events leading to tension between the executive and the judiciary. On September 22, 2014, the parliament brought in the 16th amendment that deleted the provision regarding removal of judges through an influential committee of peers known as the Supreme Judicial Council. This process was intended to protect judges from political interference. On May 5, 2016, a special bench declared the amendment unconstitutional. Soon after the verdict, MPs blasted the judges and began displaying disrespect for the judiciary. |
A former chief justice of Bangladesh, Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha, who had to quit in 2017 under pressure from the Sheikh Hasina Wajed government, is facing arrest on charges of embezzlement. Justice Sinha was Bangladesh's first Hindu chief justice and lived in Australia since resigning. |
He has been charged with embezzling 40 million taka in 2016 by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). Judge KM Imrul Kayes of Dhaka's Senior Special Judges Court took cognisance of the graft charges against him and 10 others. The other accused are former senior officials of Farmers Bank, including its ex-managing director. |
The ACC also quizzed the Bank's former head of business Gazi Salauddin, vice-president, Swapan Kumar Roy, former manager (operations), Lutful Haque, credit in-charge, Shafluddin Ahmed, and executive officer, Umme Salma. The ACC has asked the Special Branch of the police to take steps to prevent them from leaving the country. |
Justice Sinha served as the 21st chief justice of Bangladesh from January 2015 to November 2017. He earned the wrath of the Sheikh Hasina government after his autobiography, A Broken Dream: Rule of Law, Human Rights, & Democracy, opened a Pandoras Box and he was forced to resign following intimidation and threat. |
Justice Sinha's book describes the backdrop of his resignation and gives insights into Bangladesh's numerous social and political issues, including its evolving state of governance. |
His troubles began after he gave a verdict in 2017 where the Supreme Court annulled the 16th amendment to the Constitution which empowered. Parliament to impeach SC judges for misconduct or incapacity. As it upheld the independence of the judiciary, it miffed Sheikh Hasina, who accused Justice Sinha of "humiliating" the country. He was accused of corruption and misuse of power, allegations that he denied. |
Justice Sinha has delivered many important judgments, including one on the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the countrys founder, and the validity of the 5th, 7th, and 13th amendments to Bangladesh's Constitution. |
In the Mujibur Rahman case, the court sentenced 12 killers of the leader to capital punishment. After his elevation, a five-member bench headed by him in 2016 upheld the death sentence of a top Islamist leader for war crimes during the 1971 independence struggle, paving the way for his execution. |
Later, in October 2017, Justice Sinha left Bangladesh for Australia, calling his leave" temporary". A day after his departure, the Supreme Court Issued a statement saying other judges of the Court had decided not to sit on the bench with him over allegations of graft and moral lapses brought to their notice by President Abdul Hamid. The law minister subsequently announced a probe against Justice Sinha. |
In November, Justice Sinha resigned, three months before the completion of his tenure, and he alleged that he was forced to do so because he opposed the country's "undemocratic" and "authoritarian" regime. He has been in exile since. |
In Dhaka's legal circles, the move by the ACC is seen as retaliatory action by the government over the book that exposed its various illegal designs. It chronicled the various events that led to his forced resignation. |
There was a series of unprecedented events leading to tension between the executive and the judiciary. On September 22, 2014, the parliament brought in the 16th amendment that deleted the provision regarding removal of judges through an influential committee of peers known as the Supreme Judicial Council. This process was intended to protect judges from political interference. On May 5, 2016, a special bench declared the amendment unconstitutional. Soon after the verdict, MPs blasted the judges and began displaying disrespect for the judiciary. |
A former chief justice of Bangladesh, Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha, who had to quit in 2017 under pressure from the Sheikh Hasina Wajed government, is facing arrest on charges of embezzlement. Justice Sinha was Bangladesh's first Hindu chief justice and lived in Australia since resigning. |
He has been charged with embezzling 40 million taka in 2016 by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC). Judge KM Imrul Kayes of Dhaka's Senior Special Judges Court took cognisance of the graft charges against him and 10 others. The other accused are former senior officials of Farmers Bank, including its ex-managing director. |
The ACC also quizzed the Bank's former head of business Gazi Salauddin, vice-president, Swapan Kumar Roy, former manager (operations), Lutful Haque, credit in-charge, Shafluddin Ahmed, and executive officer, Umme Salma. The ACC has asked the Special Branch of the police to take steps to prevent them from leaving the country. |
Justice Sinha served as the 21st chief justice of Bangladesh from January 2015 to November 2017. He earned the wrath of the Sheikh Hasina government after his autobiography, A Broken Dream: Rule of Law, Human Rights, & Democracy, opened a Pandoras Box and he was forced to resign following intimidation and threat. |
Justice Sinha's book describes the backdrop of his resignation and gives insights into Bangladesh's numerous social and political issues, including its evolving state of governance. |
His troubles began after he gave a verdict in 2017 where the Supreme Court annulled the 16th amendment to the Constitution which empowered. Parliament to impeach SC judges for misconduct or incapacity. As it upheld the independence of the judiciary, it miffed Sheikh Hasina, who accused Justice Sinha of "humiliating" the country. He was accused of corruption and misuse of power, allegations that he denied. |
Justice Sinha has delivered many important judgments, including one on the killing of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the countrys founder, and the validity of the 5th, 7th, and 13th amendments to Bangladesh's Constitution. |
In the Mujibur Rahman case, the court sentenced 12 killers of the leader to capital punishment. After his elevation, a five-member bench headed by him in 2016 upheld the death sentence of a top Islamist leader for war crimes during the 1971 independence struggle, paving the way for his execution. |
Later, in October 2017, Justice Sinha left Bangladesh for Australia, calling his leave" temporary". A day after his departure, the Supreme Court Issued a statement saying other judges of the Court had decided not to sit on the bench with him over allegations of graft and moral lapses brought to their notice by President Abdul Hamid. The law minister subsequently announced a probe against Justice Sinha. |
In November, Justice Sinha resigned, three months before the completion of his tenure, and he alleged that he was forced to do so because he opposed the country's "undemocratic" and "authoritarian" regime. He has been in exile since. |
In Dhaka's legal circles, the move by the ACC is seen as retaliatory action by the government over the book that exposed its various illegal designs. It chronicled the various events that led to his forced resignation. |
There was a series of unprecedented events leading to tension between the executive and the judiciary. On September 22, 2014, the parliament brought in the 16th amendment that deleted the provision regarding removal of judges through an influential committee of peers known as the Supreme Judicial Council. This process was intended to protect judges from political interference. On May 5, 2016, a special bench declared the amendment unconstitutional. Soon after the verdict, MPs blasted the judges and began displaying disrespect for the judiciary. |
The Supreme Court ruled as legally justifiable fixing higher electricity tariff for self-financed educational institutions (SFEIs) than government- run and aided educational institutions under the Electricity Act, 2003. |
In its verdict on Thursday, a bench comprising Justices Deepak Gupta and Aniruddha Bose gave its nod to the Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission to club SFEIs with commercial service providers for levying power tariff |
The court noted that a tariff fixing body was not required to proceed solely on the basis of "nature of service" rendered by the institution covered while fixing tariffs. |
"While we construe the meaning of the expression purpose under sub-section (3) of Section 62 of the 2003 Act, we are of the opinion that for the 'purpose' of settling the tariff question, who is serving the 'purpose' and for whom such purpose is being served have to be factored in. We also have to take into account that the nature of service rendered by them cannot be the sole determinant for the tariff-fixing exercise", it said. |
The Kerala commission had issued a notification on November 26, 2007 categorising SFEIs under the head "Low Tension VII (A) Commercial." |
The government-run or aided private educational institutions were placed under "Low Tension VI Non-Domestic tariff category." |
Multiple writ petitions were filed before the a single judge bench of the Kerala High Court by several SFEIs questioning the legality of the notification which in effect created a higher tariff regime for them. |
The single judge validated the tariff structure imposed by the commission. |
Subsequently, the respondents moved an appeal against the single judge's order before a division bench of the high court. |
The division bench ruled in favour of SFEIs by setting aside the single judges order, holding that as the determination of the tariff by the state commission could only be based on Section 62 of the 2003 Act, the differentiation as put by the commission was not for any of the grounds as specified thereto. |
"When the supply is to an educational institution, irrespective of whether it is self-financing or aided or governmental purpose, cannot be different, as education means to impart knowledge", the division bench said. |
Aggrieved by this verdict, the state commission approached the Supreme Court. |
The apex court assailed the division bench order of the high court, saying the commission was within its right as a tariff fixing body to distinguish the "purpose" of respective categories of educational institutions as the means to an end was dissimilar in nature for both institutions. |
While both imparted education, the state-run and aided institutions were also discharging their duties of welfare of citizens. |
