| The sacred books of India, the Vedas, are generally believed to be the earliest literary record of the Indo-European race. It is indeed difficult to say when the earliest portions of these compositions came into existence. Many shrewd guesses have been offered, but none of them can be proved to be incontestably true. Max Muller supposed the date to be 1200 B.C., Haug 2400 B.C. and Bal Gangadhar Tilak 4000 B.C. The ancient Hindus seldom kept any historical record of their literary, religious or political achievements. The Vedas were handed down from mouth to mouth from a period of unknown antiquity; and the Hindus generally believed that they were never composed by men. It was therefore generally supposed that either they were taught by God to the sages, or that they were of themselves revealed to the sages who were the "seers" (mantradra@s@ta) of the hymns. Thus we find that when some time had elapsed after the composition of the Vedas, people had come to look upon them not only as very old, but so old that they had, theoretically at least, no beginning in time, though they were believed to have been revealed at some unknown remote period at the beginning of each creation. |
| When the Vedas were composed, there was probably no system of writing prevalent in India. But such was the scrupulous zeal of the Brahmins, who got the whole Vedic literature by heart by hearing it from their preceptors, that it has been transmitted most faithfully to us through the course of the last 3000 years or more with little or no interpolations at all. The religious history of India had suffered considerable changes in the latter periods, since the time of the Vedic civilization, but such was the reverence paid to the Vedas that they had ever remained as the highest religious authority for all sections of the Hindus at all times. |
| Even at this day all the obligatory duties of the Hindus at birth, marriage, death, etc., are performed according to the old Vedic ritual. |
| The prayers that a Brahmin now says three times a day are the same selections of Vedic verses as were used as prayer verses two or three thousand years ago. A little insight into the life of an ordinary Hindu of the present day will show that the system of image-worship is one that has been grafted upon his life, the regular obligatory duties of which are ordered according to the old Vedic rites. Thus an orthodox Brahmin can dispense with image-worship if he likes, but not so with his daily Vedic prayers or other obligatory ceremonies. Even at this day there are persons who bestow immense sums of money for the performance and teaching of Vedic sacrifices and rituals. Most of the Sanskrit literatures that flourished after the Vedas base upon them their own validity, and appeal to them as authority. Systems of Hindu philosophy not only own their allegiance to the Vedas, but the adherents of each one of them would often quarrel with others and maintain its superiority by trying to prove that it and it alone was the faithful follower of the Vedas and represented correctly their views. The laws which regulate the social, legal, domestic and religious customs and rites of the Hindus even to the present day are said to be but mere systematized memories of old Vedic teachings, and are held to be obligatory on their authority. Even under British administration, in the inheritance of property, adoption, and in such other legal transactions, Hindu Law is followed, and this claims to draw its authority from the Vedas. To enter into details is unnecessary. But suffice it to say that the Vedas, far from being regarded as a dead literature of the past, are still looked upon as the origin and source of almost all literatures except purely secular poetry and drama. Thus in short we may say that in spite of the many changes that time has wrought, the orthodox Hindu life may still be regarded in the main as an adumbration of the Vedic life, which had never ceased to shed its light all through the past. |
| The sacred books of India, the Vedas, are generally believed to be the earliest literary record of the Indo-European race. It is indeed difficult to say when the earliest portions of these compositions came into existence. Many shrewd guesses have been offered, but none of them can be proved to be incontestably true. Max Muller supposed the date to be 1200 B.C., Haug 2400 B.C. and Bal Gangadhar Tilak 4000 B.C. The ancient Hindus seldom kept any historical record of their literary, religious or political achievements. The Vedas were handed down from mouth to mouth from a period of unknown antiquity; and the Hindus generally believed that they were never composed by men. It was therefore generally supposed that either they were taught by God to the sages, or that they were of themselves revealed to the sages who were the "seers" (mantradra@s@ta) of the hymns. Thus we find that when some time had elapsed after the composition of the Vedas, people had come to look upon them not only as very old, but so old that they had, theoretically at least, no beginning in time, though they were believed to have been revealed at some unknown remote period at the beginning of each creation. |
| When the Vedas were composed, there was probably no system of writing prevalent in India. But such was the scrupulous zeal of the Brahmins, who got the whole Vedic literature by heart by hearing it from their preceptors, that it has been transmitted most faithfully to us through the course of the last 3000 years or more with little or no interpolations at all. The religious history of India had suffered considerable changes in the latter periods, since the time of the Vedic civilization, but such was the reverence paid to the Vedas that they had ever remained as the highest religious authority for all sections of the Hindus at all times. |
| Even at this day all the obligatory duties of the Hindus at birth, marriage, death, etc., are performed according to the old Vedic ritual. |
| The prayers that a Brahmin now says three times a day are the same selections of Vedic verses as were used as prayer verses two or three thousand years ago. A little insight into the life of an ordinary Hindu of the present day will show that the system of image-worship is one that has been grafted upon his life, the regular obligatory duties of which are ordered according to the old Vedic rites. Thus an orthodox Brahmin can dispense with image-worship if he likes, but not so with his daily Vedic prayers or other obligatory ceremonies. Even at this day there are persons who bestow immense sums of money for the performance and teaching of Vedic sacrifices and rituals. Most of the Sanskrit literatures that flourished after the Vedas base upon them their own validity, and appeal to them as authority. Systems of Hindu philosophy not only own their allegiance to the Vedas, but the adherents of each one of them would often quarrel with others and maintain its superiority by trying to prove that it and it alone was the faithful follower of the Vedas and represented correctly their views. The laws which regulate the social, legal, domestic and religious customs and rites of the Hindus even to the present day are said to be but mere systematized memories of old Vedic teachings, and are held to be obligatory on their authority. Even under British administration, in the inheritance of property, adoption, and in such other legal transactions, Hindu Law is followed, and this claims to draw its authority from the Vedas. To enter into details is unnecessary. But suffice it to say that the Vedas, far from being regarded as a dead literature of the past, are still looked upon as the origin and source of almost all literatures except purely secular poetry and drama. Thus in short we may say that in spite of the many changes that time has wrought, the orthodox Hindu life may still be regarded in the main as an adumbration of the Vedic life, which had never ceased to shed its light all through the past. |
| The sacred books of India, the Vedas, are generally believed to be the earliest literary record of the Indo-European race. It is indeed difficult to say when the earliest portions of these compositions came into existence. Many shrewd guesses have been offered, but none of them can be proved to be incontestably true. Max Muller supposed the date to be 1200 B.C., Haug 2400 B.C. and Bal Gangadhar Tilak 4000 B.C. The ancient Hindus seldom kept any historical record of their literary, religious or political achievements. The Vedas were handed down from mouth to mouth from a period of unknown antiquity; and the Hindus generally believed that they were never composed by men. It was therefore generally supposed that either they were taught by God to the sages, or that they were of themselves revealed to the sages who were the "seers" (mantradra@s@ta) of the hymns. Thus we find that when some time had elapsed after the composition of the Vedas, people had come to look upon them not only as very old, but so old that they had, theoretically at least, no beginning in time, though they were believed to have been revealed at some unknown remote period at the beginning of each creation. |
| When the Vedas were composed, there was probably no system of writing prevalent in India. But such was the scrupulous zeal of the Brahmins, who got the whole Vedic literature by heart by hearing it from their preceptors, that it has been transmitted most faithfully to us through the course of the last 3000 years or more with little or no interpolations at all. The religious history of India had suffered considerable changes in the latter periods, since the time of the Vedic civilization, but such was the reverence paid to the Vedas that they had ever remained as the highest religious authority for all sections of the Hindus at all times. |
| Even at this day all the obligatory duties of the Hindus at birth, marriage, death, etc., are performed according to the old Vedic ritual. |
| The prayers that a Brahmin now says three times a day are the same selections of Vedic verses as were used as prayer verses two or three thousand years ago. A little insight into the life of an ordinary Hindu of the present day will show that the system of image-worship is one that has been grafted upon his life, the regular obligatory duties of which are ordered according to the old Vedic rites. Thus an orthodox Brahmin can dispense with image-worship if he likes, but not so with his daily Vedic prayers or other obligatory ceremonies. Even at this day there are persons who bestow immense sums of money for the performance and teaching of Vedic sacrifices and rituals. Most of the Sanskrit literatures that flourished after the Vedas base upon them their own validity, and appeal to them as authority. Systems of Hindu philosophy not only own their allegiance to the Vedas, but the adherents of each one of them would often quarrel with others and maintain its superiority by trying to prove that it and it alone was the faithful follower of the Vedas and represented correctly their views. The laws which regulate the social, legal, domestic and religious customs and rites of the Hindus even to the present day are said to be but mere systematized memories of old Vedic teachings, and are held to be obligatory on their authority. Even under British administration, in the inheritance of property, adoption, and in such other legal transactions, Hindu Law is followed, and this claims to draw its authority from the Vedas. To enter into details is unnecessary. But suffice it to say that the Vedas, far from being regarded as a dead literature of the past, are still looked upon as the origin and source of almost all literatures except purely secular poetry and drama. Thus in short we may say that in spite of the many changes that time has wrought, the orthodox Hindu life may still be regarded in the main as an adumbration of the Vedic life, which had never ceased to shed its light all through the past. |
| The sacred books of India, the Vedas, are generally believed to be the earliest literary record of the Indo-European race. It is indeed difficult to say when the earliest portions of these compositions came into existence. Many shrewd guesses have been offered, but none of them can be proved to be incontestably true. Max Muller supposed the date to be 1200 B.C., Haug 2400 B.C. and Bal Gangadhar Tilak 4000 B.C. The ancient Hindus seldom kept any historical record of their literary, religious or political achievements. The Vedas were handed down from mouth to mouth from a period of unknown antiquity; and the Hindus generally believed that they were never composed by men. It was therefore generally supposed that either they were taught by God to the sages, or that they were of themselves revealed to the sages who were the "seers" (mantradra@s@ta) of the hymns. Thus we find that when some time had elapsed after the composition of the Vedas, people had come to look upon them not only as very old, but so old that they had, theoretically at least, no beginning in time, though they were believed to have been revealed at some unknown remote period at the beginning of each creation. |
| When the Vedas were composed, there was probably no system of writing prevalent in India. But such was the scrupulous zeal of the Brahmins, who got the whole Vedic literature by heart by hearing it from their preceptors, that it has been transmitted most faithfully to us through the course of the last 3000 years or more with little or no interpolations at all. The religious history of India had suffered considerable changes in the latter periods, since the time of the Vedic civilization, but such was the reverence paid to the Vedas that they had ever remained as the highest religious authority for all sections of the Hindus at all times. |
| Even at this day all the obligatory duties of the Hindus at birth, marriage, death, etc., are performed according to the old Vedic ritual. |
| The prayers that a Brahmin now says three times a day are the same selections of Vedic verses as were used as prayer verses two or three thousand years ago. A little insight into the life of an ordinary Hindu of the present day will show that the system of image-worship is one that has been grafted upon his life, the regular obligatory duties of which are ordered according to the old Vedic rites. Thus an orthodox Brahmin can dispense with image-worship if he likes, but not so with his daily Vedic prayers or other obligatory ceremonies. Even at this day there are persons who bestow immense sums of money for the performance and teaching of Vedic sacrifices and rituals. Most of the Sanskrit literatures that flourished after the Vedas base upon them their own validity, and appeal to them as authority. Systems of Hindu philosophy not only own their allegiance to the Vedas, but the adherents of each one of them would often quarrel with others and maintain its superiority by trying to prove that it and it alone was the faithful follower of the Vedas and represented correctly their views. The laws which regulate the social, legal, domestic and religious customs and rites of the Hindus even to the present day are said to be but mere systematized memories of old Vedic teachings, and are held to be obligatory on their authority. Even under British administration, in the inheritance of property, adoption, and in such other legal transactions, Hindu Law is followed, and this claims to draw its authority from the Vedas. To enter into details is unnecessary. But suffice it to say that the Vedas, far from being regarded as a dead literature of the past, are still looked upon as the origin and source of almost all literatures except purely secular poetry and drama. Thus in short we may say that in spite of the many changes that time has wrought, the orthodox Hindu life may still be regarded in the main as an adumbration of the Vedic life, which had never ceased to shed its light all through the past. |
| The sacred books of India, the Vedas, are generally believed to be the earliest literary record of the Indo-European race. It is indeed difficult to say when the earliest portions of these compositions came into existence. Many shrewd guesses have been offered, but none of them can be proved to be incontestably true. Max Muller supposed the date to be 1200 B.C., Haug 2400 B.C. and Bal Gangadhar Tilak 4000 B.C. The ancient Hindus seldom kept any historical record of their literary, religious or political achievements. The Vedas were handed down from mouth to mouth from a period of unknown antiquity; and the Hindus generally believed that they were never composed by men. It was therefore generally supposed that either they were taught by God to the sages, or that they were of themselves revealed to the sages who were the "seers" (mantradra@s@ta) of the hymns. Thus we find that when some time had elapsed after the composition of the Vedas, people had come to look upon them not only as very old, but so old that they had, theoretically at least, no beginning in time, though they were believed to have been revealed at some unknown remote period at the beginning of each creation. |
| When the Vedas were composed, there was probably no system of writing prevalent in India. But such was the scrupulous zeal of the Brahmins, who got the whole Vedic literature by heart by hearing it from their preceptors, that it has been transmitted most faithfully to us through the course of the last 3000 years or more with little or no interpolations at all. The religious history of India had suffered considerable changes in the latter periods, since the time of the Vedic civilization, but such was the reverence paid to the Vedas that they had ever remained as the highest religious authority for all sections of the Hindus at all times. |
| Even at this day all the obligatory duties of the Hindus at birth, marriage, death, etc., are performed according to the old Vedic ritual. |
| The prayers that a Brahmin now says three times a day are the same selections of Vedic verses as were used as prayer verses two or three thousand years ago. A little insight into the life of an ordinary Hindu of the present day will show that the system of image-worship is one that has been grafted upon his life, the regular obligatory duties of which are ordered according to the old Vedic rites. Thus an orthodox Brahmin can dispense with image-worship if he likes, but not so with his daily Vedic prayers or other obligatory ceremonies. Even at this day there are persons who bestow immense sums of money for the performance and teaching of Vedic sacrifices and rituals. Most of the Sanskrit literatures that flourished after the Vedas base upon them their own validity, and appeal to them as authority. Systems of Hindu philosophy not only own their allegiance to the Vedas, but the adherents of each one of them would often quarrel with others and maintain its superiority by trying to prove that it and it alone was the faithful follower of the Vedas and represented correctly their views. The laws which regulate the social, legal, domestic and religious customs and rites of the Hindus even to the present day are said to be but mere systematized memories of old Vedic teachings, and are held to be obligatory on their authority. Even under British administration, in the inheritance of property, adoption, and in such other legal transactions, Hindu Law is followed, and this claims to draw its authority from the Vedas. To enter into details is unnecessary. But suffice it to say that the Vedas, far from being regarded as a dead literature of the past, are still looked upon as the origin and source of almost all literatures except purely secular poetry and drama. Thus in short we may say that in spite of the many changes that time has wrought, the orthodox Hindu life may still be regarded in the main as an adumbration of the Vedic life, which had never ceased to shed its light all through the past. |
| "As swine. Horses are as highborn as men, you can tell when you look in their eyes. The only higher birth is the cow-mother. Cow-eyes are more human than ours." |
| "Still, we can't save the horses, even if they are our equals by birth. See how they swing their heads to and fro? And their necks are too thick for the vests. There's no way to garland one precisely, even if we descend closer to the waves." |
| "The men, then. Look there - there are five of them, holding onto each other. " |
| "It's the same way you and I hold each other for warmth at night." |
| "Those must be a group of deserving friends." |
| The balloon drifted high above the cluster of sailors, who broke apart when they saw the balloon. They waved their arms wildly and shouted. Come down! Lower, lower! We cant reach your ropes! |
| "What are they saying, Khudabaksh?" |
| "I don't know. I can barely understand our officers, how will I understand a shivering sailor?" |
| "They must be wounded. All I can make out is 'bloody, bloody.' |
| "You're right, they are saying 'bloody' a lot. They might well be wounded, Bhola! Come on, let's throw them the life vests." |
| So the two soldiers dropped their life-vests beside the five sailors. The sailors, realising what these were, fell silent. For a moment, all five stared at the life-vests rolling serenely on the waves. Then they lunged into action, clawing their way to the vests, kicking and snarling. |
| From above, the commotion looked like sharks in a feeding-frenzy. More than one pale hand snatched at the vest, other hands got hold of the straps. Two more sailors, treading water nearby, swam over with great windmill-spins of the arms, and they got in on the struggle as well. |
| When they found it hard to get a hold of a vest, they started punching whomever was closest, and forcing heads underwater. The five who had been friends moments before could not make out who struck them; and so everyone fell on everyone else, and the fight was all against all. |
| Bholanath and Khudabaksh, distraught at the violence they had caused, searched the basket for something else to throw. Kabira flung overboard no less than six pinecones, but as flotation devices they were far too small and merely jumped on the splashes. The soldiers settled on the oar and tossed that into the stir of white torsoes, torn shirts, upside-down shoes, and froth. Instead of using it as debris that might help him kick to safety, one sailor grabbed it and cracked it across the head of another. |
| This second piece served another sailor as a cudgel; when the cudgel splintered across a back, it served as a spike. Khudabaksh and Bholanath called down, begging the men to stop and throw the life-vests back up if they were causing discord. Soon, as if obeying them, the water went calm. Only there were no sailors left. A few scraps of cloth marked the spot, along with the straps of the two shredded life-vests. The drowned sailors sank as one to the floor of the Atlantic, their bodies tangled in an embrace that looked like brotherhood. |