"The expression "purpose" has to be understood in the context of the character or feature of the entity which is undertaking the activity of imparting education. While funding educational institutions, the State undertakes to discharge one of its essential welfare measures." |
The bench subsequently asserted that fixing higher tariffs for SFEIs and not on the state-run educational institutions would not amount to giving "undue preference" to state-aided institutions in terms of the tariff notification as the purposes could be of both could be duly differentiated |
"The fact that SFEIs have been clubbed together with several commercial service providers wholly unrelated to education becomes insignificant once we find that purpose of the SFEIs could be differentiated from the Government run and Government aided educational institution", it added. |
The Supreme Court ruled as legally justifiable fixing higher electricity tariff for self-financed educational institutions (SFEIs) than government- run and aided educational institutions under the Electricity Act, 2003. |
In its verdict on Thursday, a bench comprising Justices Deepak Gupta and Aniruddha Bose gave its nod to the Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission to club SFEIs with commercial service providers for levying power tariff |
The court noted that a tariff fixing body was not required to proceed solely on the basis of "nature of service" rendered by the institution covered while fixing tariffs. |
"While we construe the meaning of the expression purpose under sub-section (3) of Section 62 of the 2003 Act, we are of the opinion that for the 'purpose' of settling the tariff question, who is serving the 'purpose' and for whom such purpose is being served have to be factored in. We also have to take into account that the nature of service rendered by them cannot be the sole determinant for the tariff-fixing exercise", it said. |
The Kerala commission had issued a notification on November 26, 2007 categorising SFEIs under the head "Low Tension VII (A) Commercial." |
The government-run or aided private educational institutions were placed under "Low Tension VI Non-Domestic tariff category." |
Multiple writ petitions were filed before the a single judge bench of the Kerala High Court by several SFEIs questioning the legality of the notification which in effect created a higher tariff regime for them. |
The single judge validated the tariff structure imposed by the commission. |
Subsequently, the respondents moved an appeal against the single judge's order before a division bench of the high court. |
The division bench ruled in favour of SFEIs by setting aside the single judges order, holding that as the determination of the tariff by the state commission could only be based on Section 62 of the 2003 Act, the differentiation as put by the commission was not for any of the grounds as specified thereto. |
"When the supply is to an educational institution, irrespective of whether it is self-financing or aided or governmental purpose, cannot be different, as education means to impart knowledge", the division bench said. |
Aggrieved by this verdict, the state commission approached the Supreme Court. |
The apex court assailed the division bench order of the high court, saying the commission was within its right as a tariff fixing body to distinguish the "purpose" of respective categories of educational institutions as the means to an end was dissimilar in nature for both institutions. |
While both imparted education, the state-run and aided institutions were also discharging their duties of welfare of citizens. |
"The expression "purpose" has to be understood in the context of the character or feature of the entity which is undertaking the activity of imparting education. While funding educational institutions, the State undertakes to discharge one of its essential welfare measures." |
The bench subsequently asserted that fixing higher tariffs for SFEIs and not on the state-run educational institutions would not amount to giving "undue preference" to state-aided institutions in terms of the tariff notification as the purposes could be of both could be duly differentiated |
"The fact that SFEIs have been clubbed together with several commercial service providers wholly unrelated to education becomes insignificant once we find that purpose of the SFEIs could be differentiated from the Government run and Government aided educational institution", it added. |
The Supreme Court ruled as legally justifiable fixing higher electricity tariff for self-financed educational institutions (SFEIs) than government- run and aided educational institutions under the Electricity Act, 2003. |
In its verdict on Thursday, a bench comprising Justices Deepak Gupta and Aniruddha Bose gave its nod to the Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission to club SFEIs with commercial service providers for levying power tariff |
The court noted that a tariff fixing body was not required to proceed solely on the basis of "nature of service" rendered by the institution covered while fixing tariffs. |
"While we construe the meaning of the expression purpose under sub-section (3) of Section 62 of the 2003 Act, we are of the opinion that for the 'purpose' of settling the tariff question, who is serving the 'purpose' and for whom such purpose is being served have to be factored in. We also have to take into account that the nature of service rendered by them cannot be the sole determinant for the tariff-fixing exercise", it said. |
The Kerala commission had issued a notification on November 26, 2007 categorising SFEIs under the head "Low Tension VII (A) Commercial." |
The government-run or aided private educational institutions were placed under "Low Tension VI Non-Domestic tariff category." |
Multiple writ petitions were filed before the a single judge bench of the Kerala High Court by several SFEIs questioning the legality of the notification which in effect created a higher tariff regime for them. |
The single judge validated the tariff structure imposed by the commission. |
Subsequently, the respondents moved an appeal against the single judge's order before a division bench of the high court. |
The division bench ruled in favour of SFEIs by setting aside the single judges order, holding that as the determination of the tariff by the state commission could only be based on Section 62 of the 2003 Act, the differentiation as put by the commission was not for any of the grounds as specified thereto. |
"When the supply is to an educational institution, irrespective of whether it is self-financing or aided or governmental purpose, cannot be different, as education means to impart knowledge", the division bench said. |
Aggrieved by this verdict, the state commission approached the Supreme Court. |
The apex court assailed the division bench order of the high court, saying the commission was within its right as a tariff fixing body to distinguish the "purpose" of respective categories of educational institutions as the means to an end was dissimilar in nature for both institutions. |
While both imparted education, the state-run and aided institutions were also discharging their duties of welfare of citizens. |
"The expression "purpose" has to be understood in the context of the character or feature of the entity which is undertaking the activity of imparting education. While funding educational institutions, the State undertakes to discharge one of its essential welfare measures." |
The bench subsequently asserted that fixing higher tariffs for SFEIs and not on the state-run educational institutions would not amount to giving "undue preference" to state-aided institutions in terms of the tariff notification as the purposes could be of both could be duly differentiated |
"The fact that SFEIs have been clubbed together with several commercial service providers wholly unrelated to education becomes insignificant once we find that purpose of the SFEIs could be differentiated from the Government run and Government aided educational institution", it added. |
The Supreme Court ruled as legally justifiable fixing higher electricity tariff for self-financed educational institutions (SFEIs) than government- run and aided educational institutions under the Electricity Act, 2003. |
In its verdict on Thursday, a bench comprising Justices Deepak Gupta and Aniruddha Bose gave its nod to the Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission to club SFEIs with commercial service providers for levying power tariff |
The court noted that a tariff fixing body was not required to proceed solely on the basis of "nature of service" rendered by the institution covered while fixing tariffs. |
"While we construe the meaning of the expression purpose under sub-section (3) of Section 62 of the 2003 Act, we are of the opinion that for the 'purpose' of settling the tariff question, who is serving the 'purpose' and for whom such purpose is being served have to be factored in. We also have to take into account that the nature of service rendered by them cannot be the sole determinant for the tariff-fixing exercise", it said. |
The Kerala commission had issued a notification on November 26, 2007 categorising SFEIs under the head "Low Tension VII (A) Commercial." |
The government-run or aided private educational institutions were placed under "Low Tension VI Non-Domestic tariff category." |
Multiple writ petitions were filed before the a single judge bench of the Kerala High Court by several SFEIs questioning the legality of the notification which in effect created a higher tariff regime for them. |
The single judge validated the tariff structure imposed by the commission. |
Subsequently, the respondents moved an appeal against the single judge's order before a division bench of the high court. |
The division bench ruled in favour of SFEIs by setting aside the single judges order, holding that as the determination of the tariff by the state commission could only be based on Section 62 of the 2003 Act, the differentiation as put by the commission was not for any of the grounds as specified thereto. |
"When the supply is to an educational institution, irrespective of whether it is self-financing or aided or governmental purpose, cannot be different, as education means to impart knowledge", the division bench said. |
Aggrieved by this verdict, the state commission approached the Supreme Court. |
The apex court assailed the division bench order of the high court, saying the commission was within its right as a tariff fixing body to distinguish the "purpose" of respective categories of educational institutions as the means to an end was dissimilar in nature for both institutions. |
While both imparted education, the state-run and aided institutions were also discharging their duties of welfare of citizens. |
"The expression "purpose" has to be understood in the context of the character or feature of the entity which is undertaking the activity of imparting education. While funding educational institutions, the State undertakes to discharge one of its essential welfare measures." |