| "As swine. Horses are as highborn as men, you can tell when you look in their eyes. The only higher birth is the cow-mother. Cow-eyes are more human than ours." |
| "Still, we can't save the horses, even if they are our equals by birth. See how they swing their heads to and fro? And their necks are too thick for the vests. There's no way to garland one precisely, even if we descend closer to the waves." |
| "The men, then. Look there - there are five of them, holding onto each other. " |
| "It's the same way you and I hold each other for warmth at night." |
| "Those must be a group of deserving friends." |
| The balloon drifted high above the cluster of sailors, who broke apart when they saw the balloon. They waved their arms wildly and shouted. Come down! Lower, lower! We cant reach your ropes! |
| "What are they saying, Khudabaksh?" |
| "I don't know. I can barely understand our officers, how will I understand a shivering sailor?" |
| "They must be wounded. All I can make out is 'bloody, bloody.' |
| "You're right, they are saying 'bloody' a lot. They might well be wounded, Bhola! Come on, let's throw them the life vests." |
| So the two soldiers dropped their life-vests beside the five sailors. The sailors, realising what these were, fell silent. For a moment, all five stared at the life-vests rolling serenely on the waves. Then they lunged into action, clawing their way to the vests, kicking and snarling. |
| From above, the commotion looked like sharks in a feeding-frenzy. More than one pale hand snatched at the vest, other hands got hold of the straps. Two more sailors, treading water nearby, swam over with great windmill-spins of the arms, and they got in on the struggle as well. |
| When they found it hard to get a hold of a vest, they started punching whomever was closest, and forcing heads underwater. The five who had been friends moments before could not make out who struck them; and so everyone fell on everyone else, and the fight was all against all. |
| Bholanath and Khudabaksh, distraught at the violence they had caused, searched the basket for something else to throw. Kabira flung overboard no less than six pinecones, but as flotation devices they were far too small and merely jumped on the splashes. The soldiers settled on the oar and tossed that into the stir of white torsoes, torn shirts, upside-down shoes, and froth. Instead of using it as debris that might help him kick to safety, one sailor grabbed it and cracked it across the head of another. |
| This second piece served another sailor as a cudgel; when the cudgel splintered across a back, it served as a spike. Khudabaksh and Bholanath called down, begging the men to stop and throw the life-vests back up if they were causing discord. Soon, as if obeying them, the water went calm. Only there were no sailors left. A few scraps of cloth marked the spot, along with the straps of the two shredded life-vests. The drowned sailors sank as one to the floor of the Atlantic, their bodies tangled in an embrace that looked like brotherhood. |
| "As swine. Horses are as highborn as men, you can tell when you look in their eyes. The only higher birth is the cow-mother. Cow-eyes are more human than ours." |
| "Still, we can't save the horses, even if they are our equals by birth. See how they swing their heads to and fro? And their necks are too thick for the vests. There's no way to garland one precisely, even if we descend closer to the waves." |
| "The men, then. Look there - there are five of them, holding onto each other. " |
| "It's the same way you and I hold each other for warmth at night." |
| "Those must be a group of deserving friends." |
| The balloon drifted high above the cluster of sailors, who broke apart when they saw the balloon. They waved their arms wildly and shouted. Come down! Lower, lower! We cant reach your ropes! |
| "What are they saying, Khudabaksh?" |
| "I don't know. I can barely understand our officers, how will I understand a shivering sailor?" |
| "They must be wounded. All I can make out is 'bloody, bloody.' |
| "You're right, they are saying 'bloody' a lot. They might well be wounded, Bhola! Come on, let's throw them the life vests." |
| So the two soldiers dropped their life-vests beside the five sailors. The sailors, realising what these were, fell silent. For a moment, all five stared at the life-vests rolling serenely on the waves. Then they lunged into action, clawing their way to the vests, kicking and snarling. |
| From above, the commotion looked like sharks in a feeding-frenzy. More than one pale hand snatched at the vest, other hands got hold of the straps. Two more sailors, treading water nearby, swam over with great windmill-spins of the arms, and they got in on the struggle as well. |
| When they found it hard to get a hold of a vest, they started punching whomever was closest, and forcing heads underwater. The five who had been friends moments before could not make out who struck them; and so everyone fell on everyone else, and the fight was all against all. |
| Bholanath and Khudabaksh, distraught at the violence they had caused, searched the basket for something else to throw. Kabira flung overboard no less than six pinecones, but as flotation devices they were far too small and merely jumped on the splashes. The soldiers settled on the oar and tossed that into the stir of white torsoes, torn shirts, upside-down shoes, and froth. Instead of using it as debris that might help him kick to safety, one sailor grabbed it and cracked it across the head of another. |
| This second piece served another sailor as a cudgel; when the cudgel splintered across a back, it served as a spike. Khudabaksh and Bholanath called down, begging the men to stop and throw the life-vests back up if they were causing discord. Soon, as if obeying them, the water went calm. Only there were no sailors left. A few scraps of cloth marked the spot, along with the straps of the two shredded life-vests. The drowned sailors sank as one to the floor of the Atlantic, their bodies tangled in an embrace that looked like brotherhood. |
| "As swine. Horses are as highborn as men, you can tell when you look in their eyes. The only higher birth is the cow-mother. Cow-eyes are more human than ours." |
| "Still, we can't save the horses, even if they are our equals by birth. See how they swing their heads to and fro? And their necks are too thick for the vests. There's no way to garland one precisely, even if we descend closer to the waves." |
| "The men, then. Look there - there are five of them, holding onto each other. " |
| "It's the same way you and I hold each other for warmth at night." |
| "Those must be a group of deserving friends." |
| The balloon drifted high above the cluster of sailors, who broke apart when they saw the balloon. They waved their arms wildly and shouted. Come down! Lower, lower! We cant reach your ropes! |
| "What are they saying, Khudabaksh?" |
| "I don't know. I can barely understand our officers, how will I understand a shivering sailor?" |
| "They must be wounded. All I can make out is 'bloody, bloody.' |
| "You're right, they are saying 'bloody' a lot. They might well be wounded, Bhola! Come on, let's throw them the life vests." |
| So the two soldiers dropped their life-vests beside the five sailors. The sailors, realising what these were, fell silent. For a moment, all five stared at the life-vests rolling serenely on the waves. Then they lunged into action, clawing their way to the vests, kicking and snarling. |
| From above, the commotion looked like sharks in a feeding-frenzy. More than one pale hand snatched at the vest, other hands got hold of the straps. Two more sailors, treading water nearby, swam over with great windmill-spins of the arms, and they got in on the struggle as well. |
| When they found it hard to get a hold of a vest, they started punching whomever was closest, and forcing heads underwater. The five who had been friends moments before could not make out who struck them; and so everyone fell on everyone else, and the fight was all against all. |
| Bholanath and Khudabaksh, distraught at the violence they had caused, searched the basket for something else to throw. Kabira flung overboard no less than six pinecones, but as flotation devices they were far too small and merely jumped on the splashes. The soldiers settled on the oar and tossed that into the stir of white torsoes, torn shirts, upside-down shoes, and froth. Instead of using it as debris that might help him kick to safety, one sailor grabbed it and cracked it across the head of another. |
| This second piece served another sailor as a cudgel; when the cudgel splintered across a back, it served as a spike. Khudabaksh and Bholanath called down, begging the men to stop and throw the life-vests back up if they were causing discord. Soon, as if obeying them, the water went calm. Only there were no sailors left. A few scraps of cloth marked the spot, along with the straps of the two shredded life-vests. The drowned sailors sank as one to the floor of the Atlantic, their bodies tangled in an embrace that looked like brotherhood. |
| "As swine. Horses are as highborn as men, you can tell when you look in their eyes. The only higher birth is the cow-mother. Cow-eyes are more human than ours." |
| "Still, we can't save the horses, even if they are our equals by birth. See how they swing their heads to and fro? And their necks are too thick for the vests. There's no way to garland one precisely, even if we descend closer to the waves." |
| "The men, then. Look there - there are five of them, holding onto each other. " |
| "It's the same way you and I hold each other for warmth at night." |
| "Those must be a group of deserving friends." |
| The balloon drifted high above the cluster of sailors, who broke apart when they saw the balloon. They waved their arms wildly and shouted. Come down! Lower, lower! We cant reach your ropes! |
| "What are they saying, Khudabaksh?" |
| "I don't know. I can barely understand our officers, how will I understand a shivering sailor?" |
| "They must be wounded. All I can make out is 'bloody, bloody.' |
| "You're right, they are saying 'bloody' a lot. They might well be wounded, Bhola! Come on, let's throw them the life vests." |
| So the two soldiers dropped their life-vests beside the five sailors. The sailors, realising what these were, fell silent. For a moment, all five stared at the life-vests rolling serenely on the waves. Then they lunged into action, clawing their way to the vests, kicking and snarling. |
| From above, the commotion looked like sharks in a feeding-frenzy. More than one pale hand snatched at the vest, other hands got hold of the straps. Two more sailors, treading water nearby, swam over with great windmill-spins of the arms, and they got in on the struggle as well. |
| When they found it hard to get a hold of a vest, they started punching whomever was closest, and forcing heads underwater. The five who had been friends moments before could not make out who struck them; and so everyone fell on everyone else, and the fight was all against all. |
| Bholanath and Khudabaksh, distraught at the violence they had caused, searched the basket for something else to throw. Kabira flung overboard no less than six pinecones, but as flotation devices they were far too small and merely jumped on the splashes. The soldiers settled on the oar and tossed that into the stir of white torsoes, torn shirts, upside-down shoes, and froth. Instead of using it as debris that might help him kick to safety, one sailor grabbed it and cracked it across the head of another. |
| This second piece served another sailor as a cudgel; when the cudgel splintered across a back, it served as a spike. Khudabaksh and Bholanath called down, begging the men to stop and throw the life-vests back up if they were causing discord. Soon, as if obeying them, the water went calm. Only there were no sailors left. A few scraps of cloth marked the spot, along with the straps of the two shredded life-vests. The drowned sailors sank as one to the floor of the Atlantic, their bodies tangled in an embrace that looked like brotherhood. |
| One of the most widely held beliefs is that the home is a "haven" for girls and women, that the risks and violence lurk in wait outside the home, that women can be safe as long as they leave home only "when needed". |
| "Let's say you buy a vehicle. When it is parked in the garage at home, accidents can be avoided, right? |
| When it is taken to a bazaar or to the road, accidents are likely to happen...similarly, in older times, when women were housewives, they were safe from all kinds of atrocities, except discrimination, today, they are studying, working, and doing business, they are exposed to the society. When they are exposed to the society, they are more prone to eve-teasing, harassment, atrocities, rape and kidnap. Is it not? If they do not leave home, it doesn't happen." |
| Shiva Prasad's analogy might be especially ridiculous and crude, however, every woman has probably heard milder, less obviously outrageous versions of the same idea. The facts, of course, belive these notions. A Delhi High Court bench, commenting on the large number of murders of women in their matrimonial homes, with the husband as the prime accused, said, "It appears that the married women in India are safer on the streets than in their matrimonial homes." |
| This is true, though you wouldn't know it for the disproportionate focus on stranger rapes in the media. Nor is this situation unique to India, with its "tradition" of dowry extortion and dowry killings. |
| In 2012, Jyoti Singh was gang-raped and killed on a Delhi bus, and stranger rape dominated conversations about gender violence in India and the world. The same year, a United Nations study showed that of all women who were the victims of homicide globally, almost half were killed by intimate partners or family members, compared to less than 6 per cent of men killed similarly. |
| A study in Ireland found that 87 per cent of women who were murdered in Ireland over the last twenty years were killed by a man they knew; and 63 per cent were killed in their own homes. The world over, then, streets are safer than their own homes for women, and homes are the places where women face the most dangerous violence, at the hands of those they know intimately. In India, however, confinement to the home itself is a form of violence that is not even acknowledged. |
| In his Hindi poem, "Band Khidkiyon se takra Kar" (Crashing against Closed Windows), Gorakh Pandey, a revolutionary poet, strips away the many layers of pompous chants about womens "greatness" to point out the obvious: the fact that women are imprisoned in the four walls of their homes - and the locked walls and windows make the home a suffocating prison, not a haven, for women. |
| One of the most widely held beliefs is that the home is a "haven" for girls and women, that the risks and violence lurk in wait outside the home, that women can be safe as long as they leave home only "when needed". |
| "Let's say you buy a vehicle. When it is parked in the garage at home, accidents can be avoided, right? |
| When it is taken to a bazaar or to the road, accidents are likely to happen...similarly, in older times, when women were housewives, they were safe from all kinds of atrocities, except discrimination, today, they are studying, working, and doing business, they are exposed to the society. When they are exposed to the society, they are more prone to eve-teasing, harassment, atrocities, rape and kidnap. Is it not? If they do not leave home, it doesn't happen." |
| Shiva Prasad's analogy might be especially ridiculous and crude, however, every woman has probably heard milder, less obviously outrageous versions of the same idea. The facts, of course, belive these notions. A Delhi High Court bench, commenting on the large number of murders of women in their matrimonial homes, with the husband as the prime accused, said, "It appears that the married women in India are safer on the streets than in their matrimonial homes." |
| This is true, though you wouldn't know it for the disproportionate focus on stranger rapes in the media. Nor is this situation unique to India, with its "tradition" of dowry extortion and dowry killings. |
| In 2012, Jyoti Singh was gang-raped and killed on a Delhi bus, and stranger rape dominated conversations about gender violence in India and the world. The same year, a United Nations study showed that of all women who were the victims of homicide globally, almost half were killed by intimate partners or family members, compared to less than 6 per cent of men killed similarly. |
| A study in Ireland found that 87 per cent of women who were murdered in Ireland over the last twenty years were killed by a man they knew; and 63 per cent were killed in their own homes. The world over, then, streets are safer than their own homes for women, and homes are the places where women face the most dangerous violence, at the hands of those they know intimately. In India, however, confinement to the home itself is a form of violence that is not even acknowledged. |
| In his Hindi poem, "Band Khidkiyon se takra Kar" (Crashing against Closed Windows), Gorakh Pandey, a revolutionary poet, strips away the many layers of pompous chants about womens "greatness" to point out the obvious: the fact that women are imprisoned in the four walls of their homes - and the locked walls and windows make the home a suffocating prison, not a haven, for women. |
| One of the most widely held beliefs is that the home is a "haven" for girls and women, that the risks and violence lurk in wait outside the home, that women can be safe as long as they leave home only "when needed". |
| "Let's say you buy a vehicle. When it is parked in the garage at home, accidents can be avoided, right? |
| When it is taken to a bazaar or to the road, accidents are likely to happen...similarly, in older times, when women were housewives, they were safe from all kinds of atrocities, except discrimination, today, they are studying, working, and doing business, they are exposed to the society. When they are exposed to the society, they are more prone to eve-teasing, harassment, atrocities, rape and kidnap. Is it not? If they do not leave home, it doesn't happen." |
| Shiva Prasad's analogy might be especially ridiculous and crude, however, every woman has probably heard milder, less obviously outrageous versions of the same idea. The facts, of course, belive these notions. A Delhi High Court bench, commenting on the large number of murders of women in their matrimonial homes, with the husband as the prime accused, said, "It appears that the married women in India are safer on the streets than in their matrimonial homes." |
| This is true, though you wouldn't know it for the disproportionate focus on stranger rapes in the media. Nor is this situation unique to India, with its "tradition" of dowry extortion and dowry killings. |
| In 2012, Jyoti Singh was gang-raped and killed on a Delhi bus, and stranger rape dominated conversations about gender violence in India and the world. The same year, a United Nations study showed that of all women who were the victims of homicide globally, almost half were killed by intimate partners or family members, compared to less than 6 per cent of men killed similarly. |
| A study in Ireland found that 87 per cent of women who were murdered in Ireland over the last twenty years were killed by a man they knew; and 63 per cent were killed in their own homes. The world over, then, streets are safer than their own homes for women, and homes are the places where women face the most dangerous violence, at the hands of those they know intimately. In India, however, confinement to the home itself is a form of violence that is not even acknowledged. |
| In his Hindi poem, "Band Khidkiyon se takra Kar" (Crashing against Closed Windows), Gorakh Pandey, a revolutionary poet, strips away the many layers of pompous chants about womens "greatness" to point out the obvious: the fact that women are imprisoned in the four walls of their homes - and the locked walls and windows make the home a suffocating prison, not a haven, for women. |
| One of the most widely held beliefs is that the home is a "haven" for girls and women, that the risks and violence lurk in wait outside the home, that women can be safe as long as they leave home only "when needed". |
| "Let's say you buy a vehicle. When it is parked in the garage at home, accidents can be avoided, right? |
| When it is taken to a bazaar or to the road, accidents are likely to happen...similarly, in older times, when women were housewives, they were safe from all kinds of atrocities, except discrimination, today, they are studying, working, and doing business, they are exposed to the society. When they are exposed to the society, they are more prone to eve-teasing, harassment, atrocities, rape and kidnap. Is it not? If they do not leave home, it doesn't happen." |
| Shiva Prasad's analogy might be especially ridiculous and crude, however, every woman has probably heard milder, less obviously outrageous versions of the same idea. The facts, of course, belive these notions. A Delhi High Court bench, commenting on the large number of murders of women in their matrimonial homes, with the husband as the prime accused, said, "It appears that the married women in India are safer on the streets than in their matrimonial homes." |
| This is true, though you wouldn't know it for the disproportionate focus on stranger rapes in the media. Nor is this situation unique to India, with its "tradition" of dowry extortion and dowry killings. |
| In 2012, Jyoti Singh was gang-raped and killed on a Delhi bus, and stranger rape dominated conversations about gender violence in India and the world. The same year, a United Nations study showed that of all women who were the victims of homicide globally, almost half were killed by intimate partners or family members, compared to less than 6 per cent of men killed similarly. |
| A study in Ireland found that 87 per cent of women who were murdered in Ireland over the last twenty years were killed by a man they knew; and 63 per cent were killed in their own homes. The world over, then, streets are safer than their own homes for women, and homes are the places where women face the most dangerous violence, at the hands of those they know intimately. In India, however, confinement to the home itself is a form of violence that is not even acknowledged. |
| In his Hindi poem, "Band Khidkiyon se takra Kar" (Crashing against Closed Windows), Gorakh Pandey, a revolutionary poet, strips away the many layers of pompous chants about womens "greatness" to point out the obvious: the fact that women are imprisoned in the four walls of their homes - and the locked walls and windows make the home a suffocating prison, not a haven, for women. |
| One of the most widely held beliefs is that the home is a "haven" for girls and women, that the risks and violence lurk in wait outside the home, that women can be safe as long as they leave home only "when needed". |
| "Let's say you buy a vehicle. When it is parked in the garage at home, accidents can be avoided, right? |
| When it is taken to a bazaar or to the road, accidents are likely to happen...similarly, in older times, when women were housewives, they were safe from all kinds of atrocities, except discrimination, today, they are studying, working, and doing business, they are exposed to the society. When they are exposed to the society, they are more prone to eve-teasing, harassment, atrocities, rape and kidnap. Is it not? If they do not leave home, it doesn't happen." |
| Shiva Prasad's analogy might be especially ridiculous and crude, however, every woman has probably heard milder, less obviously outrageous versions of the same idea. The facts, of course, belive these notions. A Delhi High Court bench, commenting on the large number of murders of women in their matrimonial homes, with the husband as the prime accused, said, "It appears that the married women in India are safer on the streets than in their matrimonial homes." |
| This is true, though you wouldn't know it for the disproportionate focus on stranger rapes in the media. Nor is this situation unique to India, with its "tradition" of dowry extortion and dowry killings. |
| In 2012, Jyoti Singh was gang-raped and killed on a Delhi bus, and stranger rape dominated conversations about gender violence in India and the world. The same year, a United Nations study showed that of all women who were the victims of homicide globally, almost half were killed by intimate partners or family members, compared to less than 6 per cent of men killed similarly. |
| A study in Ireland found that 87 per cent of women who were murdered in Ireland over the last twenty years were killed by a man they knew; and 63 per cent were killed in their own homes. The world over, then, streets are safer than their own homes for women, and homes are the places where women face the most dangerous violence, at the hands of those they know intimately. In India, however, confinement to the home itself is a form of violence that is not even acknowledged. |
| In his Hindi poem, "Band Khidkiyon se takra Kar" (Crashing against Closed Windows), Gorakh Pandey, a revolutionary poet, strips away the many layers of pompous chants about womens "greatness" to point out the obvious: the fact that women are imprisoned in the four walls of their homes - and the locked walls and windows make the home a suffocating prison, not a haven, for women. |
| It was around this time that the unravelling of the Escorts telecom story - which would end up severely wounding the main tractor business - started. |
| In his "Chairman's Message in the annual report of 2001-02, Rajan Nanda proudly declared that Escotel was all set to "become our strongest retail chain with the largest numbers of channel partners, customer base and third most popular brand recall". The company had an operating profit of 40 per cent of revenues. |
| But when the time for bidding for more circles came. Escorts decided to go it alone. A wholly owned subsidiary. Escorts Telecommunications Ltd (ETL), was incorporated in 2001. Though First Pacific believed in the enormous potential of the Indian market, it was facing financial stress back home. Bringing in a third partner would have helped. |
| Nikhil Nanda also believed Escorts should limit its own exposure and bring in other investors. He, however, was unable to convince his father that 40 per cent of, say, a Rs 10,000 crore business was much better than 51 per cent of a Rs 1,000 crore one. |
| ETL bagged four circles - Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and East Uttar Pradesh (UP-East). It had signed the licence agreement in October 2001 and had already done much of the preparatory work to roll out services in 2002-03. The licences, spectrum (the two were not bundled as had been the case when Escotel had got the first set of licences) and investment in infrastructure required an enormous amount of money. ETL had to resort to high levels of debt, which was guaranteed by Escorts. |
| The bank guarantees on the balance sheet of Escorts for the telecom business soon amounted to nearly Rs 1,200 crore. The tractors business, which was ailing at that time, needed a lot of infusion of (unds, but there was none to spare. Rajan Nanda was advised against this move by many people within and outside Escorts. But he was firm on going down this route and made light of these concerns: "I've got the licences, this will bring in partners, everything is taken care of." |
That did not happen and eventually ETL never started operations in the four circles. First Pacific decided to exit Escotel for good, which meant Escorts had to find money to buy its stake. The 9/11 terrorist attack in New York threw global business in turmoil and the global telecom sector was particularly stressed. Escorts was negotiating with global investment banks, but was not getting the kind of valuation it thought it deserved. Then a deal was struck with the International Finance Corporation for  60 million in eight- year debt and 20 million for 49 per cent equity but ultimately-this, too, did not go through. |
| Kohli quit Escotel in 2002 and joined Airtel. Things started to go downhill quite fast, with Escotel starting to post operational losses. Meanwhile, Escorts was facing a severe financial crunch, with banks refusing to lend money for working capital for the tractors business. "Sell telecom, get rid of the guarantees on your balance sheet and we will lend for tractors", was a constant refrain Nikhil Nanda had to hear. There was no getting away from the fact that the telecom business - Escortss first big foray into the services sector - would have to be sold |
| It was around this time that the unravelling of the Escorts telecom story - which would end up severely wounding the main tractor business - started. |
| In his "Chairman's Message in the annual report of 2001-02, Rajan Nanda proudly declared that Escotel was all set to "become our strongest retail chain with the largest numbers of channel partners, customer base and third most popular brand recall". The company had an operating profit of 40 per cent of revenues. |
| But when the time for bidding for more circles came. Escorts decided to go it alone. A wholly owned subsidiary. Escorts Telecommunications Ltd (ETL), was incorporated in 2001. Though First Pacific believed in the enormous potential of the Indian market, it was facing financial stress back home. Bringing in a third partner would have helped. |
| Nikhil Nanda also believed Escorts should limit its own exposure and bring in other investors. He, however, was unable to convince his father that 40 per cent of, say, a Rs 10,000 crore business was much better than 51 per cent of a Rs 1,000 crore one. |
| ETL bagged four circles - Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and East Uttar Pradesh (UP-East). It had signed the licence agreement in October 2001 and had already done much of the preparatory work to roll out services in 2002-03. The licences, spectrum (the two were not bundled as had been the case when Escotel had got the first set of licences) and investment in infrastructure required an enormous amount of money. ETL had to resort to high levels of debt, which was guaranteed by Escorts. |
| The bank guarantees on the balance sheet of Escorts for the telecom business soon amounted to nearly Rs 1,200 crore. The tractors business, which was ailing at that time, needed a lot of infusion of (unds, but there was none to spare. Rajan Nanda was advised against this move by many people within and outside Escorts. But he was firm on going down this route and made light of these concerns: "I've got the licences, this will bring in partners, everything is taken care of." |
| That did not happen and eventually ETL never started operations in the four circles. First Pacific decided to exit Escotel for good, which meant Escorts had to find money to buy its stake. The 9/11 terrorist attack in New York threw global business in turmoil and the global telecom sector was particularly stressed. Escorts was negotiating with global investment banks, but was not getting the kind of valuation it thought it deserved. Then a deal was struck with the International Finance Corporation for 60 million in eight- year debt and 20 million for 49 per cent equity but ultimately-this, too, did not go through. |
| Kohli quit Escotel in 2002 and joined Airtel. Things started to go downhill quite fast, with Escotel starting to post operational losses. Meanwhile, Escorts was facing a severe financial crunch, with banks refusing to lend money for working capital for the tractors business. "Sell telecom, get rid of the guarantees on your balance sheet and we will lend for tractors", was a constant refrain Nikhil Nanda had to hear. There was no getting away from the fact that the telecom business - Escortss first big foray into the services sector - would have to be sold |
| It was around this time that the unravelling of the Escorts telecom story - which would end up severely wounding the main tractor business - started. |
| In his "Chairman's Message in the annual report of 2001-02, Rajan Nanda proudly declared that Escotel was all set to "become our strongest retail chain with the largest numbers of channel partners, customer base and third most popular brand recall". The company had an operating profit of 40 per cent of revenues. |
| But when the time for bidding for more circles came. Escorts decided to go it alone. A wholly owned subsidiary. Escorts Telecommunications Ltd (ETL), was incorporated in 2001. Though First Pacific believed in the enormous potential of the Indian market, it was facing financial stress back home. Bringing in a third partner would have helped. |
| Nikhil Nanda also believed Escorts should limit its own exposure and bring in other investors. He, however, was unable to convince his father that 40 per cent of, say, a Rs 10,000 crore business was much better than 51 per cent of a Rs 1,000 crore one. |
| ETL bagged four circles - Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and East Uttar Pradesh (UP-East). It had signed the licence agreement in October 2001 and had already done much of the preparatory work to roll out services in 2002-03. The licences, spectrum (the two were not bundled as had been the case when Escotel had got the first set of licences) and investment in infrastructure required an enormous amount of money. ETL had to resort to high levels of debt, which was guaranteed by Escorts. |
| The bank guarantees on the balance sheet of Escorts for the telecom business soon amounted to nearly Rs 1,200 crore. The tractors business, which was ailing at that time, needed a lot of infusion of (unds, but there was none to spare. Rajan Nanda was advised against this move by many people within and outside Escorts. But he was firm on going down this route and made light of these concerns: "I've got the licences, this will bring in partners, everything is taken care of." |
| That did not happen and eventually ETL never started operations in the four circles. First Pacific decided to exit Escotel for good, which meant Escorts had to find money to buy its stake. The 9/11 terrorist attack in New York threw global business in turmoil and the global telecom sector was particularly stressed. Escorts was negotiating with global investment banks, but was not getting the kind of valuation it thought it deserved. Then a deal was struck with the International Finance Corporation for 60 million in eight- year debt and 20 million for 49 per cent equity but ultimately-this, too, did not go through. |
| Kohli quit Escotel in 2002 and joined Airtel. Things started to go downhill quite fast, with Escotel starting to post operational losses. Meanwhile, Escorts was facing a severe financial crunch, with banks refusing to lend money for working capital for the tractors business. "Sell telecom, get rid of the guarantees on your balance sheet and we will lend for tractors", was a constant refrain Nikhil Nanda had to hear. There was no getting away from the fact that the telecom business - Escortss first big foray into the services sector - would have to be sold |
| It was around this time that the unravelling of the Escorts telecom story - which would end up severely wounding the main tractor business - started. |
| In his "Chairman's Message in the annual report of 2001-02, Rajan Nanda proudly declared that Escotel was all set to "become our strongest retail chain with the largest numbers of channel partners, customer base and third most popular brand recall". The company had an operating profit of 40 per cent of revenues. |
| But when the time for bidding for more circles came. Escorts decided to go it alone. A wholly owned subsidiary. Escorts Telecommunications Ltd (ETL), was incorporated in 2001. Though First Pacific believed in the enormous potential of the Indian market, it was facing financial stress back home. Bringing in a third partner would have helped. |
| Nikhil Nanda also believed Escorts should limit its own exposure and bring in other investors. He, however, was unable to convince his father that 40 per cent of, say, a Rs 10,000 crore business was much better than 51 per cent of a Rs 1,000 crore one. |
| ETL bagged four circles - Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and East Uttar Pradesh (UP-East). It had signed the licence agreement in October 2001 and had already done much of the preparatory work to roll out services in 2002-03. The licences, spectrum (the two were not bundled as had been the case when Escotel had got the first set of licences) and investment in infrastructure required an enormous amount of money. ETL had to resort to high levels of debt, which was guaranteed by Escorts. |
| The bank guarantees on the balance sheet of Escorts for the telecom business soon amounted to nearly Rs 1,200 crore. The tractors business, which was ailing at that time, needed a lot of infusion of (unds, but there was none to spare. Rajan Nanda was advised against this move by many people within and outside Escorts. But he was firm on going down this route and made light of these concerns: "I've got the licences, this will bring in partners, everything is taken care of." |
| That did not happen and eventually ETL never started operations in the four circles. First Pacific decided to exit Escotel for good, which meant Escorts had to find money to buy its stake. The 9/11 terrorist attack in New York threw global business in turmoil and the global telecom sector was particularly stressed. Escorts was negotiating with global investment banks, but was not getting the kind of valuation it thought it deserved. Then a deal was struck with the International Finance Corporation for 60 million in eight- year debt and 20 million for 49 per cent equity but ultimately-this, too, did not go through. |
| Kohli quit Escotel in 2002 and joined Airtel. Things started to go downhill quite fast, with Escotel starting to post operational losses. Meanwhile, Escorts was facing a severe financial crunch, with banks refusing to lend money for working capital for the tractors business. "Sell telecom, get rid of the guarantees on your balance sheet and we will lend for tractors", was a constant refrain Nikhil Nanda had to hear. There was no getting away from the fact that the telecom business - Escortss first big foray into the services sector - would have to be sold |
| It was around this time that the unravelling of the Escorts telecom story - which would end up severely wounding the main tractor business - started. |
| In his "Chairman's Message in the annual report of 2001-02, Rajan Nanda proudly declared that Escotel was all set to "become our strongest retail chain with the largest numbers of channel partners, customer base and third most popular brand recall". The company had an operating profit of 40 per cent of revenues. |
| But when the time for bidding for more circles came. Escorts decided to go it alone. A wholly owned subsidiary. Escorts Telecommunications Ltd (ETL), was incorporated in 2001. Though First Pacific believed in the enormous potential of the Indian market, it was facing financial stress back home. Bringing in a third partner would have helped. |
| Nikhil Nanda also believed Escorts should limit its own exposure and bring in other investors. He, however, was unable to convince his father that 40 per cent of, say, a Rs 10,000 crore business was much better than 51 per cent of a Rs 1,000 crore one. |
| ETL bagged four circles - Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and East Uttar Pradesh (UP-East). It had signed the licence agreement in October 2001 and had already done much of the preparatory work to roll out services in 2002-03. The licences, spectrum (the two were not bundled as had been the case when Escotel had got the first set of licences) and investment in infrastructure required an enormous amount of money. ETL had to resort to high levels of debt, which was guaranteed by Escorts. |
| The bank guarantees on the balance sheet of Escorts for the telecom business soon amounted to nearly Rs 1,200 crore. The tractors business, which was ailing at that time, needed a lot of infusion of (unds, but there was none to spare. Rajan Nanda was advised against this move by many people within and outside Escorts. But he was firm on going down this route and made light of these concerns: "I've got the licences, this will bring in partners, everything is taken care of." |
| That did not happen and eventually ETL never started operations in the four circles. First Pacific decided to exit Escotel for good, which meant Escorts had to find money to buy its stake. The 9/11 terrorist attack in New York threw global business in turmoil and the global telecom sector was particularly stressed. Escorts was negotiating with global investment banks, but was not getting the kind of valuation it thought it deserved. Then a deal was struck with the International Finance Corporation for 60 million in eight- year debt and 20 million for 49 per cent equity but ultimately-this, too, did not go through. |
| Kohli quit Escotel in 2002 and joined Airtel. Things started to go downhill quite fast, with Escotel starting to post operational losses. Meanwhile, Escorts was facing a severe financial crunch, with banks refusing to lend money for working capital for the tractors business. "Sell telecom, get rid of the guarantees on your balance sheet and we will lend for tractors", was a constant refrain Nikhil Nanda had to hear. There was no getting away from the fact that the telecom business - Escortss first big foray into the services sector - would have to be sold |
| Since India's independence, the Sikkim royals had been uncomfortable about the role the Indian government played in their state. Now the war of 1965 and the arrival of Hope Cooke, the new queen of Sikkim, had thrown the relationship between India and Sikkim into a flux, and China was waiting to exploit the weaknesses. |
| In 1964, Palden Thondup, the Chogyal, had married Hope Cooke in a glamorous royal wedding in the Himalayas. The western world was enamoured by the fairy-tale romance between Hope, a young all-American girl from Brooklyn, and the royal from Sikkim. Their wedding had all the ingredients of a Hollywood romance. Hope was compared to Grace Kelly, the film actress who had married the king of Monaco. |
| The wedding was a high-profile event that drew ambassadors from nine nations, including the newly appointed US ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith. The list of dignitaries was long and included Indian leaders, bureaucrats and key socialites of Sikkim. Indira Gandhi was one of the attendees. Hope Cooke had put the obscure, tiny Buddhist kingdom on the world map. But Hope would also cause the unsettling of India-Sikkim relations, perhaps instigated in no small measure by China. |
| In 1962, when China and India were at war. Hope, whom Palden Thondup was then courting, had written a cheque to the Indian Prime Minister's Defence Fund. |
| The war of 1962 was an outcome of differences between India and China over the boundary they shared, which excluded the border involving Sikkim. At that time, the war completely bypassed Sikkim since China was also consciously cultivating support amongst the Sikkim royals. |
| India did not take kindly to Chinas interactions with the royals. An increasingly aggressive and expansionist China, which had taken over Tibet, was suspected to have its sight on Sikkim and there were concerns that a military thrust could follow a brief diplomatic parry. When Tashi Namgyal, Palden's reclusive father, passed away in December 1963, an official note of condolence arrived for Palden Thondup from Peking. Similarly, when Palden was crowned as the king in 1965, Zhou Enlai was among the first leaders to congratulate him. On both occasions, India did not take to the gestures kindly. |
| In 1965, the stand-off between the Chinese and Indians at the Sikkim-Tibet border had ironically resulted in increasing tensions between India and Sikkim. As India's protectorate, Sikkim's defence was in Delhi's hands. But Delhi's statement saying that it would not allow China to violate "India's border" had bothered the Chogyal. On the advice of Nari Rustomji, the Indian political officer and his dewan, the king issued a statement reiterating Sikkim's independent identity in the dispute between India and China. |
| Since India's independence, the Sikkim royals had been uncomfortable about the role the Indian government played in their state. Now the war of 1965 and the arrival of Hope Cooke, the new queen of Sikkim, had thrown the relationship between India and Sikkim into a flux, and China was waiting to exploit the weaknesses. |
| In 1964, Palden Thondup, the Chogyal, had married Hope Cooke in a glamorous royal wedding in the Himalayas. The western world was enamoured by the fairy-tale romance between Hope, a young all-American girl from Brooklyn, and the royal from Sikkim. Their wedding had all the ingredients of a Hollywood romance. Hope was compared to Grace Kelly, the film actress who had married the king of Monaco. |
| The wedding was a high-profile event that drew ambassadors from nine nations, including the newly appointed US ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith. The list of dignitaries was long and included Indian leaders, bureaucrats and key socialites of Sikkim. Indira Gandhi was one of the attendees. Hope Cooke had put the obscure, tiny Buddhist kingdom on the world map. But Hope would also cause the unsettling of India-Sikkim relations, perhaps instigated in no small measure by China. |
| In 1962, when China and India were at war. Hope, whom Palden Thondup was then courting, had written a cheque to the Indian Prime Minister's Defence Fund. |