The bench subsequently asserted that fixing higher tariffs for SFEIs and not on the state-run educational institutions would not amount to giving "undue preference" to state-aided institutions in terms of the tariff notification as the purposes could be of both could be duly differentiated |
"The fact that SFEIs have been clubbed together with several commercial service providers wholly unrelated to education becomes insignificant once we find that purpose of the SFEIs could be differentiated from the Government run and Government aided educational institution", it added. |
The Supreme Court ruled as legally justifiable fixing higher electricity tariff for self-financed educational institutions (SFEIs) than government- run and aided educational institutions under the Electricity Act, 2003. |
In its verdict on Thursday, a bench comprising Justices Deepak Gupta and Aniruddha Bose gave its nod to the Kerala State Electricity Regulatory Commission to club SFEIs with commercial service providers for levying power tariff |
The court noted that a tariff fixing body was not required to proceed solely on the basis of "nature of service" rendered by the institution covered while fixing tariffs. |
"While we construe the meaning of the expression purpose under sub-section (3) of Section 62 of the 2003 Act, we are of the opinion that for the 'purpose' of settling the tariff question, who is serving the 'purpose' and for whom such purpose is being served have to be factored in. We also have to take into account that the nature of service rendered by them cannot be the sole determinant for the tariff-fixing exercise", it said. |
The Kerala commission had issued a notification on November 26, 2007 categorising SFEIs under the head "Low Tension VII (A) Commercial." |
The government-run or aided private educational institutions were placed under "Low Tension VI Non-Domestic tariff category." |
Multiple writ petitions were filed before the a single judge bench of the Kerala High Court by several SFEIs questioning the legality of the notification which in effect created a higher tariff regime for them. |
The single judge validated the tariff structure imposed by the commission. |
Subsequently, the respondents moved an appeal against the single judge's order before a division bench of the high court. |
The division bench ruled in favour of SFEIs by setting aside the single judges order, holding that as the determination of the tariff by the state commission could only be based on Section 62 of the 2003 Act, the differentiation as put by the commission was not for any of the grounds as specified thereto. |
"When the supply is to an educational institution, irrespective of whether it is self-financing or aided or governmental purpose, cannot be different, as education means to impart knowledge", the division bench said. |
Aggrieved by this verdict, the state commission approached the Supreme Court. |
The apex court assailed the division bench order of the high court, saying the commission was within its right as a tariff fixing body to distinguish the "purpose" of respective categories of educational institutions as the means to an end was dissimilar in nature for both institutions. |
While both imparted education, the state-run and aided institutions were also discharging their duties of welfare of citizens. |
"The expression "purpose" has to be understood in the context of the character or feature of the entity which is undertaking the activity of imparting education. While funding educational institutions, the State undertakes to discharge one of its essential welfare measures." |
The bench subsequently asserted that fixing higher tariffs for SFEIs and not on the state-run educational institutions would not amount to giving "undue preference" to state-aided institutions in terms of the tariff notification as the purposes could be of both could be duly differentiated |
"The fact that SFEIs have been clubbed together with several commercial service providers wholly unrelated to education becomes insignificant once we find that purpose of the SFEIs could be differentiated from the Government run and Government aided educational institution", it added. |
The Supreme Court has three jurisdictions: original, appellate and advisory. Original jurisdiction allows the case to be heard by the Supreme Court in the first instance itself. Thus, if the matter falls in the original jurisdiction, one can approach the Supreme Court without first approaching any other court. Appellate jurisdiction allows the case to go to the Supreme Court in an appeal against the judgment/order of the High Court. In its advisory jurisdiction, the Supreme Court may advice the President of India m matters which are specifically referred to it by the President of India under Article 143 of the Constitution. |
In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court may hear any dispute in which there is Government of India on the one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where there is Government of India and one or more State/s on one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where the matter is between two or more States. |
Such disputes should, however, involve a question (whether of law or of fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. Article 32 also gives an original jurisdiction to the Supreme Court. Under Article 32 a person may approach the Supreme Court directly if his/her fundamental right is violated. In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court can issue directions, orders or writs. The Supreme Court may issue the writs of Habeas Corpus, Mandamus, Prohibition, Quo warranto and Certiorari. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to transfer any civil or criminal case from one State High Court to another State High Court or from a court subordinate to another State High Court. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to withdraw a case pending before the High Court and dispose of such case itself. International commercial arbitration can also be initiated in the Supreme Court. |
While deciding the constitutionality of the legislations that are challenged before it, the Supreme Court uses various doctrines. It uses the doctrine of "pith and substance", doctrine of "severability", doctrine of "colourable legislation", and doctrine of "basic structure", etc. Law-making power is with the State under Article 246 of the Constitution, and the areas in which the laws can be made by Parliament and the State Legislature are mentioned in Seventh Schedule of the Constitution. The Seventh Schedule has three Lists. List I mentions the area in which Parliament can make laws. List II mentions the areas in which the State Legislature can make laws. List III is the Concurrent List which mentions the areas in which both Parliament as well as the State Legislature can make laws. Parliament and State Legislature have different subject-matters assigned to them in those Lists and they are expected not to transgress their powers by making laws in the areas not assigned to them. When a law is challenged as not falling in the law-making powers of the Legislature, the Supreme Court uses the doctrine of "pith and substance" to find out whether the Legislature was really empowered to make law in that area. For this purpose it looks at the entirety of the legislation to find out the "true nature and character" of the law. |
The Supreme Court has three jurisdictions: original, appellate and advisory. Original jurisdiction allows the case to be heard by the Supreme Court in the first instance itself. Thus, if the matter falls in the original jurisdiction, one can approach the Supreme Court without first approaching any other court. Appellate jurisdiction allows the case to go to the Supreme Court in an appeal against the judgment/order of the High Court. In its advisory jurisdiction, the Supreme Court may advice the President of India m matters which are specifically referred to it by the President of India under Article 143 of the Constitution. |
In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court may hear any dispute in which there is Government of India on the one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where there is Government of India and one or more State/s on one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where the matter is between two or more States. |
Such disputes should, however, involve a question (whether of law or of fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. Article 32 also gives an original jurisdiction to the Supreme Court. Under Article 32 a person may approach the Supreme Court directly if his/her fundamental right is violated. In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court can issue directions, orders or writs. The Supreme Court may issue the writs of Habeas Corpus, Mandamus, Prohibition, Quo warranto and Certiorari. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to transfer any civil or criminal case from one State High Court to another State High Court or from a court subordinate to another State High Court. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to withdraw a case pending before the High Court and dispose of such case itself. International commercial arbitration can also be initiated in the Supreme Court. |
While deciding the constitutionality of the legislations that are challenged before it, the Supreme Court uses various doctrines. It uses the doctrine of "pith and substance", doctrine of "severability", doctrine of "colourable legislation", and doctrine of "basic structure", etc. Law-making power is with the State under Article 246 of the Constitution, and the areas in which the laws can be made by Parliament and the State Legislature are mentioned in Seventh Schedule of the Constitution. The Seventh Schedule has three Lists. List I mentions the area in which Parliament can make laws. List II mentions the areas in which the State Legislature can make laws. List III is the Concurrent List which mentions the areas in which both Parliament as well as the State Legislature can make laws. Parliament and State Legislature have different subject-matters assigned to them in those Lists and they are expected not to transgress their powers by making laws in the areas not assigned to them. When a law is challenged as not falling in the law-making powers of the Legislature, the Supreme Court uses the doctrine of "pith and substance" to find out whether the Legislature was really empowered to make law in that area. For this purpose it looks at the entirety of the legislation to find out the "true nature and character" of the law. |
The Supreme Court has three jurisdictions: original, appellate and advisory. Original jurisdiction allows the case to be heard by the Supreme Court in the first instance itself. Thus, if the matter falls in the original jurisdiction, one can approach the Supreme Court without first approaching any other court. Appellate jurisdiction allows the case to go to the Supreme Court in an appeal against the judgment/order of the High Court. In its advisory jurisdiction, the Supreme Court may advice the President of India m matters which are specifically referred to it by the President of India under Article 143 of the Constitution. |