| The war of 1962 was an outcome of differences between India and China over the boundary they shared, which excluded the border involving Sikkim. At that time, the war completely bypassed Sikkim since China was also consciously cultivating support amongst the Sikkim royals. |
| India did not take kindly to Chinas interactions with the royals. An increasingly aggressive and expansionist China, which had taken over Tibet, was suspected to have its sight on Sikkim and there were concerns that a military thrust could follow a brief diplomatic parry. When Tashi Namgyal, Palden's reclusive father, passed away in December 1963, an official note of condolence arrived for Palden Thondup from Peking. Similarly, when Palden was crowned as the king in 1965, Zhou Enlai was among the first leaders to congratulate him. On both occasions, India did not take to the gestures kindly. |
| In 1965, the stand-off between the Chinese and Indians at the Sikkim-Tibet border had ironically resulted in increasing tensions between India and Sikkim. As India's protectorate, Sikkim's defence was in Delhi's hands. But Delhi's statement saying that it would not allow China to violate "India's border" had bothered the Chogyal. On the advice of Nari Rustomji, the Indian political officer and his dewan, the king issued a statement reiterating Sikkim's independent identity in the dispute between India and China. |
| Since India's independence, the Sikkim royals had been uncomfortable about the role the Indian government played in their state. Now the war of 1965 and the arrival of Hope Cooke, the new queen of Sikkim, had thrown the relationship between India and Sikkim into a flux, and China was waiting to exploit the weaknesses. |
| In 1964, Palden Thondup, the Chogyal, had married Hope Cooke in a glamorous royal wedding in the Himalayas. The western world was enamoured by the fairy-tale romance between Hope, a young all-American girl from Brooklyn, and the royal from Sikkim. Their wedding had all the ingredients of a Hollywood romance. Hope was compared to Grace Kelly, the film actress who had married the king of Monaco. |
| The wedding was a high-profile event that drew ambassadors from nine nations, including the newly appointed US ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith. The list of dignitaries was long and included Indian leaders, bureaucrats and key socialites of Sikkim. Indira Gandhi was one of the attendees. Hope Cooke had put the obscure, tiny Buddhist kingdom on the world map. But Hope would also cause the unsettling of India-Sikkim relations, perhaps instigated in no small measure by China. |
| In 1962, when China and India were at war. Hope, whom Palden Thondup was then courting, had written a cheque to the Indian Prime Minister's Defence Fund. |
| The war of 1962 was an outcome of differences between India and China over the boundary they shared, which excluded the border involving Sikkim. At that time, the war completely bypassed Sikkim since China was also consciously cultivating support amongst the Sikkim royals. |
| India did not take kindly to Chinas interactions with the royals. An increasingly aggressive and expansionist China, which had taken over Tibet, was suspected to have its sight on Sikkim and there were concerns that a military thrust could follow a brief diplomatic parry. When Tashi Namgyal, Palden's reclusive father, passed away in December 1963, an official note of condolence arrived for Palden Thondup from Peking. Similarly, when Palden was crowned as the king in 1965, Zhou Enlai was among the first leaders to congratulate him. On both occasions, India did not take to the gestures kindly. |
| In 1965, the stand-off between the Chinese and Indians at the Sikkim-Tibet border had ironically resulted in increasing tensions between India and Sikkim. As India's protectorate, Sikkim's defence was in Delhi's hands. But Delhi's statement saying that it would not allow China to violate "India's border" had bothered the Chogyal. On the advice of Nari Rustomji, the Indian political officer and his dewan, the king issued a statement reiterating Sikkim's independent identity in the dispute between India and China. |
| Since India's independence, the Sikkim royals had been uncomfortable about the role the Indian government played in their state. Now the war of 1965 and the arrival of Hope Cooke, the new queen of Sikkim, had thrown the relationship between India and Sikkim into a flux, and China was waiting to exploit the weaknesses. |
| In 1964, Palden Thondup, the Chogyal, had married Hope Cooke in a glamorous royal wedding in the Himalayas. The western world was enamoured by the fairy-tale romance between Hope, a young all-American girl from Brooklyn, and the royal from Sikkim. Their wedding had all the ingredients of a Hollywood romance. Hope was compared to Grace Kelly, the film actress who had married the king of Monaco. |
| The wedding was a high-profile event that drew ambassadors from nine nations, including the newly appointed US ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith. The list of dignitaries was long and included Indian leaders, bureaucrats and key socialites of Sikkim. Indira Gandhi was one of the attendees. Hope Cooke had put the obscure, tiny Buddhist kingdom on the world map. But Hope would also cause the unsettling of India-Sikkim relations, perhaps instigated in no small measure by China. |
| In 1962, when China and India were at war. Hope, whom Palden Thondup was then courting, had written a cheque to the Indian Prime Minister's Defence Fund. |
| The war of 1962 was an outcome of differences between India and China over the boundary they shared, which excluded the border involving Sikkim. At that time, the war completely bypassed Sikkim since China was also consciously cultivating support amongst the Sikkim royals. |
| India did not take kindly to Chinas interactions with the royals. An increasingly aggressive and expansionist China, which had taken over Tibet, was suspected to have its sight on Sikkim and there were concerns that a military thrust could follow a brief diplomatic parry. When Tashi Namgyal, Palden's reclusive father, passed away in December 1963, an official note of condolence arrived for Palden Thondup from Peking. Similarly, when Palden was crowned as the king in 1965, Zhou Enlai was among the first leaders to congratulate him. On both occasions, India did not take to the gestures kindly. |
| In 1965, the stand-off between the Chinese and Indians at the Sikkim-Tibet border had ironically resulted in increasing tensions between India and Sikkim. As India's protectorate, Sikkim's defence was in Delhi's hands. But Delhi's statement saying that it would not allow China to violate "India's border" had bothered the Chogyal. On the advice of Nari Rustomji, the Indian political officer and his dewan, the king issued a statement reiterating Sikkim's independent identity in the dispute between India and China. |
| Since India's independence, the Sikkim royals had been uncomfortable about the role the Indian government played in their state. Now the war of 1965 and the arrival of Hope Cooke, the new queen of Sikkim, had thrown the relationship between India and Sikkim into a flux, and China was waiting to exploit the weaknesses. |
| In 1964, Palden Thondup, the Chogyal, had married Hope Cooke in a glamorous royal wedding in the Himalayas. The western world was enamoured by the fairy-tale romance between Hope, a young all-American girl from Brooklyn, and the royal from Sikkim. Their wedding had all the ingredients of a Hollywood romance. Hope was compared to Grace Kelly, the film actress who had married the king of Monaco. |
| The wedding was a high-profile event that drew ambassadors from nine nations, including the newly appointed US ambassador to India, John Kenneth Galbraith. The list of dignitaries was long and included Indian leaders, bureaucrats and key socialites of Sikkim. Indira Gandhi was one of the attendees. Hope Cooke had put the obscure, tiny Buddhist kingdom on the world map. But Hope would also cause the unsettling of India-Sikkim relations, perhaps instigated in no small measure by China. |
| In 1962, when China and India were at war. Hope, whom Palden Thondup was then courting, had written a cheque to the Indian Prime Minister's Defence Fund. |
| The war of 1962 was an outcome of differences between India and China over the boundary they shared, which excluded the border involving Sikkim. At that time, the war completely bypassed Sikkim since China was also consciously cultivating support amongst the Sikkim royals. |
| India did not take kindly to Chinas interactions with the royals. An increasingly aggressive and expansionist China, which had taken over Tibet, was suspected to have its sight on Sikkim and there were concerns that a military thrust could follow a brief diplomatic parry. When Tashi Namgyal, Palden's reclusive father, passed away in December 1963, an official note of condolence arrived for Palden Thondup from Peking. Similarly, when Palden was crowned as the king in 1965, Zhou Enlai was among the first leaders to congratulate him. On both occasions, India did not take to the gestures kindly. |
| In 1965, the stand-off between the Chinese and Indians at the Sikkim-Tibet border had ironically resulted in increasing tensions between India and Sikkim. As India's protectorate, Sikkim's defence was in Delhi's hands. But Delhi's statement saying that it would not allow China to violate "India's border" had bothered the Chogyal. On the advice of Nari Rustomji, the Indian political officer and his dewan, the king issued a statement reiterating Sikkim's independent identity in the dispute between India and China. |
| President Donald Trump's high-voltage visit to India has further cemented the close ties between the world's oldest and largest democracies. The two sides have agreed to elevate relations to a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership. The addition of the word "comprehensive" acquires new salience in a time of flux, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. The two sides have agreed to work together on defence, technology, terrorism and homeland security, energy, trade, checking narco-terrorism and organised crime, connectivity and people-to-people ties. |
| This is the eighth time that the two leaders have met since Trump came to power in 2017, of which the last eight months alone account for five meetings. President Trump flew 8,000 miles, or 12,875 km one way, on his first official trip to India. As the visit unfolded, the first images of the ecstatic crowds, both along the route and in the Motera stadium, filled TV screens. The festooning around the city and the gala turnout suggested that vast numbers of people were welcoming the Trump entourage in the best traditions of atithi devo bhava. |
| Trump came down hard on terrorism, both in Motera and in his press remarks. He spoke of the two countries being firmly united in their ironclad resolve to defend their citizens from the threat of "radical Islamic terrorism". It balanced his description of US-Pakistan relations as "very good" and the distinction he drew between the deep state in Pakistan and the "terrorist organisations and militants operating on the Pakistani border". He probably meant both Pakistans western and eastern flanks, but the truth is that the Pakistani army plays a direct role in the infiltration of terrorists into Kashmir, even if it has less sway on groups operating along the Afghan border. |
| Trump's public address in Motera was replete with resounding endorsements of Modi and the achievements of his government, interspersed with laudatory remarks about India as a great nation. That he did not utter a single word in Motera about recent political developments in India reflects Trump's political maturity and the importance attached to a deeper engagement with India. |
| Trump was mindful of India's sensitivities. A reference to Kashmir came up only in response to a question during his press briefing, and, in saying that he was willing to help, he was only reiterating his earlier position. The motivated din in certain sections of the international media about the Citizenship Amendment Act notwithstanding. Trump said in response to a question at the press briefing in Delhi that he did not discuss it since it was an internal matter of India. He would have been conscious of the US ban, enacted in 2017 and recently expanded on January 31 to include more countries, restricting travel, immigration and entry of refugees from a number of mostly Muslim-majority countries. The expanded list now also includes Myanmar, which has a Buddhist majority, ostensibly with an eye to restricting the entry of the Rohingya. Though the CAA was enacted by Parliament for entirely different reasons, both are sovereign decisions. When asked about violence in Delhi and religious freedom, he once again termed these as matters best left to India. |
| President Donald Trump's high-voltage visit to India has further cemented the close ties between the world's oldest and largest democracies. The two sides have agreed to elevate relations to a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership. The addition of the word "comprehensive" acquires new salience in a time of flux, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. The two sides have agreed to work together on defence, technology, terrorism and homeland security, energy, trade, checking narco-terrorism and organised crime, connectivity and people-to-people ties. |
| This is the eighth time that the two leaders have met since Trump came to power in 2017, of which the last eight months alone account for five meetings. President Trump flew 8,000 miles, or 12,875 km one way, on his first official trip to India. As the visit unfolded, the first images of the ecstatic crowds, both along the route and in the Motera stadium, filled TV screens. The festooning around the city and the gala turnout suggested that vast numbers of people were welcoming the Trump entourage in the best traditions of atithi devo bhava. |
| Trump came down hard on terrorism, both in Motera and in his press remarks. He spoke of the two countries being firmly united in their ironclad resolve to defend their citizens from the threat of "radical Islamic terrorism". It balanced his description of US-Pakistan relations as "very good" and the distinction he drew between the deep state in Pakistan and the "terrorist organisations and militants operating on the Pakistani border". He probably meant both Pakistans western and eastern flanks, but the truth is that the Pakistani army plays a direct role in the infiltration of terrorists into Kashmir, even if it has less sway on groups operating along the Afghan border. |
| Trump's public address in Motera was replete with resounding endorsements of Modi and the achievements of his government, interspersed with laudatory remarks about India as a great nation. That he did not utter a single word in Motera about recent political developments in India reflects Trump's political maturity and the importance attached to a deeper engagement with India. |
| Trump was mindful of India's sensitivities. A reference to Kashmir came up only in response to a question during his press briefing, and, in saying that he was willing to help, he was only reiterating his earlier position. The motivated din in certain sections of the international media about the Citizenship Amendment Act notwithstanding. Trump said in response to a question at the press briefing in Delhi that he did not discuss it since it was an internal matter of India. He would have been conscious of the US ban, enacted in 2017 and recently expanded on January 31 to include more countries, restricting travel, immigration and entry of refugees from a number of mostly Muslim-majority countries. The expanded list now also includes Myanmar, which has a Buddhist majority, ostensibly with an eye to restricting the entry of the Rohingya. Though the CAA was enacted by Parliament for entirely different reasons, both are sovereign decisions. When asked about violence in Delhi and religious freedom, he once again termed these as matters best left to India. |
| President Donald Trump's high-voltage visit to India has further cemented the close ties between the world's oldest and largest democracies. The two sides have agreed to elevate relations to a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership. The addition of the word "comprehensive" acquires new salience in a time of flux, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. The two sides have agreed to work together on defence, technology, terrorism and homeland security, energy, trade, checking narco-terrorism and organised crime, connectivity and people-to-people ties. |
| This is the eighth time that the two leaders have met since Trump came to power in 2017, of which the last eight months alone account for five meetings. President Trump flew 8,000 miles, or 12,875 km one way, on his first official trip to India. As the visit unfolded, the first images of the ecstatic crowds, both along the route and in the Motera stadium, filled TV screens. The festooning around the city and the gala turnout suggested that vast numbers of people were welcoming the Trump entourage in the best traditions of atithi devo bhava. |
| Trump came down hard on terrorism, both in Motera and in his press remarks. He spoke of the two countries being firmly united in their ironclad resolve to defend their citizens from the threat of "radical Islamic terrorism". It balanced his description of US-Pakistan relations as "very good" and the distinction he drew between the deep state in Pakistan and the "terrorist organisations and militants operating on the Pakistani border". He probably meant both Pakistans western and eastern flanks, but the truth is that the Pakistani army plays a direct role in the infiltration of terrorists into Kashmir, even if it has less sway on groups operating along the Afghan border. |
| Trump's public address in Motera was replete with resounding endorsements of Modi and the achievements of his government, interspersed with laudatory remarks about India as a great nation. That he did not utter a single word in Motera about recent political developments in India reflects Trump's political maturity and the importance attached to a deeper engagement with India. |
| Trump was mindful of India's sensitivities. A reference to Kashmir came up only in response to a question during his press briefing, and, in saying that he was willing to help, he was only reiterating his earlier position. The motivated din in certain sections of the international media about the Citizenship Amendment Act notwithstanding. Trump said in response to a question at the press briefing in Delhi that he did not discuss it since it was an internal matter of India. He would have been conscious of the US ban, enacted in 2017 and recently expanded on January 31 to include more countries, restricting travel, immigration and entry of refugees from a number of mostly Muslim-majority countries. The expanded list now also includes Myanmar, which has a Buddhist majority, ostensibly with an eye to restricting the entry of the Rohingya. Though the CAA was enacted by Parliament for entirely different reasons, both are sovereign decisions. When asked about violence in Delhi and religious freedom, he once again termed these as matters best left to India. |
| President Donald Trump's high-voltage visit to India has further cemented the close ties between the world's oldest and largest democracies. The two sides have agreed to elevate relations to a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership. The addition of the word "comprehensive" acquires new salience in a time of flux, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. The two sides have agreed to work together on defence, technology, terrorism and homeland security, energy, trade, checking narco-terrorism and organised crime, connectivity and people-to-people ties. |
| This is the eighth time that the two leaders have met since Trump came to power in 2017, of which the last eight months alone account for five meetings. President Trump flew 8,000 miles, or 12,875 km one way, on his first official trip to India. As the visit unfolded, the first images of the ecstatic crowds, both along the route and in the Motera stadium, filled TV screens. The festooning around the city and the gala turnout suggested that vast numbers of people were welcoming the Trump entourage in the best traditions of atithi devo bhava. |
| Trump came down hard on terrorism, both in Motera and in his press remarks. He spoke of the two countries being firmly united in their ironclad resolve to defend their citizens from the threat of "radical Islamic terrorism". It balanced his description of US-Pakistan relations as "very good" and the distinction he drew between the deep state in Pakistan and the "terrorist organisations and militants operating on the Pakistani border". He probably meant both Pakistans western and eastern flanks, but the truth is that the Pakistani army plays a direct role in the infiltration of terrorists into Kashmir, even if it has less sway on groups operating along the Afghan border. |
| Trump's public address in Motera was replete with resounding endorsements of Modi and the achievements of his government, interspersed with laudatory remarks about India as a great nation. That he did not utter a single word in Motera about recent political developments in India reflects Trump's political maturity and the importance attached to a deeper engagement with India. |
| Trump was mindful of India's sensitivities. A reference to Kashmir came up only in response to a question during his press briefing, and, in saying that he was willing to help, he was only reiterating his earlier position. The motivated din in certain sections of the international media about the Citizenship Amendment Act notwithstanding. Trump said in response to a question at the press briefing in Delhi that he did not discuss it since it was an internal matter of India. He would have been conscious of the US ban, enacted in 2017 and recently expanded on January 31 to include more countries, restricting travel, immigration and entry of refugees from a number of mostly Muslim-majority countries. The expanded list now also includes Myanmar, which has a Buddhist majority, ostensibly with an eye to restricting the entry of the Rohingya. Though the CAA was enacted by Parliament for entirely different reasons, both are sovereign decisions. When asked about violence in Delhi and religious freedom, he once again termed these as matters best left to India. |
| President Donald Trump's high-voltage visit to India has further cemented the close ties between the world's oldest and largest democracies. The two sides have agreed to elevate relations to a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership. The addition of the word "comprehensive" acquires new salience in a time of flux, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. The two sides have agreed to work together on defence, technology, terrorism and homeland security, energy, trade, checking narco-terrorism and organised crime, connectivity and people-to-people ties. |
| This is the eighth time that the two leaders have met since Trump came to power in 2017, of which the last eight months alone account for five meetings. President Trump flew 8,000 miles, or 12,875 km one way, on his first official trip to India. As the visit unfolded, the first images of the ecstatic crowds, both along the route and in the Motera stadium, filled TV screens. The festooning around the city and the gala turnout suggested that vast numbers of people were welcoming the Trump entourage in the best traditions of atithi devo bhava. |
| Trump came down hard on terrorism, both in Motera and in his press remarks. He spoke of the two countries being firmly united in their ironclad resolve to defend their citizens from the threat of "radical Islamic terrorism". It balanced his description of US-Pakistan relations as "very good" and the distinction he drew between the deep state in Pakistan and the "terrorist organisations and militants operating on the Pakistani border". He probably meant both Pakistans western and eastern flanks, but the truth is that the Pakistani army plays a direct role in the infiltration of terrorists into Kashmir, even if it has less sway on groups operating along the Afghan border. |
| Trump's public address in Motera was replete with resounding endorsements of Modi and the achievements of his government, interspersed with laudatory remarks about India as a great nation. That he did not utter a single word in Motera about recent political developments in India reflects Trump's political maturity and the importance attached to a deeper engagement with India. |
| Trump was mindful of India's sensitivities. A reference to Kashmir came up only in response to a question during his press briefing, and, in saying that he was willing to help, he was only reiterating his earlier position. The motivated din in certain sections of the international media about the Citizenship Amendment Act notwithstanding. Trump said in response to a question at the press briefing in Delhi that he did not discuss it since it was an internal matter of India. He would have been conscious of the US ban, enacted in 2017 and recently expanded on January 31 to include more countries, restricting travel, immigration and entry of refugees from a number of mostly Muslim-majority countries. The expanded list now also includes Myanmar, which has a Buddhist majority, ostensibly with an eye to restricting the entry of the Rohingya. Though the CAA was enacted by Parliament for entirely different reasons, both are sovereign decisions. When asked about violence in Delhi and religious freedom, he once again termed these as matters best left to India. |
| Amulya Patnaiks dismal tenure as Delhi police commissioner could be over by this month end. But the problems he leaves behind for the capital city's police force-will endure despite the leadership change. The magnitude of the incompetence of the police force will come into greater sight as the accounting of the destruction of property in these riots is done. |
| The inability to mass larger numbers of forces to drive the fear of law into rioters was a major failing. So was the partisan conduct of the police force. This raises questions of the IPS leadership of the police force and their inability to instill discipline in the lower rungs. |
| To prevent a repeat of such rioting police must act without fear or favour and arrest all who partook in rioting. Instances like inaction when vigilantes entered JNU and assaulted students and faculty have shown the police in poor light and sent the message to rioters that they enjoy impunity so long as they are on the right side of the ruling establishment. |
| The police force will also have to be drilled harder to prepare them for riot scenarios and strategies for mob dispersement. The massive intelligence failure will also have to be rectified. SN Srivastava who is tipped to take over from Patnaik must be willing to act without fearing interference from his political masters. The Union Home ministry must adopt a hands-off approach and allow the police reforms that Supreme Court mooted in 2006 to take effect. |
| Leading by example on police reforms will help MHA send the right signals to other states. Right now, Delhi Police has been reduced to an apology of a police force. This is no situation any responsible political leader or public servant wants to find himself or herself caught in. |
| Amulya Patnaik's dismal tenure as Delhi police commissioner could be over by this month end. But the problems he leaves behind for the capital citys police force-will endure despite the leadership change. The magnitude of the incompetence of the police force will come into greater sight as the accounting of the destruction of property in these riots is done. |
| The inability to mass larger numbers of forces to drive the fear of law into rioters was a major failing. So was the partisan conduct of the police force. This raises questions of the IPS leadership of the police force and their inability to instill discipline in the lower rungs. |
| To prevent a repeat of such rioting police must act without fear or favour and arrest all who partook in rioting. Instances like inaction when vigilantes entered JNU and assaulted students and faculty have shown the police in poor light and sent the message to rioters that they enjoy impunity so long as they are on the right side of the ruling establishment. |
| The police force will also have to be drilled harder to prepare them for riot scenarios and strategies for mob dispersement. The massive intelligence failure will also have to be rectified. SN Srivastava who is tipped to take over from Patnaik must be willing to act without fearing interference from his political masters. The Union Home ministry must adopt a hands-off approach and allow the police reforms that Supreme Court mooted in 2006 to take effect. |
| Leading by example on police reforms will help MHA send the right signals to other states. Right now, Delhi Police has been reduced to an apology of a police force. This is no situation any responsible political leader or public servant wants to find himself or herself caught in. |
| Amulya Patnaik's dismal tenure as Delhi police commissioner could be over by this month end. But the problems he leaves behind for the capital citys police force-will endure despite the leadership change. The magnitude of the incompetence of the police force will come into greater sight as the accounting of the destruction of property in these riots is done. |
| The inability to mass larger numbers of forces to drive the fear of law into rioters was a major failing. So was the partisan conduct of the police force. This raises questions of the IPS leadership of the police force and their inability to instill discipline in the lower rungs. |
| To prevent a repeat of such rioting police must act without fear or favour and arrest all who partook in rioting. Instances like inaction when vigilantes entered JNU and assaulted students and faculty have shown the police in poor light and sent the message to rioters that they enjoy impunity so long as they are on the right side of the ruling establishment. |
| The police force will also have to be drilled harder to prepare them for riot scenarios and strategies for mob dispersement. The massive intelligence failure will also have to be rectified. SN Srivastava who is tipped to take over from Patnaik must be willing to act without fearing interference from his political masters. The Union Home ministry must adopt a hands-off approach and allow the police reforms that Supreme Court mooted in 2006 to take effect. |
| Leading by example on police reforms will help MHA send the right signals to other states. Right now, Delhi Police has been reduced to an apology of a police force. This is no situation any responsible political leader or public servant wants to find himself or herself caught in. |
| Amulya Patnaik's dismal tenure as Delhi police commissioner could be over by this month end. But the problems he leaves behind for the capital citys police force-will endure despite the leadership change. The magnitude of the incompetence of the police force will come into greater sight as the accounting of the destruction of property in these riots is done. |
| The inability to mass larger numbers of forces to drive the fear of law into rioters was a major failing. So was the partisan conduct of the police force. This raises questions of the IPS leadership of the police force and their inability to instill discipline in the lower rungs. |
| To prevent a repeat of such rioting police must act without fear or favour and arrest all who partook in rioting. Instances like inaction when vigilantes entered JNU and assaulted students and faculty have shown the police in poor light and sent the message to rioters that they enjoy impunity so long as they are on the right side of the ruling establishment. |
| The police force will also have to be drilled harder to prepare them for riot scenarios and strategies for mob dispersement. The massive intelligence failure will also have to be rectified. SN Srivastava who is tipped to take over from Patnaik must be willing to act without fearing interference from his political masters. The Union Home ministry must adopt a hands-off approach and allow the police reforms that Supreme Court mooted in 2006 to take effect. |
| Leading by example on police reforms will help MHA send the right signals to other states. Right now, Delhi Police has been reduced to an apology of a police force. This is no situation any responsible political leader or public servant wants to find himself or herself caught in. |
| Amulya Patnaik's dismal tenure as Delhi police commissioner could be over by this month end. But the problems he leaves behind for the capital citys police force-will endure despite the leadership change. The magnitude of the incompetence of the police force will come into greater sight as the accounting of the destruction of property in these riots is done. |
| The inability to mass larger numbers of forces to drive the fear of law into rioters was a major failing. So was the partisan conduct of the police force. This raises questions of the IPS leadership of the police force and their inability to instill discipline in the lower rungs. |
| To prevent a repeat of such rioting police must act without fear or favour and arrest all who partook in rioting. Instances like inaction when vigilantes entered JNU and assaulted students and faculty have shown the police in poor light and sent the message to rioters that they enjoy impunity so long as they are on the right side of the ruling establishment. |
| The police force will also have to be drilled harder to prepare them for riot scenarios and strategies for mob dispersement. The massive intelligence failure will also have to be rectified. SN Srivastava who is tipped to take over from Patnaik must be willing to act without fearing interference from his political masters. The Union Home ministry must adopt a hands-off approach and allow the police reforms that Supreme Court mooted in 2006 to take effect. |
| Leading by example on police reforms will help MHA send the right signals to other states. Right now, Delhi Police has been reduced to an apology of a police force. This is no situation any responsible political leader or public servant wants to find himself or herself caught in. |
| As early as the 19th century. Raja Rammohan Roy protested against the curtailing of the press and argued that a state must be responsive to individuals and make available to them the means by which they may safely communicate their views. This claim is of equal relevance today. |
| The commitment to civil liberty flows directly from the manner in which the state treats dissent. A state committed to the rule of law ensures that the state apparatus is not employed to curb legitimate and peaceful protest but to create spaces conducive for deliberation. Within the bounds of law, liberal democracies ensure that their citizens enjoy the right to express their views in every conceivable manner, including the right to protest and express dissent against prevailing laws. |
| The blanket labelling of such dissent as anti-national or 'anti-democratic' strikes at the heart of our commitment to the protection of constitutional values and the promotion of a deliberative democracy. Protecting dissent is but a reminder that while democratically elected governments offer us a legitimate tool for development and social coordination, they can never claim a monopoly over the values and identities that define our plural society. The employment of state machinery to curb dissent, instils fear and creates a chilling atmosphere on free speech which violates the rule of law and detracts from the constitutional vision of a pluralist society. |
| The destruction of spaces for questions and dissent destroys the basis of all growth - political, economic, cultural and social. In this sense, dissent is the safety valve of democracy. The silencing of dissent and the generation of fear in the minds of people go beyond the violation of personal liberty and a commitment to constitutional values - it strikes at the heart of a dialogue-based democratic society which accords to every individual equal respect and consideration. |
| A commitment to pluralism requires positive action in the form of social arrangements where the goal is "to incorporate difference, coexist with it, allow it a share of social space". There is thus a positive obligation on the state to ensure the deployment of its machinery to protect the freedom of expression within the bounds of law, and dismantle any attempt by individuals or other actors to instil fear or chill free speech. This includes not just protecting free speech, but actively welcoming and encouraging it. The great threat to pluralism is the suppression of difference and the silencing of popular and unpopular voices offering alternate or opposing views. Suppression of intellect is the suppression of the conscience of the nation. |
| This brings me to the second threat to pluralism - the belief that homogenisation presupposes the unity of the nation. A united India is not one characterised by a single identity devoid of its rich plurality, both of cultures and of values. National unity denotes a shared culture of values and a commitment to the fundamental ideals of the Constitution in which all individuals are guaranteed not just the fundamental rights but also conditions for their free and safe exercise. |
| Pluralism depicts not merely a commitment to the preservation of diversity, but a commitment to the fundamental postulates of individual and equal dignity. In this sense, pluralism furthers the basic postulates of the Constitution and nourishes and provides content to the goal of national unity. In the creation of the imagined political community' that is India, it must be remembered that the very concept of a nation state changed from hierarchical communities to networks consisting of free and equal individuals. |
| The Preamble sets forth the founding vision of securing to all its citizens justice, liberty and equality. |
| However, the founders recognised that a commitment to pluralism went beyond its guarantee in the Constitution and in its institutions - it lay in how it was worked. For this reason, the framers postulated that "fraternity" presupposed the recognition of its ideals - a sense of brotherhood and sisterhood that went beyond the guarantee of equality and liberty. Dr Ambedkar put it eloquently when he said that "without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them." |
| As early as the 19th century. Raja Rammohan Roy protested against the curtailing of the press and argued that a state must be responsive to individuals and make available to them the means by which they may safely communicate their views. This claim is of equal relevance today. |
| The commitment to civil liberty flows directly from the manner in which the state treats dissent. A state committed to the rule of law ensures that the state apparatus is not employed to curb legitimate and peaceful protest but to create spaces conducive for deliberation. Within the bounds of law, liberal democracies ensure that their citizens enjoy the right to express their views in every conceivable manner, including the right to protest and express dissent against prevailing laws. |
| The blanket labelling of such dissent as anti-national or 'anti-democratic' strikes at the heart of our commitment to the protection of constitutional values and the promotion of a deliberative democracy. Protecting dissent is but a reminder that while democratically elected governments offer us a legitimate tool for development and social coordination, they can never claim a monopoly over the values and identities that define our plural society. The employment of state machinery to curb dissent, instils fear and creates a chilling atmosphere on free speech which violates the rule of law and detracts from the constitutional vision of a pluralist society. |
| The destruction of spaces for questions and dissent destroys the basis of all growth - political, economic, cultural and social. In this sense, dissent is the safety valve of democracy. The silencing of dissent and the generation of fear in the minds of people go beyond the violation of personal liberty and a commitment to constitutional values - it strikes at the heart of a dialogue-based democratic society which accords to every individual equal respect and consideration. |
| A commitment to pluralism requires positive action in the form of social arrangements where the goal is "to incorporate difference, coexist with it, allow it a share of social space". There is thus a positive obligation on the state to ensure the deployment of its machinery to protect the freedom of expression within the bounds of law, and dismantle any attempt by individuals or other actors to instil fear or chill free speech. This includes not just protecting free speech, but actively welcoming and encouraging it. The great threat to pluralism is the suppression of difference and the silencing of popular and unpopular voices offering alternate or opposing views. Suppression of intellect is the suppression of the conscience of the nation. |
| This brings me to the second threat to pluralism - the belief that homogenisation presupposes the unity of the nation. A united India is not one characterised by a single identity devoid of its rich plurality, both of cultures and of values. National unity denotes a shared culture of values and a commitment to the fundamental ideals of the Constitution in which all individuals are guaranteed not just the fundamental rights but also conditions for their free and safe exercise. |
| Pluralism depicts not merely a commitment to the preservation of diversity, but a commitment to the fundamental postulates of individual and equal dignity. In this sense, pluralism furthers the basic postulates of the Constitution and nourishes and provides content to the goal of national unity. In the creation of the imagined political community' that is India, it must be remembered that the very concept of a nation state changed from hierarchical communities to networks consisting of free and equal individuals. |
| The Preamble sets forth the founding vision of securing to all its citizens justice, liberty and equality. |
| However, the founders recognised that a commitment to pluralism went beyond its guarantee in the Constitution and in its institutions - it lay in how it was worked. For this reason, the framers postulated that "fraternity" presupposed the recognition of its ideals - a sense of brotherhood and sisterhood that went beyond the guarantee of equality and liberty. Dr Ambedkar put it eloquently when he said that "without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them." |
| As early as the 19th century. Raja Rammohan Roy protested against the curtailing of the press and argued that a state must be responsive to individuals and make available to them the means by which they may safely communicate their views. This claim is of equal relevance today. |
| The commitment to civil liberty flows directly from the manner in which the state treats dissent. A state committed to the rule of law ensures that the state apparatus is not employed to curb legitimate and peaceful protest but to create spaces conducive for deliberation. Within the bounds of law, liberal democracies ensure that their citizens enjoy the right to express their views in every conceivable manner, including the right to protest and express dissent against prevailing laws. |
| The blanket labelling of such dissent as anti-national or 'anti-democratic' strikes at the heart of our commitment to the protection of constitutional values and the promotion of a deliberative democracy. Protecting dissent is but a reminder that while democratically elected governments offer us a legitimate tool for development and social coordination, they can never claim a monopoly over the values and identities that define our plural society. The employment of state machinery to curb dissent, instils fear and creates a chilling atmosphere on free speech which violates the rule of law and detracts from the constitutional vision of a pluralist society. |
| The destruction of spaces for questions and dissent destroys the basis of all growth - political, economic, cultural and social. In this sense, dissent is the safety valve of democracy. The silencing of dissent and the generation of fear in the minds of people go beyond the violation of personal liberty and a commitment to constitutional values - it strikes at the heart of a dialogue-based democratic society which accords to every individual equal respect and consideration. |
| A commitment to pluralism requires positive action in the form of social arrangements where the goal is "to incorporate difference, coexist with it, allow it a share of social space". There is thus a positive obligation on the state to ensure the deployment of its machinery to protect the freedom of expression within the bounds of law, and dismantle any attempt by individuals or other actors to instil fear or chill free speech. This includes not just protecting free speech, but actively welcoming and encouraging it. The great threat to pluralism is the suppression of difference and the silencing of popular and unpopular voices offering alternate or opposing views. Suppression of intellect is the suppression of the conscience of the nation. |