In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court may hear any dispute in which there is Government of India on the one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where there is Government of India and one or more State/s on one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where the matter is between two or more States. |
Such disputes should, however, involve a question (whether of law or of fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. Article 32 also gives an original jurisdiction to the Supreme Court. Under Article 32 a person may approach the Supreme Court directly if his/her fundamental right is violated. In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court can issue directions, orders or writs. The Supreme Court may issue the writs of Habeas Corpus, Mandamus, Prohibition, Quo warranto and Certiorari. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to transfer any civil or criminal case from one State High Court to another State High Court or from a court subordinate to another State High Court. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to withdraw a case pending before the High Court and dispose of such case itself. International commercial arbitration can also be initiated in the Supreme Court. |
While deciding the constitutionality of the legislations that are challenged before it, the Supreme Court uses various doctrines. It uses the doctrine of "pith and substance", doctrine of "severability", doctrine of "colourable legislation", and doctrine of "basic structure", etc. Law-making power is with the State under Article 246 of the Constitution, and the areas in which the laws can be made by Parliament and the State Legislature are mentioned in Seventh Schedule of the Constitution. The Seventh Schedule has three Lists. List I mentions the area in which Parliament can make laws. List II mentions the areas in which the State Legislature can make laws. List III is the Concurrent List which mentions the areas in which both Parliament as well as the State Legislature can make laws. Parliament and State Legislature have different subject-matters assigned to them in those Lists and they are expected not to transgress their powers by making laws in the areas not assigned to them. When a law is challenged as not falling in the law-making powers of the Legislature, the Supreme Court uses the doctrine of "pith and substance" to find out whether the Legislature was really empowered to make law in that area. For this purpose it looks at the entirety of the legislation to find out the "true nature and character" of the law. |
The Supreme Court has three jurisdictions: original, appellate and advisory. Original jurisdiction allows the case to be heard by the Supreme Court in the first instance itself. Thus, if the matter falls in the original jurisdiction, one can approach the Supreme Court without first approaching any other court. Appellate jurisdiction allows the case to go to the Supreme Court in an appeal against the judgment/order of the High Court. In its advisory jurisdiction, the Supreme Court may advice the President of India m matters which are specifically referred to it by the President of India under Article 143 of the Constitution. |
In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court may hear any dispute in which there is Government of India on the one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where there is Government of India and one or more State/s on one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where the matter is between two or more States. |
Such disputes should, however, involve a question (whether of law or of fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. Article 32 also gives an original jurisdiction to the Supreme Court. Under Article 32 a person may approach the Supreme Court directly if his/her fundamental right is violated. In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court can issue directions, orders or writs. The Supreme Court may issue the writs of Habeas Corpus, Mandamus, Prohibition, Quo warranto and Certiorari. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to transfer any civil or criminal case from one State High Court to another State High Court or from a court subordinate to another State High Court. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to withdraw a case pending before the High Court and dispose of such case itself. International commercial arbitration can also be initiated in the Supreme Court. |
While deciding the constitutionality of the legislations that are challenged before it, the Supreme Court uses various doctrines. It uses the doctrine of "pith and substance", doctrine of "severability", doctrine of "colourable legislation", and doctrine of "basic structure", etc. Law-making power is with the State under Article 246 of the Constitution, and the areas in which the laws can be made by Parliament and the State Legislature are mentioned in Seventh Schedule of the Constitution. The Seventh Schedule has three Lists. List I mentions the area in which Parliament can make laws. List II mentions the areas in which the State Legislature can make laws. List III is the Concurrent List which mentions the areas in which both Parliament as well as the State Legislature can make laws. Parliament and State Legislature have different subject-matters assigned to them in those Lists and they are expected not to transgress their powers by making laws in the areas not assigned to them. When a law is challenged as not falling in the law-making powers of the Legislature, the Supreme Court uses the doctrine of "pith and substance" to find out whether the Legislature was really empowered to make law in that area. For this purpose it looks at the entirety of the legislation to find out the "true nature and character" of the law. |
The Supreme Court has three jurisdictions: original, appellate and advisory. Original jurisdiction allows the case to be heard by the Supreme Court in the first instance itself. Thus, if the matter falls in the original jurisdiction, one can approach the Supreme Court without first approaching any other court. Appellate jurisdiction allows the case to go to the Supreme Court in an appeal against the judgment/order of the High Court. In its advisory jurisdiction, the Supreme Court may advice the President of India m matters which are specifically referred to it by the President of India under Article 143 of the Constitution. |
In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court may hear any dispute in which there is Government of India on the one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where there is Government of India and one or more State/s on one side and one or more States on the other side. Or, where the matter is between two or more States. |
Such disputes should, however, involve a question (whether of law or of fact) on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. Article 32 also gives an original jurisdiction to the Supreme Court. Under Article 32 a person may approach the Supreme Court directly if his/her fundamental right is violated. In its original jurisdiction the Supreme Court can issue directions, orders or writs. The Supreme Court may issue the writs of Habeas Corpus, Mandamus, Prohibition, Quo warranto and Certiorari. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to transfer any civil or criminal case from one State High Court to another State High Court or from a court subordinate to another State High Court. The Supreme Court also has the jurisdiction to withdraw a case pending before the High Court and dispose of such case itself. International commercial arbitration can also be initiated in the Supreme Court. |
While deciding the constitutionality of the legislations that are challenged before it, the Supreme Court uses various doctrines. It uses the doctrine of "pith and substance", doctrine of "severability", doctrine of "colourable legislation", and doctrine of "basic structure", etc. Law-making power is with the State under Article 246 of the Constitution, and the areas in which the laws can be made by Parliament and the State Legislature are mentioned in Seventh Schedule of the Constitution. The Seventh Schedule has three Lists. List I mentions the area in which Parliament can make laws. List II mentions the areas in which the State Legislature can make laws. List III is the Concurrent List which mentions the areas in which both Parliament as well as the State Legislature can make laws. Parliament and State Legislature have different subject-matters assigned to them in those Lists and they are expected not to transgress their powers by making laws in the areas not assigned to them. When a law is challenged as not falling in the law-making powers of the Legislature, the Supreme Court uses the doctrine of "pith and substance" to find out whether the Legislature was really empowered to make law in that area. For this purpose it looks at the entirety of the legislation to find out the "true nature and character" of the law. |
The Supreme Court on Wednesday made some crucial oral observations on the riots that have gripped parts of North East Delhi since February 24. |
While hearing a petition seeking clearance of Shaheen Bagh road blockade, and also interlocutory applications for Court-monitored probe into reports of police inaction- during riots, a bench comprising Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul and K M Joseph expressed its concerns about the violence. |
"Unfortunate things have happened", remarked Justice Kaul. |
Justice KM Joseph said Regarding police inaction, I want to say certain things. If I don't, I won't be discharging my duty. I have my loyalty towards this institution, towards this country..." |
Solicitor General Tushar Mehta then intervened and urged the judge to refrain from making such observations. |
"In this environment, you should not make such remarks.. officials will be demoralized", the SG said. |
But Justice Joseph continued and observed "The problem is lack of independence and professionalism in police. If this had been done before, this situation would not have risen," |
Justice K M Joseph added that he was "disturbed that 13 lives have been lost" (a lawyer in court then informed the bench that the fatalities have now reached 20). |
The bench also observed that the guidelines of the Supreme Court in the Prakash Singh case for ensuring independence of police have not been implemented. |
Justice Joseph also suggested that Indian police should learn from the UK Police, which swings to immediate action on seeing crime without waiting for the nod of higher officials. |
"Look at how police acts in the UK. If somebody makes an inflammatory remarks, they swing into action. They don't wait for orders. Police should not be looking for here and there for nods", Justice Joseph said. |
At this juncture. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta intervened saying that it was not the time to raise the issue. |
The SG said that a DCP was lynched by the mob and was in ventilator. "We are not aware of the ground realities in which the police officials function", the SG Said. |
"At such a time, please do not demoralize the police", the Solicitor General pleaded. |
The SG also urged the bench to stop the media reporting of the proceedings, by saying that headlines will be made out of judges observations. |
The Supreme Court on Wednesday made some crucial oral observations on the riots that have gripped parts of North East Delhi since February 24. |
While hearing a petition seeking clearance of Shaheen Bagh road blockade, and also interlocutory applications for Court-monitored probe into reports of police inaction- during riots, a bench comprising Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul and K M Joseph expressed its concerns about the violence. |
"Unfortunate things have happened", remarked Justice Kaul. |
Justice KM Joseph said Regarding police inaction, I want to say certain things. If I don't, I won't be discharging my duty. I have my loyalty towards this institution, towards this country..." |
Solicitor General Tushar Mehta then intervened and urged the judge to refrain from making such observations. |
"In this environment, you should not make such remarks.. officials will be demoralized", the SG said. |
But Justice Joseph continued and observed "The problem is lack of independence and professionalism in police. If this had been done before, this situation would not have risen," |
Justice K M Joseph added that he was "disturbed that 13 lives have been lost" (a lawyer in court then informed the bench that the fatalities have now reached 20). |
The bench also observed that the guidelines of the Supreme Court in the Prakash Singh case for ensuring independence of police have not been implemented. |
Justice Joseph also suggested that Indian police should learn from the UK Police, which swings to immediate action on seeing crime without waiting for the nod of higher officials. |
"Look at how police acts in the UK. If somebody makes an inflammatory remarks, they swing into action. They don't wait for orders. Police should not be looking for here and there for nods", Justice Joseph said. |
At this juncture. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta intervened saying that it was not the time to raise the issue. |
The SG said that a DCP was lynched by the mob and was in ventilator. "We are not aware of the ground realities in which the police officials function", the SG Said. |
"At such a time, please do not demoralize the police", the Solicitor General pleaded. |
The SG also urged the bench to stop the media reporting of the proceedings, by saying that headlines will be made out of judges observations. |
The Supreme Court on Wednesday made some crucial oral observations on the riots that have gripped parts of North East Delhi since February 24. |
While hearing a petition seeking clearance of Shaheen Bagh road blockade, and also interlocutory applications for Court-monitored probe into reports of police inaction- during riots, a bench comprising Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul and K M Joseph expressed its concerns about the violence. |
"Unfortunate things have happened", remarked Justice Kaul. |
Justice KM Joseph said Regarding police inaction, I want to say certain things. If I don't, I won't be discharging my duty. I have my loyalty towards this institution, towards this country..." |
Solicitor General Tushar Mehta then intervened and urged the judge to refrain from making such observations. |
"In this environment, you should not make such remarks.. officials will be demoralized", the SG said. |
But Justice Joseph continued and observed "The problem is lack of independence and professionalism in police. If this had been done before, this situation would not have risen," |
Justice K M Joseph added that he was "disturbed that 13 lives have been lost" (a lawyer in court then informed the bench that the fatalities have now reached 20). |
The bench also observed that the guidelines of the Supreme Court in the Prakash Singh case for ensuring independence of police have not been implemented. |
Justice Joseph also suggested that Indian police should learn from the UK Police, which swings to immediate action on seeing crime without waiting for the nod of higher officials. |
"Look at how police acts in the UK. If somebody makes an inflammatory remarks, they swing into action. They don't wait for orders. Police should not be looking for here and there for nods", Justice Joseph said. |
At this juncture. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta intervened saying that it was not the time to raise the issue. |
The SG said that a DCP was lynched by the mob and was in ventilator. "We are not aware of the ground realities in which the police officials function", the SG Said. |
"At such a time, please do not demoralize the police", the Solicitor General pleaded. |
The SG also urged the bench to stop the media reporting of the proceedings, by saying that headlines will be made out of judges observations. |
The Supreme Court on Wednesday made some crucial oral observations on the riots that have gripped parts of North East Delhi since February 24. |
While hearing a petition seeking clearance of Shaheen Bagh road blockade, and also interlocutory applications for Court-monitored probe into reports of police inaction- during riots, a bench comprising Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul and K M Joseph expressed its concerns about the violence. |
"Unfortunate things have happened", remarked Justice Kaul. |
Justice KM Joseph said Regarding police inaction, I want to say certain things. If I don't, I won't be discharging my duty. I have my loyalty towards this institution, towards this country..." |
Solicitor General Tushar Mehta then intervened and urged the judge to refrain from making such observations. |
"In this environment, you should not make such remarks.. officials will be demoralized", the SG said. |
But Justice Joseph continued and observed "The problem is lack of independence and professionalism in police. If this had been done before, this situation would not have risen," |
Justice K M Joseph added that he was "disturbed that 13 lives have been lost" (a lawyer in court then informed the bench that the fatalities have now reached 20). |
The bench also observed that the guidelines of the Supreme Court in the Prakash Singh case for ensuring independence of police have not been implemented. |
Justice Joseph also suggested that Indian police should learn from the UK Police, which swings to immediate action on seeing crime without waiting for the nod of higher officials. |
"Look at how police acts in the UK. If somebody makes an inflammatory remarks, they swing into action. They don't wait for orders. Police should not be looking for here and there for nods", Justice Joseph said. |
At this juncture. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta intervened saying that it was not the time to raise the issue. |
The SG said that a DCP was lynched by the mob and was in ventilator. "We are not aware of the ground realities in which the police officials function", the SG Said. |
"At such a time, please do not demoralize the police", the Solicitor General pleaded. |
The SG also urged the bench to stop the media reporting of the proceedings, by saying that headlines will be made out of judges observations. |
The Supreme Court on Wednesday made some crucial oral observations on the riots that have gripped parts of North East Delhi since February 24. |
While hearing a petition seeking clearance of Shaheen Bagh road blockade, and also interlocutory applications for Court-monitored probe into reports of police inaction- during riots, a bench comprising Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul and K M Joseph expressed its concerns about the violence. |
"Unfortunate things have happened", remarked Justice Kaul. |
Justice KM Joseph said Regarding police inaction, I want to say certain things. If I don't, I won't be discharging my duty. I have my loyalty towards this institution, towards this country..." |
Solicitor General Tushar Mehta then intervened and urged the judge to refrain from making such observations. |
"In this environment, you should not make such remarks.. officials will be demoralized", the SG said. |
But Justice Joseph continued and observed "The problem is lack of independence and professionalism in police. If this had been done before, this situation would not have risen," |
Justice K M Joseph added that he was "disturbed that 13 lives have been lost" (a lawyer in court then informed the bench that the fatalities have now reached 20). |
The bench also observed that the guidelines of the Supreme Court in the Prakash Singh case for ensuring independence of police have not been implemented. |
Justice Joseph also suggested that Indian police should learn from the UK Police, which swings to immediate action on seeing crime without waiting for the nod of higher officials. |
"Look at how police acts in the UK. If somebody makes an inflammatory remarks, they swing into action. They don't wait for orders. Police should not be looking for here and there for nods", Justice Joseph said. |
At this juncture. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta intervened saying that it was not the time to raise the issue. |
The SG said that a DCP was lynched by the mob and was in ventilator. "We are not aware of the ground realities in which the police officials function", the SG Said. |
"At such a time, please do not demoralize the police", the Solicitor General pleaded. |