| This brings me to the second threat to pluralism - the belief that homogenisation presupposes the unity of the nation. A united India is not one characterised by a single identity devoid of its rich plurality, both of cultures and of values. National unity denotes a shared culture of values and a commitment to the fundamental ideals of the Constitution in which all individuals are guaranteed not just the fundamental rights but also conditions for their free and safe exercise. |
| Pluralism depicts not merely a commitment to the preservation of diversity, but a commitment to the fundamental postulates of individual and equal dignity. In this sense, pluralism furthers the basic postulates of the Constitution and nourishes and provides content to the goal of national unity. In the creation of the imagined political community' that is India, it must be remembered that the very concept of a nation state changed from hierarchical communities to networks consisting of free and equal individuals. |
| The Preamble sets forth the founding vision of securing to all its citizens justice, liberty and equality. |
| However, the founders recognised that a commitment to pluralism went beyond its guarantee in the Constitution and in its institutions - it lay in how it was worked. For this reason, the framers postulated that "fraternity" presupposed the recognition of its ideals - a sense of brotherhood and sisterhood that went beyond the guarantee of equality and liberty. Dr Ambedkar put it eloquently when he said that "without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them." |
| As early as the 19th century. Raja Rammohan Roy protested against the curtailing of the press and argued that a state must be responsive to individuals and make available to them the means by which they may safely communicate their views. This claim is of equal relevance today. |
| The commitment to civil liberty flows directly from the manner in which the state treats dissent. A state committed to the rule of law ensures that the state apparatus is not employed to curb legitimate and peaceful protest but to create spaces conducive for deliberation. Within the bounds of law, liberal democracies ensure that their citizens enjoy the right to express their views in every conceivable manner, including the right to protest and express dissent against prevailing laws. |
| The blanket labelling of such dissent as anti-national or 'anti-democratic' strikes at the heart of our commitment to the protection of constitutional values and the promotion of a deliberative democracy. Protecting dissent is but a reminder that while democratically elected governments offer us a legitimate tool for development and social coordination, they can never claim a monopoly over the values and identities that define our plural society. The employment of state machinery to curb dissent, instils fear and creates a chilling atmosphere on free speech which violates the rule of law and detracts from the constitutional vision of a pluralist society. |
| The destruction of spaces for questions and dissent destroys the basis of all growth - political, economic, cultural and social. In this sense, dissent is the safety valve of democracy. The silencing of dissent and the generation of fear in the minds of people go beyond the violation of personal liberty and a commitment to constitutional values - it strikes at the heart of a dialogue-based democratic society which accords to every individual equal respect and consideration. |
| A commitment to pluralism requires positive action in the form of social arrangements where the goal is "to incorporate difference, coexist with it, allow it a share of social space". There is thus a positive obligation on the state to ensure the deployment of its machinery to protect the freedom of expression within the bounds of law, and dismantle any attempt by individuals or other actors to instil fear or chill free speech. This includes not just protecting free speech, but actively welcoming and encouraging it. The great threat to pluralism is the suppression of difference and the silencing of popular and unpopular voices offering alternate or opposing views. Suppression of intellect is the suppression of the conscience of the nation. |
| This brings me to the second threat to pluralism - the belief that homogenisation presupposes the unity of the nation. A united India is not one characterised by a single identity devoid of its rich plurality, both of cultures and of values. National unity denotes a shared culture of values and a commitment to the fundamental ideals of the Constitution in which all individuals are guaranteed not just the fundamental rights but also conditions for their free and safe exercise. |
| Pluralism depicts not merely a commitment to the preservation of diversity, but a commitment to the fundamental postulates of individual and equal dignity. In this sense, pluralism furthers the basic postulates of the Constitution and nourishes and provides content to the goal of national unity. In the creation of the imagined political community' that is India, it must be remembered that the very concept of a nation state changed from hierarchical communities to networks consisting of free and equal individuals. |
| The Preamble sets forth the founding vision of securing to all its citizens justice, liberty and equality. |
| However, the founders recognised that a commitment to pluralism went beyond its guarantee in the Constitution and in its institutions - it lay in how it was worked. For this reason, the framers postulated that "fraternity" presupposed the recognition of its ideals - a sense of brotherhood and sisterhood that went beyond the guarantee of equality and liberty. Dr Ambedkar put it eloquently when he said that "without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them." |
| As early as the 19th century. Raja Rammohan Roy protested against the curtailing of the press and argued that a state must be responsive to individuals and make available to them the means by which they may safely communicate their views. This claim is of equal relevance today. |
| The commitment to civil liberty flows directly from the manner in which the state treats dissent. A state committed to the rule of law ensures that the state apparatus is not employed to curb legitimate and peaceful protest but to create spaces conducive for deliberation. Within the bounds of law, liberal democracies ensure that their citizens enjoy the right to express their views in every conceivable manner, including the right to protest and express dissent against prevailing laws. |
| The blanket labelling of such dissent as anti-national or 'anti-democratic' strikes at the heart of our commitment to the protection of constitutional values and the promotion of a deliberative democracy. Protecting dissent is but a reminder that while democratically elected governments offer us a legitimate tool for development and social coordination, they can never claim a monopoly over the values and identities that define our plural society. The employment of state machinery to curb dissent, instils fear and creates a chilling atmosphere on free speech which violates the rule of law and detracts from the constitutional vision of a pluralist society. |
| The destruction of spaces for questions and dissent destroys the basis of all growth - political, economic, cultural and social. In this sense, dissent is the safety valve of democracy. The silencing of dissent and the generation of fear in the minds of people go beyond the violation of personal liberty and a commitment to constitutional values - it strikes at the heart of a dialogue-based democratic society which accords to every individual equal respect and consideration. |
| A commitment to pluralism requires positive action in the form of social arrangements where the goal is "to incorporate difference, coexist with it, allow it a share of social space". There is thus a positive obligation on the state to ensure the deployment of its machinery to protect the freedom of expression within the bounds of law, and dismantle any attempt by individuals or other actors to instil fear or chill free speech. This includes not just protecting free speech, but actively welcoming and encouraging it. The great threat to pluralism is the suppression of difference and the silencing of popular and unpopular voices offering alternate or opposing views. Suppression of intellect is the suppression of the conscience of the nation. |
| This brings me to the second threat to pluralism - the belief that homogenisation presupposes the unity of the nation. A united India is not one characterised by a single identity devoid of its rich plurality, both of cultures and of values. National unity denotes a shared culture of values and a commitment to the fundamental ideals of the Constitution in which all individuals are guaranteed not just the fundamental rights but also conditions for their free and safe exercise. |
| Pluralism depicts not merely a commitment to the preservation of diversity, but a commitment to the fundamental postulates of individual and equal dignity. In this sense, pluralism furthers the basic postulates of the Constitution and nourishes and provides content to the goal of national unity. In the creation of the imagined political community' that is India, it must be remembered that the very concept of a nation state changed from hierarchical communities to networks consisting of free and equal individuals. |
| The Preamble sets forth the founding vision of securing to all its citizens justice, liberty and equality. |
| However, the founders recognised that a commitment to pluralism went beyond its guarantee in the Constitution and in its institutions - it lay in how it was worked. For this reason, the framers postulated that "fraternity" presupposed the recognition of its ideals - a sense of brotherhood and sisterhood that went beyond the guarantee of equality and liberty. Dr Ambedkar put it eloquently when he said that "without fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them." |
| A positive spin-off of the Increasing digitalisation of human activity is an explosion in digital payments. |
| An RBI appointed committee on the subject chaired by Nandan Nilekani concluded last year that in a space of five years, per capita annual digital transactions rose from 2.4 to 22. In keeping with finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman's proposal in her first budget last year, the process of eliminating Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) began this year. MDR is a catchall term which encompasses the range of fees collected by different entities which make a digital transaction possible. This step needs to be seen in the context of the constraints existing in Indias digital payments ecosystem. |
| There is a strong supply of products and options to complete transactions without the use of cash. The challenges come from a degree of reluctance on the part of merchants to bear MDR and network issues. An administrative fiat to eliminate MDR is an ill-conceived idea. Many firms which form a link in the chain of digital transactions depend on it to run their operations. In the absence of revenue, they will wither away. Some firms in this chain will, in the absence of transaction fees, look to trade on the customer data they collect. In the absence of a monetary incentive, commercial operations are implausible. The government, if it wants to eliminate MDR, should use its resources to offset the costs incurred by the firms engaged in the backend of digital transactions. |
| Another option for the government is to look at ways to complement the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), which created a game changing backend digital payments infrastructure. UPI was created by National Payments Corporation of India, an initiative of RBI. Another step government needs to take is to reduce costs related to KYC norms, which was recommended by the Nilekani committee. The best way to promote non-cash methods is to create a light-touch regulatory framework which will allow disruptors an opportunity to both lower costs and introduce innovations. This will work better than administrative flats which trigger unintended consequences in most cases. |
| A positive spin-off of the Increasing digitalisation of human activity is an explosion in digital payments. |
| An RBI appointed committee on the subject chaired by Nandan Nilekani concluded last year that in a space of five years, per capita annual digital transactions rose from 2.4 to 22. In keeping with finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman's proposal in her first budget last year, the process of eliminating Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) began this year. MDR is a catchall term which encompasses the range of fees collected by different entities which make a digital transaction possible. This step needs to be seen in the context of the constraints existing in Indias digital payments ecosystem. |
| There is a strong supply of products and options to complete transactions without the use of cash. The challenges come from a degree of reluctance on the part of merchants to bear MDR and network issues. An administrative fiat to eliminate MDR is an ill-conceived idea. Many firms which form a link in the chain of digital transactions depend on it to run their operations. In the absence of revenue, they will wither away. Some firms in this chain will, in the absence of transaction fees, look to trade on the customer data they collect. In the absence of a monetary incentive, commercial operations are implausible. The government, if it wants to eliminate MDR, should use its resources to offset the costs incurred by the firms engaged in the backend of digital transactions. |
| Another option for the government is to look at ways to complement the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), which created a game changing backend digital payments infrastructure. UPI was created by National Payments Corporation of India, an initiative of RBI. Another step government needs to take is to reduce costs related to KYC norms, which was recommended by the Nilekani committee. The best way to promote non-cash methods is to create a light-touch regulatory framework which will allow disruptors an opportunity to both lower costs and introduce innovations. This will work better than administrative flats which trigger unintended consequences in most cases. |
| A positive spin-off of the Increasing digitalisation of human activity is an explosion in digital payments. |
| An RBI appointed committee on the subject chaired by Nandan Nilekani concluded last year that in a space of five years, per capita annual digital transactions rose from 2.4 to 22. In keeping with finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman's proposal in her first budget last year, the process of eliminating Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) began this year. MDR is a catchall term which encompasses the range of fees collected by different entities which make a digital transaction possible. This step needs to be seen in the context of the constraints existing in Indias digital payments ecosystem. |
| There is a strong supply of products and options to complete transactions without the use of cash. The challenges come from a degree of reluctance on the part of merchants to bear MDR and network issues. An administrative fiat to eliminate MDR is an ill-conceived idea. Many firms which form a link in the chain of digital transactions depend on it to run their operations. In the absence of revenue, they will wither away. Some firms in this chain will, in the absence of transaction fees, look to trade on the customer data they collect. In the absence of a monetary incentive, commercial operations are implausible. The government, if it wants to eliminate MDR, should use its resources to offset the costs incurred by the firms engaged in the backend of digital transactions. |
| Another option for the government is to look at ways to complement the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), which created a game changing backend digital payments infrastructure. UPI was created by National Payments Corporation of India, an initiative of RBI. Another step government needs to take is to reduce costs related to KYC norms, which was recommended by the Nilekani committee. The best way to promote non-cash methods is to create a light-touch regulatory framework which will allow disruptors an opportunity to both lower costs and introduce innovations. This will work better than administrative flats which trigger unintended consequences in most cases. |
| A positive spin-off of the Increasing digitalisation of human activity is an explosion in digital payments. |
| An RBI appointed committee on the subject chaired by Nandan Nilekani concluded last year that in a space of five years, per capita annual digital transactions rose from 2.4 to 22. In keeping with finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman's proposal in her first budget last year, the process of eliminating Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) began this year. MDR is a catchall term which encompasses the range of fees collected by different entities which make a digital transaction possible. This step needs to be seen in the context of the constraints existing in Indias digital payments ecosystem. |
| There is a strong supply of products and options to complete transactions without the use of cash. The challenges come from a degree of reluctance on the part of merchants to bear MDR and network issues. An administrative fiat to eliminate MDR is an ill-conceived idea. Many firms which form a link in the chain of digital transactions depend on it to run their operations. In the absence of revenue, they will wither away. Some firms in this chain will, in the absence of transaction fees, look to trade on the customer data they collect. In the absence of a monetary incentive, commercial operations are implausible. The government, if it wants to eliminate MDR, should use its resources to offset the costs incurred by the firms engaged in the backend of digital transactions. |
| Another option for the government is to look at ways to complement the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), which created a game changing backend digital payments infrastructure. UPI was created by National Payments Corporation of India, an initiative of RBI. Another step government needs to take is to reduce costs related to KYC norms, which was recommended by the Nilekani committee. The best way to promote non-cash methods is to create a light-touch regulatory framework which will allow disruptors an opportunity to both lower costs and introduce innovations. This will work better than administrative flats which trigger unintended consequences in most cases. |
| A positive spin-off of the Increasing digitalisation of human activity is an explosion in digital payments. |
| An RBI appointed committee on the subject chaired by Nandan Nilekani concluded last year that in a space of five years, per capita annual digital transactions rose from 2.4 to 22. In keeping with finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman's proposal in her first budget last year, the process of eliminating Merchant Discount Rate (MDR) began this year. MDR is a catchall term which encompasses the range of fees collected by different entities which make a digital transaction possible. This step needs to be seen in the context of the constraints existing in Indias digital payments ecosystem. |
| There is a strong supply of products and options to complete transactions without the use of cash. The challenges come from a degree of reluctance on the part of merchants to bear MDR and network issues. An administrative fiat to eliminate MDR is an ill-conceived idea. Many firms which form a link in the chain of digital transactions depend on it to run their operations. In the absence of revenue, they will wither away. Some firms in this chain will, in the absence of transaction fees, look to trade on the customer data they collect. In the absence of a monetary incentive, commercial operations are implausible. The government, if it wants to eliminate MDR, should use its resources to offset the costs incurred by the firms engaged in the backend of digital transactions. |
| Another option for the government is to look at ways to complement the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), which created a game changing backend digital payments infrastructure. UPI was created by National Payments Corporation of India, an initiative of RBI. Another step government needs to take is to reduce costs related to KYC norms, which was recommended by the Nilekani committee. The best way to promote non-cash methods is to create a light-touch regulatory framework which will allow disruptors an opportunity to both lower costs and introduce innovations. This will work better than administrative flats which trigger unintended consequences in most cases. |
| India continues to report upper caste violence against Dalits with dismaying regularity. Last week in Rajasthan's Nagaur district, a group of men allegedly stripped Dalit youth Bisha Ram after accusing him of stealing money, violated him with a screwdriver and recorded the act on mobile phones. The video was then shared and went viral, following which an FIR was lodged and the culprits apprehended. Bisha's younger cousin was also assaulted and six of the seven accused are reportedly Rajputs, giving the case a strong caste angle. Bisha has said that the aim of his attackers may have been to set an example and spread fear among Dalits. This has a ring of truth. |
| There is an increasing trend of videography in such incidents despite stringent laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, with the perpetrators seeming to act without fear of being brought to book. It is only when such video evidence begins to be rigorously processed to prosecute and punish caste crimes with speed that notions of impunity will begin to weaken. In the Nagaur case the police acted only after the video went viral. Bisha says he wouldn't have reported the incident because the Rajput men had threatened him with dire consequences of doing so. In general Dalits who suffer caste violence often have reason to fear the police rather than seek help from it. |
| A bigger question is about what continues to drive caste violence. One possible answer could be the deteriorating economic situation. As jobs and resources become scarce, competition intensifies. This in turn reinforces social evils such as the caste system where certain communities feel more entitled to limited resources and are unable to accept the rise of oppressed communities. Barbaric tools of humiliation are about broad deterrence to ideas of upward mobility. Access to smartphones and social media helps communicate this discouragement from near to far. |
| Add to this structural issues such as inadequate policing resources and poor prosecution of cases. Data for three years starting 2014 shows the conviction rate under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act is just 16.3%. This helps perpetrators believe that they will get away with violating Dalits' right to equality. All the mainstream parties that condemn caste oppression must do more to actually deepen this political consciousness in society and civil administration. Equally the resources pie needs expanding, even to beef up policing and prosecution. In other words, economic growth is imperative for tackling social evils. |
| India continues to report upper caste violence against Dalits with dismaying regularity. Last week in Rajasthan's Nagaur district, a group of men allegedly stripped Dalit youth Bisha Ram after accusing him of stealing money, violated him with a screwdriver and recorded the act on mobile phones. The video was then shared and went viral, following which an FIR was lodged and the culprits apprehended. Bisha's younger cousin was also assaulted and six of the seven accused are reportedly Rajputs, giving the case a strong caste angle. Bisha has said that the aim of his attackers may have been to set an example and spread fear among Dalits. This has a ring of truth. |
| There is an increasing trend of videography in such incidents despite stringent laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, with the perpetrators seeming to act without fear of being brought to book. It is only when such video evidence begins to be rigorously processed to prosecute and punish caste crimes with speed that notions of impunity will begin to weaken. In the Nagaur case the police acted only after the video went viral. Bisha says he wouldn't have reported the incident because the Rajput men had threatened him with dire consequences of doing so. In general Dalits who suffer caste violence often have reason to fear the police rather than seek help from it. |
| A bigger question is about what continues to drive caste violence. One possible answer could be the deteriorating economic situation. As jobs and resources become scarce, competition intensifies. This in turn reinforces social evils such as the caste system where certain communities feel more entitled to limited resources and are unable to accept the rise of oppressed communities. Barbaric tools of humiliation are about broad deterrence to ideas of upward mobility. Access to smartphones and social media helps communicate this discouragement from near to far. |
| Add to this structural issues such as inadequate policing resources and poor prosecution of cases. Data for three years starting 2014 shows the conviction rate under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act is just 16.3%. This helps perpetrators believe that they will get away with violating Dalits' right to equality. All the mainstream parties that condemn caste oppression must do more to actually deepen this political consciousness in society and civil administration. Equally the resources pie needs expanding, even to beef up policing and prosecution. In other words, economic growth is imperative for tackling social evils. |
| India continues to report upper caste violence against Dalits with dismaying regularity. Last week in Rajasthan's Nagaur district, a group of men allegedly stripped Dalit youth Bisha Ram after accusing him of stealing money, violated him with a screwdriver and recorded the act on mobile phones. The video was then shared and went viral, following which an FIR was lodged and the culprits apprehended. Bisha's younger cousin was also assaulted and six of the seven accused are reportedly Rajputs, giving the case a strong caste angle. Bisha has said that the aim of his attackers may have been to set an example and spread fear among Dalits. This has a ring of truth. |
| There is an increasing trend of videography in such incidents despite stringent laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, with the perpetrators seeming to act without fear of being brought to book. It is only when such video evidence begins to be rigorously processed to prosecute and punish caste crimes with speed that notions of impunity will begin to weaken. In the Nagaur case the police acted only after the video went viral. Bisha says he wouldn't have reported the incident because the Rajput men had threatened him with dire consequences of doing so. In general Dalits who suffer caste violence often have reason to fear the police rather than seek help from it. |
| A bigger question is about what continues to drive caste violence. One possible answer could be the deteriorating economic situation. As jobs and resources become scarce, competition intensifies. This in turn reinforces social evils such as the caste system where certain communities feel more entitled to limited resources and are unable to accept the rise of oppressed communities. Barbaric tools of humiliation are about broad deterrence to ideas of upward mobility. Access to smartphones and social media helps communicate this discouragement from near to far. |
| Add to this structural issues such as inadequate policing resources and poor prosecution of cases. Data for three years starting 2014 shows the conviction rate under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act is just 16.3%. This helps perpetrators believe that they will get away with violating Dalits' right to equality. All the mainstream parties that condemn caste oppression must do more to actually deepen this political consciousness in society and civil administration. Equally the resources pie needs expanding, even to beef up policing and prosecution. In other words, economic growth is imperative for tackling social evils. |
| India continues to report upper caste violence against Dalits with dismaying regularity. Last week in Rajasthan's Nagaur district, a group of men allegedly stripped Dalit youth Bisha Ram after accusing him of stealing money, violated him with a screwdriver and recorded the act on mobile phones. The video was then shared and went viral, following which an FIR was lodged and the culprits apprehended. Bisha's younger cousin was also assaulted and six of the seven accused are reportedly Rajputs, giving the case a strong caste angle. Bisha has said that the aim of his attackers may have been to set an example and spread fear among Dalits. This has a ring of truth. |
| There is an increasing trend of videography in such incidents despite stringent laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, with the perpetrators seeming to act without fear of being brought to book. It is only when such video evidence begins to be rigorously processed to prosecute and punish caste crimes with speed that notions of impunity will begin to weaken. In the Nagaur case the police acted only after the video went viral. Bisha says he wouldn't have reported the incident because the Rajput men had threatened him with dire consequences of doing so. In general Dalits who suffer caste violence often have reason to fear the police rather than seek help from it. |
| A bigger question is about what continues to drive caste violence. One possible answer could be the deteriorating economic situation. As jobs and resources become scarce, competition intensifies. This in turn reinforces social evils such as the caste system where certain communities feel more entitled to limited resources and are unable to accept the rise of oppressed communities. Barbaric tools of humiliation are about broad deterrence to ideas of upward mobility. Access to smartphones and social media helps communicate this discouragement from near to far. |
| Add to this structural issues such as inadequate policing resources and poor prosecution of cases. Data for three years starting 2014 shows the conviction rate under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act is just 16.3%. This helps perpetrators believe that they will get away with violating Dalits' right to equality. All the mainstream parties that condemn caste oppression must do more to actually deepen this political consciousness in society and civil administration. Equally the resources pie needs expanding, even to beef up policing and prosecution. In other words, economic growth is imperative for tackling social evils. |
| India continues to report upper caste violence against Dalits with dismaying regularity. Last week in Rajasthan's Nagaur district, a group of men allegedly stripped Dalit youth Bisha Ram after accusing him of stealing money, violated him with a screwdriver and recorded the act on mobile phones. The video was then shared and went viral, following which an FIR was lodged and the culprits apprehended. Bisha's younger cousin was also assaulted and six of the seven accused are reportedly Rajputs, giving the case a strong caste angle. Bisha has said that the aim of his attackers may have been to set an example and spread fear among Dalits. This has a ring of truth. |
| There is an increasing trend of videography in such incidents despite stringent laws like the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, with the perpetrators seeming to act without fear of being brought to book. It is only when such video evidence begins to be rigorously processed to prosecute and punish caste crimes with speed that notions of impunity will begin to weaken. In the Nagaur case the police acted only after the video went viral. Bisha says he wouldn't have reported the incident because the Rajput men had threatened him with dire consequences of doing so. In general Dalits who suffer caste violence often have reason to fear the police rather than seek help from it. |
| A bigger question is about what continues to drive caste violence. One possible answer could be the deteriorating economic situation. As jobs and resources become scarce, competition intensifies. This in turn reinforces social evils such as the caste system where certain communities feel more entitled to limited resources and are unable to accept the rise of oppressed communities. Barbaric tools of humiliation are about broad deterrence to ideas of upward mobility. Access to smartphones and social media helps communicate this discouragement from near to far. |
| Add to this structural issues such as inadequate policing resources and poor prosecution of cases. Data for three years starting 2014 shows the conviction rate under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act is just 16.3%. This helps perpetrators believe that they will get away with violating Dalits' right to equality. All the mainstream parties that condemn caste oppression must do more to actually deepen this political consciousness in society and civil administration. Equally the resources pie needs expanding, even to beef up policing and prosecution. In other words, economic growth is imperative for tackling social evils. |
| As government prepares a grand reception for US President Donald Trump, the big question still remains whether the two countries can work out a trade deal. On the eve of his visit Trump complained - at risk of sounding risible at least to Indian ears - that the US is "not treated very well by India", but nonetheless he likes Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This is not dissimilar to Trump's take on China - that China stiffs the US on trade, but nevertheless he shares a personal bond with President Xi Jinping. |
| Trump's propensity to bracket India with China is, of course, unfair. India and the US have multiple points of strategic complementarity, whereas China is challenging the US in the Indo-Pacific region and across the world. Moreover China's economy is five times bigger than India, ferociously competitive, and willing to use any means to gain leverage. India, by contrast, is committed to a rules based international order and its per capita income is a mere 2,000 (perhaps veiling Gujarat's slums from Trump's eye's isn't a great idea). The irony is that China became rich on the back of the market access it enjoyed to the US and other Western nations, while Trump seems intent on denying that to India. |
| While all this is likely a hard bargaining tactic on Trump's part it nevertheless underlines how far apart the two countries are on trade - when ideally Washington should cut India some slack given alignment of interests and values, while New Delhi too should be more receptive to American concerns. But even if India and the US aren't on the same page on trade, efforts must be made to boost the security relationship. In recent years, India has been consistently buying substantial defence platforms from the US and even during Trump's visit is slated to purchase expensive kit. This should assuage Trump's mercantilist concerns even as New Delhi throws a big party for him to demonstrate the strength of the people-to-people relationship between the two countries. |
| The importance of the security relationship is underlined by developments in Afghanistan, where Washington appears to have thrown in the towel and a 'peace' deal could see Taliban regain power and influence in Kabul. Islamabad could then use that opportunity to redirect the extremists towards India, and is likely to have 'all weather' ally Beijing in its corner. New Delhi and Washington have to ensure this doesnt happen, and must coordinate their long-term strategy towards this end. |
| As government prepares a grand reception for US President Donald Trump, the big question still remains whether the two countries can work out a trade deal. On the eve of his visit Trump complained - at risk of sounding risible at least to Indian ears - that the US is "not treated very well by India", but nonetheless he likes Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This is not dissimilar to Trump's take on China - that China stiffs the US on trade, but nevertheless he shares a personal bond with President Xi Jinping. |
| Trump's propensity to bracket India with China is, of course, unfair. India and the US have multiple points of strategic complementarity, whereas China is challenging the US in the Indo-Pacific region and across the world. Moreover China's economy is five times bigger than India, ferociously competitive, and willing to use any means to gain leverage. India, by contrast, is committed to a rules based international order and its per capita income is a mere 2,000 (perhaps veiling Gujarat's slums from Trump's eye's isn't a great idea). The irony is that China became rich on the back of the market access it enjoyed to the US and other Western nations, while Trump seems intent on denying that to India. |
| While all this is likely a hard bargaining tactic on Trump's part it nevertheless underlines how far apart the two countries are on trade - when ideally Washington should cut India some slack given alignment of interests and values, while New Delhi too should be more receptive to American concerns. But even if India and the US aren't on the same page on trade, efforts must be made to boost the security relationship. In recent years, India has been consistently buying substantial defence platforms from the US and even during Trump's visit is slated to purchase expensive kit. This should assuage Trump's mercantilist concerns even as New Delhi throws a big party for him to demonstrate the strength of the people-to-people relationship between the two countries. |
| The importance of the security relationship is underlined by developments in Afghanistan, where Washington appears to have thrown in the towel and a 'peace' deal could see Taliban regain power and influence in Kabul. Islamabad could then use that opportunity to redirect the extremists towards India, and is likely to have 'all weather' ally Beijing in its corner. New Delhi and Washington have to ensure this doesnt happen, and must coordinate their long-term strategy towards this end. |
| As government prepares a grand reception for US President Donald Trump, the big question still remains whether the two countries can work out a trade deal. On the eve of his visit Trump complained - at risk of sounding risible at least to Indian ears - that the US is "not treated very well by India", but nonetheless he likes Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This is not dissimilar to Trump's take on China - that China stiffs the US on trade, but nevertheless he shares a personal bond with President Xi Jinping. |
| Trump's propensity to bracket India with China is, of course, unfair. India and the US have multiple points of strategic complementarity, whereas China is challenging the US in the Indo-Pacific region and across the world. Moreover China's economy is five times bigger than India, ferociously competitive, and willing to use any means to gain leverage. India, by contrast, is committed to a rules based international order and its per capita income is a mere 2,000 (perhaps veiling Gujarat's slums from Trump's eye's isn't a great idea). The irony is that China became rich on the back of the market access it enjoyed to the US and other Western nations, while Trump seems intent on denying that to India. |
| While all this is likely a hard bargaining tactic on Trump's part it nevertheless underlines how far apart the two countries are on trade - when ideally Washington should cut India some slack given alignment of interests and values, while New Delhi too should be more receptive to American concerns. But even if India and the US aren't on the same page on trade, efforts must be made to boost the security relationship. In recent years, India has been consistently buying substantial defence platforms from the US and even during Trump's visit is slated to purchase expensive kit. This should assuage Trump's mercantilist concerns even as New Delhi throws a big party for him to demonstrate the strength of the people-to-people relationship between the two countries. |
| The importance of the security relationship is underlined by developments in Afghanistan, where Washington appears to have thrown in the towel and a 'peace' deal could see Taliban regain power and influence in Kabul. Islamabad could then use that opportunity to redirect the extremists towards India, and is likely to have 'all weather' ally Beijing in its corner. New Delhi and Washington have to ensure this doesnt happen, and must coordinate their long-term strategy towards this end. |
| As government prepares a grand reception for US President Donald Trump, the big question still remains whether the two countries can work out a trade deal. On the eve of his visit Trump complained - at risk of sounding risible at least to Indian ears - that the US is "not treated very well by India", but nonetheless he likes Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This is not dissimilar to Trump's take on China - that China stiffs the US on trade, but nevertheless he shares a personal bond with President Xi Jinping. |
| Trump's propensity to bracket India with China is, of course, unfair. India and the US have multiple points of strategic complementarity, whereas China is challenging the US in the Indo-Pacific region and across the world. Moreover China's economy is five times bigger than India, ferociously competitive, and willing to use any means to gain leverage. India, by contrast, is committed to a rules based international order and its per capita income is a mere 2,000 (perhaps veiling Gujarat's slums from Trump's eye's isn't a great idea). The irony is that China became rich on the back of the market access it enjoyed to the US and other Western nations, while Trump seems intent on denying that to India. |
| While all this is likely a hard bargaining tactic on Trump's part it nevertheless underlines how far apart the two countries are on trade - when ideally Washington should cut India some slack given alignment of interests and values, while New Delhi too should be more receptive to American concerns. But even if India and the US aren't on the same page on trade, efforts must be made to boost the security relationship. In recent years, India has been consistently buying substantial defence platforms from the US and even during Trump's visit is slated to purchase expensive kit. This should assuage Trump's mercantilist concerns even as New Delhi throws a big party for him to demonstrate the strength of the people-to-people relationship between the two countries. |
| The importance of the security relationship is underlined by developments in Afghanistan, where Washington appears to have thrown in the towel and a 'peace' deal could see Taliban regain power and influence in Kabul. Islamabad could then use that opportunity to redirect the extremists towards India, and is likely to have 'all weather' ally Beijing in its corner. New Delhi and Washington have to ensure this doesnt happen, and must coordinate their long-term strategy towards this end. |
| As government prepares a grand reception for US President Donald Trump, the big question still remains whether the two countries can work out a trade deal. On the eve of his visit Trump complained - at risk of sounding risible at least to Indian ears - that the US is "not treated very well by India", but nonetheless he likes Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This is not dissimilar to Trump's take on China - that China stiffs the US on trade, but nevertheless he shares a personal bond with President Xi Jinping. |
| Trump's propensity to bracket India with China is, of course, unfair. India and the US have multiple points of strategic complementarity, whereas China is challenging the US in the Indo-Pacific region and across the world. Moreover China's economy is five times bigger than India, ferociously competitive, and willing to use any means to gain leverage. India, by contrast, is committed to a rules based international order and its per capita income is a mere 2,000 (perhaps veiling Gujarat's slums from Trump's eye's isn't a great idea). The irony is that China became rich on the back of the market access it enjoyed to the US and other Western nations, while Trump seems intent on denying that to India. |
| While all this is likely a hard bargaining tactic on Trump's part it nevertheless underlines how far apart the two countries are on trade - when ideally Washington should cut India some slack given alignment of interests and values, while New Delhi too should be more receptive to American concerns. But even if India and the US aren't on the same page on trade, efforts must be made to boost the security relationship. In recent years, India has been consistently buying substantial defence platforms from the US and even during Trump's visit is slated to purchase expensive kit. This should assuage Trump's mercantilist concerns even as New Delhi throws a big party for him to demonstrate the strength of the people-to-people relationship between the two countries. |