The SG also urged the bench to stop the media reporting of the proceedings, by saying that headlines will be made out of judges observations. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Management is known as "the cornerstone of organizational effectiveness and is concerned with arrangements for the carrying out of organizational processes and the execution of work. There are many aspects to management in work organizations, but the one essential ingredient of any successful manager is the ability to handle people effectively". This definition emphasizes on the effectiveness of carrying out organizational processes and work activities. It further stresses on the importance of interpersonal skills in managing human resources. Professor Robbins focuses management as the coordination of work activities of others and monitoring their progress, while Kinicki and Kreitner defined management as the process of working ethically with and through others to achieve organizational objectives in an efficient manner. These definitions focus on the accomplishment of work through the efforts of others. Nevertheless, human resource is not the sole concern of management. Management is "the process of assembling and using sets of resources in a goal-directed manner to accomplish tasks in an organizational setting". |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Management is known as "the cornerstone of organizational effectiveness and is concerned with arrangements for the carrying out of organizational processes and the execution of work. There are many aspects to management in work organizations, but the one essential ingredient of any successful manager is the ability to handle people effectively". This definition emphasizes on the effectiveness of carrying out organizational processes and work activities. It further stresses on the importance of interpersonal skills in managing human resources. Professor Robbins focuses management as the coordination of work activities of others and monitoring their progress, while Kinicki and Kreitner defined management as the process of working ethically with and through others to achieve organizational objectives in an efficient manner. These definitions focus on the accomplishment of work through the efforts of others. Nevertheless, human resource is not the sole concern of management. Management is "the process of assembling and using sets of resources in a goal-directed manner to accomplish tasks in an organizational setting". |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Management is known as "the cornerstone of organizational effectiveness and is concerned with arrangements for the carrying out of organizational processes and the execution of work. There are many aspects to management in work organizations, but the one essential ingredient of any successful manager is the ability to handle people effectively". This definition emphasizes on the effectiveness of carrying out organizational processes and work activities. It further stresses on the importance of interpersonal skills in managing human resources. Professor Robbins focuses management as the coordination of work activities of others and monitoring their progress, while Kinicki and Kreitner defined management as the process of working ethically with and through others to achieve organizational objectives in an efficient manner. These definitions focus on the accomplishment of work through the efforts of others. Nevertheless, human resource is not the sole concern of management. Management is "the process of assembling and using sets of resources in a goal-directed manner to accomplish tasks in an organizational setting". |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Management is known as "the cornerstone of organizational effectiveness and is concerned with arrangements for the carrying out of organizational processes and the execution of work. There are many aspects to management in work organizations, but the one essential ingredient of any successful manager is the ability to handle people effectively". This definition emphasizes on the effectiveness of carrying out organizational processes and work activities. It further stresses on the importance of interpersonal skills in managing human resources. Professor Robbins focuses management as the coordination of work activities of others and monitoring their progress, while Kinicki and Kreitner defined management as the process of working ethically with and through others to achieve organizational objectives in an efficient manner. These definitions focus on the accomplishment of work through the efforts of others. Nevertheless, human resource is not the sole concern of management. Management is "the process of assembling and using sets of resources in a goal-directed manner to accomplish tasks in an organizational setting". |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Management is known as "the cornerstone of organizational effectiveness and is concerned with arrangements for the carrying out of organizational processes and the execution of work. There are many aspects to management in work organizations, but the one essential ingredient of any successful manager is the ability to handle people effectively". This definition emphasizes on the effectiveness of carrying out organizational processes and work activities. It further stresses on the importance of interpersonal skills in managing human resources. Professor Robbins focuses management as the coordination of work activities of others and monitoring their progress, while Kinicki and Kreitner defined management as the process of working ethically with and through others to achieve organizational objectives in an efficient manner. These definitions focus on the accomplishment of work through the efforts of others. Nevertheless, human resource is not the sole concern of management. Management is the "process of assembling and using sets of resources in a goal-directed manner to accomplish tasks in an organizational setting". |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Global food retail industry has become tightly competitive in last few years. In dynamic operating environment, companies need to understand the competitive nature of the global food industry means to understand changing consumer preferences. They are making continuous efforts to meet these demands in order to secure their positions in the industry. Companies have the aim to build collaborative working relationships with stakeholders, the ultimate objective of building an efficient food distribution system. Wal-Mart is the world largest retailer in food retail industry. The company operates retail stores in various formats. It operates more than 6,000 stores in the United States and in 13 international markets. Food retail industry is a highly saturated market and the new entrants would face difficulty to become successive in this industry. Stable relationships with suppliers are essential to Wal-Mart business; Wal-Mart is focusing on expanding its product line by including demanding products as well as environmental friendly products. So, Wal-Mart can be considered as a miniature of global retail industry. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Global food retail industry has become tightly competitive in last few years. In dynamic operating environment, companies need to understand the competitive nature of the global food industry means to understand changing consumer preferences. They are making continuous efforts to meet these demands in order to secure their positions in the industry. Companies have the aim to build collaborative working relationships with stakeholders, the ultimate objective of building an efficient food distribution system. Wal-Mart is the world largest retailer in food retail industry. The company operates retail stores in various formats. It operates more than 6,000 stores in the United States and in 13 international markets. Food retail industry is a highly saturated market and the new entrants would face difficulty to become successive in this industry. Stable relationships with suppliers are essential to Wal-Mart business; Wal-Mart is focusing on expanding its product line by including demanding products as well as environmental friendly products. So, Wal-Mart can be considered as a miniature of global retail industry. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Global food retail industry has become tightly competitive in last few years. In dynamic operating environment, companies need to understand the competitive nature of the global food industry means to understand changing consumer preferences. They are making continuous efforts to meet these demands in order to secure their positions in the industry. Companies have the aim to build collaborative working relationships with stakeholders, the ultimate objective of building an efficient food distribution system. Wal-Mart is the world largest retailer in food retail industry. The company operates retail stores in various formats. It operates more than 6,000 stores in the United States and in 13 international markets. Food retail industry is a highly saturated market and the new entrants would face difficulty to become successive in this industry. Stable relationships with suppliers are essential to Wal-Mart business; Wal-Mart is focusing on expanding its product line by including demanding products as well as environmental friendly products. So, Wal-Mart can be considered as a miniature of global retail industry. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Global food retail industry has become tightly competitive in last few years. In dynamic operating environment, companies need to understand the competitive nature of the global food industry means to understand changing consumer preferences. They are making continuous efforts to meet these demands in order to secure their positions in the industry. Companies have the aim to build collaborative working relationships with stakeholders, the ultimate objective of building an efficient food distribution system. Wal-Mart is the world largest retailer in food retail industry. The company operates retail stores in various formats. It operates more than 6,000 stores in the United States and in 13 international markets. Food retail industry is a highly saturated market and the new entrants would face difficulty to become successive in this industry. Stable relationships with suppliers are essential to Wal-Mart business; Wal-Mart is focusing on expanding its product line by including demanding products as well as environmental friendly products. So, Wal-Mart can be considered as a miniature of global retail industry. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Global food retail industry has become tightly competitive in last few years. In dynamic operating environment, companies need to understand the competitive nature of the global food industry means to understand changing consumer preferences. They are making continuous efforts to meet these demands in order to secure their positions in the industry. Companies have the aim to build collaborative working relationships with stakeholders, the ultimate objective of building an efficient food distribution system. Wal-Mart is the world largest retailer in food retail industry. The company operates retail stores in various formats. It operates more than 6,000 stores in the United States and in 13 international markets. Food retail industry is a highly saturated market and the new entrants would face difficulty to become successive in this industry. Stable relationships with suppliers are essential to Wal-Mart business; Wal-Mart is focusing on expanding its product line by including demanding products as well as environmental friendly products. So, Wal-Mart can be considered as a miniature of global retail industry. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The way that schooling has been approached has changed drastically over the past few years. Grade schools all over the United States are trying to prepare young students for the road ahead of them. May that be college or the workforce, grade school plays a huge part in developing a child into the student and person that they have and will become. As technology becomes more and more indispensable, the opinions on its place in the classroom setting have become a source of dispute. Some of these disputes include concerns about how students are affected now and how this may be preparing or possibly hindering them in their life after school. With all the new technological advances in education, teachers and students are changing and adapting the way they teach and learn; the outcomes of this direction whether good or bad, are still heavily debated but are very important as this trend becomes more and more prevalent. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The way that schooling has been approached has changed drastically over the past few years. Grade schools all over the United States are trying to prepare young students for the road ahead of them. May that be college or the workforce, grade school plays a huge part in developing a child into the student and person that they have and will become. As technology becomes more and more indispensable, the opinions on its place in the classroom setting have become a source of dispute. Some of these disputes include concerns about how students are affected now and how this may be preparing or possibly hindering them in their life after school. With all the new technological advances in education, teachers and students are changing and adapting the way they teach and learn; the outcomes of this direction whether good or bad, are still heavily debated but are very important as this trend becomes more and more prevalent. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The way that schooling has been approached has changed drastically over the past few years. Grade schools all over the United States are trying to prepare young students for the road ahead of them. May that be college or the workforce, grade school plays a huge part in developing a child into the student and person that they have and will become. As technology becomes more and more indispensable, the opinions on its place in the classroom setting have become a source of dispute. Some of these disputes include concerns about how students are affected now and how this may be preparing or possibly hindering them in their life after school. With all the new technological advances in education, teachers and students are changing and adapting the way they teach and learn; the outcomes of this direction whether good or bad, are still heavily debated but are very important as this trend becomes more and more prevalent. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The way that schooling has been approached has changed drastically over the past few years. Grade schools all over the United States are trying to prepare young students for the road ahead of them. May that be college or the workforce, grade school plays a huge part in developing a child into the student and person that they have and will become. As technology becomes more and more indispensable, the opinions on its place in the classroom setting have become a source of dispute. Some of these disputes include concerns about how students are affected now and how this may be preparing or possibly hindering them in their life after school. With all the new technological advances in education, teachers and students are changing and adapting the way they teach and learn; the outcomes of this direction whether good or bad, are still heavily debated but are very important as this trend becomes more and more prevalent. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Privacy and security tends to be a big ethical concern within information technology, because all stored information is digitized. This makes it easy for anyone to obtain and possibly transmit to unauthorized receivers. At an organizational level, many industries depend on their IT systems to store the personal information of their consumers. For instance, in health care, the digitization process of medical records is becoming more common. This transition has allowed clinicians to access and comprehend patient charts much easier. Like other organizations, the information that hospitals are responsible for, are quite sensitive. If large amounts of patient records were to be obtained by an outsider, because of low security measurer many persons would be affected. According to "Top 10 IT Issues, the article reveals that Institutions must understand not only what data they possess, but how to care for the data through thoughtful governance and administration". This statement suggests that organizations should be able to secure the data they are responsible for. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Privacy and security tends to be a big ethical concern within information technology, because all stored information is digitized. This makes it easy for anyone to obtain and possibly transmit to unauthorized receivers. At an organizational level, many industries depend on their IT systems to store the personal information of their consumers. For instance, in health care, the digitization process of medical records is becoming more common. This transition has allowed clinicians to access and comprehend patient charts much easier. Like other organizations, the information that hospitals are responsible for, are quite sensitive. If large amounts of patient records were to be obtained by an outsider, because of low security measurer many persons would be affected. According to "Top 10 IT Issues", the article reveals that "Institutions must understand not only what data they possess, but how to care for the data through thoughtful governance and administration". This statement suggests that organizations should be able to secure the data they are responsible for. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Privacy and security tends to be a big ethical concern within information technology, because all stored information is digitized. This makes it easy for anyone to obtain and possibly transmit to unauthorized receivers. At an organizational level, many industries depend on their IT systems to store the personal information of their consumers. For instance, in health care, the digitization process of medical records is becoming more common. This transition has allowed clinicians to access and comprehend patient charts much easier. Like other organizations, the information that hospitals are responsible for, are quite sensitive. If large amounts of patient records were to be obtained by an outsider, because of low security measurer many persons would be affected. According to "Top 10 IT Issues", the article reveals that "Institutions must understand not only what data they possess, but how to care for the data through thoughtful governance and administration". This statement suggests that organizations should be able to secure the data they are responsible for. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Privacy and security tends to be a big ethical concern within information technology, because all stored information is digitized. This makes it easy for anyone to obtain and possibly transmit to unauthorized receivers. At an organizational level, many industries depend on their IT systems to store the personal information of their consumers. For instance, in health care, the digitization process of medical records is becoming more common. This transition has allowed clinicians to access and comprehend patient charts much easier. Like other organizations, the information that hospitals are responsible for, are quite sensitive. If large amounts of patient records were to be obtained by an outsider, because of low security measurer many persons would be affected. According to "Top 10 IT Issues," the article reveals that "Institutions must understand not only what data they possess, but how to care for the data through thoughtful governance and administration". This statement suggests that organizations should be able to secure the data they are responsible for. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Humans have moral and ethical values; that is, they accept standards according to which their conduct is judged as right or wrong, good or evil. Despite our morals and ethics varying from person to person, value judgments concerning human behavior are passed across all cultures. The development of strong AI constitutes a range of moral and ethical dilemmas. For a super artificial intelligence system to conform and benefit society it must adhere to the rules developed by the humans. Thus, the values of the humans are the values of the robots. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Humans have moral and ethical values; that is, they accept standards according to which their conduct is judged as right or wrong, good or evil. Despite our morals and ethics varying from person to person, value judgments concerning human behavior are passed across all cultures. The development of strong AI constitutes a range of moral and ethical dilemmas. For a super artificial intelligence system to conform and benefit society it must adhere to the rules developed by the humans. Thus, the values of the humans are the values of the robots. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Humans have moral and ethical values; that is, they accept standards according to which their conduct is judged as right or wrong, good or evil. Despite our morals and ethics varying from person to person, value judgments concerning human behavior are passed across all cultures. The development of strong AI constitutes a range of moral and ethical dilemmas. For a super artificial intelligence system to conform and benefit society it must adhere to the rules developed by the humans. Thus, the values of the humans are the values of the robots. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Privacy is a right we have but sometimes forgotten about as we start spending more time on the internet. People know what information they are giving up when they share stuff online with their friends, but what many people dont realize is that every time you like something, search something or even click on an ad big data corporations are taking that information, running it through algorithms and figuring out your personal characteristics. As this becomes more and more common, it starts to beg the question if this is a violation of our privacy or not. Facebook and Google are the forerunner in this privacy breach since two decades. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Privacy is a right we have but sometimes forgotten about as we start spending more time on the internet. People know what information they are giving up when they share stuff online with their friends, but what many people dont realize is that every time you like something, search something or even click on an ad big data corporations are taking that information, running it through algorithms and figuring out your personal characteristics. As this becomes more and more common, it starts to beg the question if this is a violation of our privacy or not. Facebook and Google are the forerunner in this privacy breach since two decades. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Privacy is a right we have but sometimes forgotten about as we start spending more time on the internet. People know what information they are giving up when they share stuff online with their friends, but what many people dont realize is that every time you like something, search something or even click on an ad big data corporations are taking that information, running it through algorithms and figuring out your personal characteristics. As this becomes more and more common, it starts to beg the question if this is a violation of our privacy or not. Facebook and Google are the forerunner in this privacy breach since two decades. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
"You have to get rewarded in the soul and the wallet. The money isnt enough, but a plaque isn't enough either". Motivation-the willingness to exert oneself, consequent of the afore-implied intrinsic and extrinsic incentives, is fundamental to the prosperity of individuals, groups, organizations and society; for absent of this, there exists a lack of satisfaction, productivity and willpower that ultimately leads to inefficiency; dissatisfaction and management constraints. The academicians and practitioners of management have often given more importance for both material and personal motivations on employees for accomplishing the agreed goals of the organization. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
"You have to get rewarded in the soul and the wallet. The money isn't enough, but a plaque isn't enough either". Motivation-the willingness to exert oneself, consequent of the afore-implied intrinsic and extrinsic incentives, is fundamental to the prosperity of individuals, groups, organizations and society; for absent of this, there exists a lack of satisfaction, productivity and willpower that ultimately leads to inefficiency; dissatisfaction and management constraints. The academicians and practitioners of management have often given more importance for both material and personal motivations on employees for accomplishing the agreed goals of the organization. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
"You have to get rewarded in the soul and the wallet. The money isn't enough, but a plaque isn't enough either". Motivation-the willingness to exert oneself, consequent of the afore-implied intrinsic and extrinsic incentives, is fundamental to the prosperity of individuals, groups, organizations and society; for absent of this, there exists a lack of satisfaction, productivity and willpower that ultimately leads to inefficiency; dissatisfaction and management constraints. The academicians and practitioners of management have often given more importance for both material and personal motivations on employees for accomplishing the agreed goals of the organization. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Neoliberalism is a dominant ideology shaping our world today. It dictates the policies of governments, and shapes the actions of key Institutions such as the World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund and World Bank. According to Saad-Filho and Johnston, it is impossible to overstate the political and economic implications of neoliberalism. It is a theory of political and economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual's entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong property rights, free markets and free trade. The role of the state is to create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Neoliberalism is a dominant ideology shaping our world today. It dictates the policies of governments, and shapes the actions of key Institutions such as the World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund and World Bank. According to Saad-Filho and Johnston, it is impossible to overstate the political and economic implications of neoliberalism. It is a theory of political and economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual's entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong property rights, free markets and free trade. The role of the state is to create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Neoliberalism is a dominant ideology shaping our world today. It dictates the policies of governments, and shapes the actions of key Institutions such as the World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund and World Bank. According to Saad-Filho and Johnston, it is impossible to overstate the political and economic implications of neoliberalism. It is a theory of political and economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual's entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong property rights, free markets and free trade. The role of the state is to create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices. |
Direction: These questions are based on following graphs. |
Classification of appeared candidates in a competitive test from different States and qualified candidates from those States. |
Total appeared candidates = 45,000. |
Total qualified candidates = 9000. |
Direction: These questions are based on following graphs. |
Classification of appeared candidates in a competitive test from different States and qualified candidates from those States. |
Total appeared candidates = 45,000. |
Total qualified candidates = 9000. |
Direction: These questions are based on following graphs. |
Classification of appeared candidates in a competitive test from different States and qualified candidates from those States. |
Total appeared candidates = 45,000. |
Total qualified candidates = 9000. |
Direction: These questions are based on following graphs. |
Classification of appeared candidates in a competitive test from different States and qualified candidates from those States. |
Total appeared candidates = 45,000. |
Total qualified candidates = 9000. |
Direction: These questions are based on following graphs. |
Classification of appeared candidates in a competitive test from different States and qualified candidates from those States. |
Total appeared candidates = 45,000. |
Total qualified candidates = 9000. |
Direction: Study the following Graph carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Total Number of Arts, Science and Commerce |
Students in Various Colleges |
Different Colleges |
Direction: Study the following Graph carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Total Number of Arts, Science and Commerce |
Students in Various Colleges |
Different Colleges |
Direction: Study the following Graph carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Total Number of Arts, Science and Commerce |
Students in Various Colleges |
Different Colleges |
Direction: Study the following Graph carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Total Number of Arts, Science and Commerce |
Students in Various Colleges |
Different Colleges |
Direction: Study the following Graph carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Total Number of Arts, Science and Commerce |
Students in Various Colleges |
Different Colleges |
Direction: Read the following information carefully and answer the given questions. |
In a College P there are 19,000 students. They know different languages like Japanese, Korean and Latin. Ratio of males and females is 9 : 11. 14% of males know only Japanese. 12% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 16% know only Korean and Japanese. 22% know only Korean and Latin. 8% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining boys know all the languages. 22% females know only Japanese. 18% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 12% know only Japanese and Korean. 16% know only Korean and Latin. 10% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining females know all the languages. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully and answer the given questions. |
In a College P there are 19,000 students. They know different languages like Japanese, Korean and Latin. Ratio of males and females is 9 : 11. 14% of males know only Japanese. 12% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 16% know only Korean and Japanese. 22% know only Korean and Latin. 8% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining boys know all the languages. 22% females know only Japanese. 18% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 12% know only Japanese and Korean. 16% know only Korean and Latin. 10% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining females know all the languages. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully and answer the given questions. |
In a College P there are 19,000 students. They know different languages like Japanese, Korean and Latin. Ratio of males and females is 9 : 11. 14% of males know only Japanese. 12% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 16% know only Korean and Japanese. 22% know only Korean and Latin. 8% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining boys know all the languages. 22% females know only Japanese. 18% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 12% know only Japanese and Korean. 16% know only Korean and Latin. 10% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining females know all the languages. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully and answer the given questions. |
In a College P there are 19,000 students. They know different languages like Japanese, Korean and Latin. Ratio of males and females is 9 : 11. 14% of males know only Japanese. 12% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 16% know only Korean and Japanese. 22% know only Korean and Latin. 8% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining boys know all the languages. 22% females know only Japanese. 18% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 12% know only Japanese and Korean. 16% know only Korean and Latin. 10% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining females know all the languages. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully and answer the given questions. |
In a College P there are 19,000 students. They know different languages like Japanese, Korean and Latin. Ratio of males and females is 9 : 11. 14% of males know only Japanese. 12% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 16% know only Korean and Japanese. 22% know only Korean and Latin. 8% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining boys know all the languages. 22% females know only Japanese. 18% know only Korean. 20% know only Latin. 12% know only Japanese and Korean. 16% know only Korean and Latin. 10% know only Japanese and Latin. Remaining females know all the languages. |
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