| The importance of the security relationship is underlined by developments in Afghanistan, where Washington appears to have thrown in the towel and a 'peace' deal could see Taliban regain power and influence in Kabul. Islamabad could then use that opportunity to redirect the extremists towards India, and is likely to have 'all weather' ally Beijing in its corner. New Delhi and Washington have to ensure this doesnt happen, and must coordinate their long-term strategy towards this end. |
| Congress leaders Shashi Tharoor and Sandeep Dikshit have questioned the failure of top party honchos to elect a full-time Congress president. Rahul Gandhi's resignation following the Lok Sabha defeat had forced Sonia Gandhi to assume power as interim Congress president, but the party can no longer hide its sense of drift. Some leaders are flagging the inability to arrest BJP's growing political and ideological hegemony but their ranks aren't large enough yet to matter. Congress leaders, especially those with some popular following or ideological clarity, must confront the situation as Dikshit has suggested. |
| In Delhi, a stronghold until 2013 as well as a strong Congress legacy in development during the Sheila Dikshit years, the party was reduced to a pitiable 4% vote share. A dispirited Congress campaign in Maharashtra culminated in a fourth place finish. In recent assembly elections in Delhi, Maharashtra and Haryana, the Gandhis left local leaders to fend for themselves, distancing themselves from potential debacles. Key state units like Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Rajasthan are witnessing stiff factional contestation for the PCC presidents post forcing Sonia to postpone appointments. |
| With everyone their avowed loyalists, the Gandhi family rules by consensus. But this model has no answers to Congress's political slide and is incapable of providing astute and energetic leadership to counter the Modi-Shah juggernaut. Rahul, a failure by all yardsticks, remains the most favoured replacement for Sonia. Through the 1990s leaders like Arjun Singh, Madhavrao Scindia, Sharad Pawar, Rajesh Pilot and Jitendra Prasad rose to challenge PV Narasimha Rao and Sonia. In contrast the Congress presidency is now up for grabs for anyone showing ambition. Whether it is apprehensions of sparring with Gandhi family lackeys or the fear of having to cross swords with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and home minster Amit Shah, none from Congress is stepping forward. Such abject lack of ambition cannot be a virtue in politics. |
| Congress leaders Shashi Tharoor and Sandeep Dikshit have questioned the failure of top party honchos to elect a full-time Congress president. Rahul Gandhi's resignation following the Lok Sabha defeat had forced Sonia Gandhi to assume power as interim Congress president, but the party can no longer hide its sense of drift. Some leaders are flagging the inability to arrest BJP's growing political and ideological hegemony but their ranks aren't large enough yet to matter. Congress leaders, especially those with some popular following or ideological clarity, must confront the situation as Dikshit has suggested. |
| In Delhi, a stronghold until 2013 as well as a strong Congress legacy in development during the Sheila Dikshit years, the party was reduced to a pitiable 4% vote share. A dispirited Congress campaign in Maharashtra culminated in a fourth place finish. In recent assembly elections in Delhi, Maharashtra and Haryana, the Gandhis left local leaders to fend for themselves, distancing themselves from potential debacles. Key state units like Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Rajasthan are witnessing stiff factional contestation for the PCC presidents post forcing Sonia to postpone appointments. |
| With everyone their avowed loyalists, the Gandhi family rules by consensus. But this model has no answers to Congress's political slide and is incapable of providing astute and energetic leadership to counter the Modi-Shah juggernaut. Rahul, a failure by all yardsticks, remains the most favoured replacement for Sonia. Through the 1990s leaders like Arjun Singh, Madhavrao Scindia, Sharad Pawar, Rajesh Pilot and Jitendra Prasad rose to challenge PV Narasimha Rao and Sonia. In contrast the Congress presidency is now up for grabs for anyone showing ambition. Whether it is apprehensions of sparring with Gandhi family lackeys or the fear of having to cross swords with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and home minster Amit Shah, none from Congress is stepping forward. Such abject lack of ambition cannot be a virtue in politics. |
| Congress leaders Shashi Tharoor and Sandeep Dikshit have questioned the failure of top party honchos to elect a full-time Congress president. Rahul Gandhi's resignation following the Lok Sabha defeat had forced Sonia Gandhi to assume power as interim Congress president, but the party can no longer hide its sense of drift. Some leaders are flagging the inability to arrest BJP's growing political and ideological hegemony but their ranks aren't large enough yet to matter. Congress leaders, especially those with some popular following or ideological clarity, must confront the situation as Dikshit has suggested. |
| In Delhi, a stronghold until 2013 as well as a strong Congress legacy in development during the Sheila Dikshit years, the party was reduced to a pitiable 4% vote share. A dispirited Congress campaign in Maharashtra culminated in a fourth place finish. In recent assembly elections in Delhi, Maharashtra and Haryana, the Gandhis left local leaders to fend for themselves, distancing themselves from potential debacles. Key state units like Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Rajasthan are witnessing stiff factional contestation for the PCC presidents post forcing Sonia to postpone appointments. |
| With everyone their avowed loyalists, the Gandhi family rules by consensus. But this model has no answers to Congress's political slide and is incapable of providing astute and energetic leadership to counter the Modi-Shah juggernaut. Rahul, a failure by all yardsticks, remains the most favoured replacement for Sonia. Through the 1990s leaders like Arjun Singh, Madhavrao Scindia, Sharad Pawar, Rajesh Pilot and Jitendra Prasad rose to challenge PV Narasimha Rao and Sonia. In contrast the Congress presidency is now up for grabs for anyone showing ambition. Whether it is apprehensions of sparring with Gandhi family lackeys or the fear of having to cross swords with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and home minster Amit Shah, none from Congress is stepping forward. Such abject lack of ambition cannot be a virtue in politics. |
| Congress leaders Shashi Tharoor and Sandeep Dikshit have questioned the failure of top party honchos to elect a full-time Congress president. Rahul Gandhi's resignation following the Lok Sabha defeat had forced Sonia Gandhi to assume power as interim Congress president, but the party can no longer hide its sense of drift. Some leaders are flagging the inability to arrest BJP's growing political and ideological hegemony but their ranks aren't large enough yet to matter. Congress leaders, especially those with some popular following or ideological clarity, must confront the situation as Dikshit has suggested. |
| In Delhi, a stronghold until 2013 as well as a strong Congress legacy in development during the Sheila Dikshit years, the party was reduced to a pitiable 4% vote share. A dispirited Congress campaign in Maharashtra culminated in a fourth place finish. In recent assembly elections in Delhi, Maharashtra and Haryana, the Gandhis left local leaders to fend for themselves, distancing themselves from potential debacles. Key state units like Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Rajasthan are witnessing stiff factional contestation for the PCC presidents post forcing Sonia to postpone appointments. |
| With everyone their avowed loyalists, the Gandhi family rules by consensus. But this model has no answers to Congress's political slide and is incapable of providing astute and energetic leadership to counter the Modi-Shah juggernaut. Rahul, a failure by all yardsticks, remains the most favoured replacement for Sonia. Through the 1990s leaders like Arjun Singh, Madhavrao Scindia, Sharad Pawar, Rajesh Pilot and Jitendra Prasad rose to challenge PV Narasimha Rao and Sonia. In contrast the Congress presidency is now up for grabs for anyone showing ambition. Whether it is apprehensions of sparring with Gandhi family lackeys or the fear of having to cross swords with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and home minster Amit Shah, none from Congress is stepping forward. Such abject lack of ambition cannot be a virtue in politics. |
| Congress leaders Shashi Tharoor and Sandeep Dikshit have questioned the failure of top party honchos to elect a full-time Congress president. Rahul Gandhi's resignation following the Lok Sabha defeat had forced Sonia Gandhi to assume power as interim Congress president, but the party can no longer hide its sense of drift. Some leaders are flagging the inability to arrest BJP's growing political and ideological hegemony but their ranks aren't large enough yet to matter. Congress leaders, especially those with some popular following or ideological clarity, must confront the situation as Dikshit has suggested. |
| In Delhi, a stronghold until 2013 as well as a strong Congress legacy in development during the Sheila Dikshit years, the party was reduced to a pitiable 4% vote share. A dispirited Congress campaign in Maharashtra culminated in a fourth place finish. In recent assembly elections in Delhi, Maharashtra and Haryana, the Gandhis left local leaders to fend for themselves, distancing themselves from potential debacles. Key state units like Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Rajasthan are witnessing stiff factional contestation for the PCC presidents post forcing Sonia to postpone appointments. |
| With everyone their avowed loyalists, the Gandhi family rules by consensus. But this model has no answers to Congress's political slide and is incapable of providing astute and energetic leadership to counter the Modi-Shah juggernaut. Rahul, a failure by all yardsticks, remains the most favoured replacement for Sonia. Through the 1990s leaders like Arjun Singh, Madhavrao Scindia, Sharad Pawar, Rajesh Pilot and Jitendra Prasad rose to challenge PV Narasimha Rao and Sonia. In contrast the Congress presidency is now up for grabs for anyone showing ambition. Whether it is apprehensions of sparring with Gandhi family lackeys or the fear of having to cross swords with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and home minster Amit Shah, none from Congress is stepping forward. Such abject lack of ambition cannot be a virtue in politics. |
| The temperature in Antarctica may increase as much as three degrees by the end of the century, according to an expert. This could be the tipping point as far as the fight against global warming is concerned. |
| "There are models about the kind of increase in (temperature in) 21st century in Antarctica and it is suspected that the temperatures in the Antarctica peninsula could increase about three degrees up to the end of this century", Jeronimo Lopez-Martinez, president of the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), told IANS on the sidelines of the XII th International Symposium on Antarctic Earth Sciences here. |
| The Britain-based SCAR is responsible for initiating, developing and coordinating high quality international scientific research in the Antarctic region (including the Southern Ocean), and on the role of the Antarctic region in the Earth system. |
| Martinez also said that there was clear evidence that global warming is increasing in the planet in general and particularly in some areas. |
| "The areas where the temperatures have increased in the last 50 years are polar - some areas in Alaska and Siberia and Western Antarctica. The effects of warming on ice is increasing", he said, adding that melting ice changes salinity, influences currents and raises the sea level. |
| "The complications will arise if the temperatures increase more than 2.5 degrees in the next century", Martinez said when asked if there was a tipping point beyond which the challenge of global warming would be difficult to overcome. , |
| Nearly, 400 scientists from 40 countries are participating in the Goa symposium that has a focus on the Antarctic region with a special thrust on sub-ice rocks in relation to global sea-level rise. |
| The atmosphere over Antarctica as well as the ocean surrounding the southern continent has strong influences on global weather patterns and ocean currents which directly affect the mankind across the globe. |
| The temperature in Antarctica may increase as much as three degrees by the end of the century, according to an expert. This could be the tipping point as far as the fight against global warming is concerned. |
| "There are models about the kind of increase in (temperature in) 21st century in Antarctica and it is suspected that the temperatures in the Antarctica peninsula could increase about three degrees up to the end of this century", Jeronimo Lopez-Martinez, president of the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), told IANS on the sidelines of the XII th International Symposium on Antarctic Earth Sciences here. |
| The Britain-based SCAR is responsible for initiating, developing and coordinating high quality international scientific research in the Antarctic region (including the Southern Ocean), and on the role of the Antarctic region in the Earth system. |
| Martinez also said that there was clear evidence that global warming is increasing in the planet in general and particularly in some areas. |
| "The areas where the temperatures have increased in the last 50 years are polar - some areas in Alaska and Siberia and Western Antarctica. The effects of warming on ice is increasing", he said, adding that melting ice changes salinity, influences currents and raises the sea level. |
| "The complications will arise if the temperatures increase more than 2.5 degrees in the next century", Martinez said when asked if there was a tipping point beyond which the challenge of global warming would be difficult to overcome. , |
| Nearly, 400 scientists from 40 countries are participating in the Goa symposium that has a focus on the Antarctic region with a special thrust on sub-ice rocks in relation to global sea-level rise. |
| The atmosphere over Antarctica as well as the ocean surrounding the southern continent has strong influences on global weather patterns and ocean currents which directly affect the mankind across the globe. |
| The temperature in Antarctica may increase as much as three degrees by the end of the century, according to an expert. This could be the tipping point as far as the fight against global warming is concerned. |
| "There are models about the kind of increase in (temperature in) 21st century in Antarctica and it is suspected that the temperatures in the Antarctica peninsula could increase about three degrees up to the end of this century", Jeronimo Lopez-Martinez, president of the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), told IANS on the sidelines of the XII th International Symposium on Antarctic Earth Sciences here. |
| The Britain-based SCAR is responsible for initiating, developing and coordinating high quality international scientific research in the Antarctic region (including the Southern Ocean), and on the role of the Antarctic region in the Earth system. |
| Martinez also said that there was clear evidence that global warming is increasing in the planet in general and particularly in some areas. |
| "The areas where the temperatures have increased in the last 50 years are polar - some areas in Alaska and Siberia and Western Antarctica. The effects of warming on ice is increasing", he said, adding that melting ice changes salinity, influences currents and raises the sea level. |
| "The complications will arise if the temperatures increase more than 2.5 degrees in the next century", Martinez said when asked if there was a tipping point beyond which the challenge of global warming would be difficult to overcome. , |
| Nearly, 400 scientists from 40 countries are participating in the Goa symposium that has a focus on the Antarctic region with a special thrust on sub-ice rocks in relation to global sea-level rise. |
| The atmosphere over Antarctica as well as the ocean surrounding the southern continent has strong influences on global weather patterns and ocean currents which directly affect the mankind across the globe. |
| The temperature in Antarctica may increase as much as three degrees by the end of the century, according to an expert. This could be the tipping point as far as the fight against global warming is concerned. |
| "There are models about the kind of increase in (temperature in) 21st century in Antarctica and it is suspected that the temperatures in the Antarctica peninsula could increase about three degrees up to the end of this century", Jeronimo Lopez-Martinez, president of the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), told IANS on the sidelines of the XII th International Symposium on Antarctic Earth Sciences here. |
| The Britain-based SCAR is responsible for initiating, developing and coordinating high quality international scientific research in the Antarctic region (including the Southern Ocean), and on the role of the Antarctic region in the Earth system. |
| Martinez also said that there was clear evidence that global warming is increasing in the planet in general and particularly in some areas. |
| "The areas where the temperatures have increased in the last 50 years are polar - some areas in Alaska and Siberia and Western Antarctica. The effects of warming on ice is increasing", he said, adding that melting ice changes salinity, influences currents and raises the sea level. |
| "The complications will arise if the temperatures increase more than 2.5 degrees in the next century", Martinez said when asked if there was a tipping point beyond which the challenge of global warming would be difficult to overcome. , |
| Nearly, 400 scientists from 40 countries are participating in the Goa symposium that has a focus on the Antarctic region with a special thrust on sub-ice rocks in relation to global sea-level rise. |
| The atmosphere over Antarctica as well as the ocean surrounding the southern continent has strong influences on global weather patterns and ocean currents which directly affect the mankind across the globe. |
| The temperature in Antarctica may increase as much as three degrees by the end of the century, according to an expert. This could be the tipping point as far as the fight against global warming is concerned. |
| "There are models about the kind of increase in (temperature in) 21st century in Antarctica and it is suspected that the temperatures in the Antarctica peninsula could increase about three degrees up to the end of this century", Jeronimo Lopez-Martinez, president of the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), told IANS on the sidelines of the XII th International Symposium on Antarctic Earth Sciences here. |
| The Britain-based SCAR is responsible for initiating, developing and coordinating high quality international scientific research in the Antarctic region (including the Southern Ocean), and on the role of the Antarctic region in the Earth system. |
| Martinez also said that there was clear evidence that global warming is increasing in the planet in general and particularly in some areas. |
| "The areas where the temperatures have increased in the last 50 years are polar - some areas in Alaska and Siberia and Western Antarctica. The effects of warming on ice is increasing", he said, adding that melting ice changes salinity, influences currents and raises the sea level. |
| "The complications will arise if the temperatures increase more than 2.5 degrees in the next century", Martinez said when asked if there was a tipping point beyond which the challenge of global warming would be difficult to overcome. , |
| Nearly, 400 scientists from 40 countries are participating in the Goa symposium that has a focus on the Antarctic region with a special thrust on sub-ice rocks in relation to global sea-level rise. |
| The atmosphere over Antarctica as well as the ocean surrounding the southern continent has strong influences on global weather patterns and ocean currents which directly affect the mankind across the globe. |
| The plight of Jabeda Begum alias Jabeda Khatun, a resident of Guwahari village, Baksa district, Assam, reported by this newspaper on Wednesday, shines the light on the flaws in the institutions and the framework designed to address issues related to citizenship in Assam. Her claim to be an Indian citizen was rejected by a Foreigners Tribunal in May 2019, and recently, the Gawahati High Court rejected her appeal even though she presented 15 documents, including voter lists for four years, a parent's NRC clearance, certificates from the village headman attesting to permanent residency and marriage, ration card, PAN card and bank passbook. The HC ruled that she "failed to prove her linkage with her projected parents and her projected brother"-the Assam Accord mandates that a person must establish that either she or her ancestors had been living in Assam before 1971. |
| This case illustrates the wider fears and concerns flagged in the context of the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC). Critics of the NRC, citing Assam's example, have argued that it could trap people in red tape and leave them at the mercy of an often bumbling bureaucracy. The NRC in Assam was an expensive failure. The register in 2019 left out nearly two million people, a large number of them non-Muslims, and was then rejected by the state government, which alleged discrepancies in it. Foreigners Tribunals instituted in 1964, have the authority to decide whether a person is or is not a foreigner within the meaning of the Foreigners Act, 1946. These quasi-judicial bodies have ruled against the citizenship claims of over a lakh people in Assam between 1985 and August 2018. Recently, the Supreme Court held that the orders of the tribunals will prevail over NRC orders on citizenship. However, these tribunals have been found wanting. It has been pointed out that members of the tribunals are short on judicial experience, ignorant of due process, and insensitive to the context in which claims and complaints are filed. |
| The template for the citizenship debate has been set by Assam. The functioning of Foreigners Tribunals, the appellate authority for those left out of NRC, seems to confirm the worst fears raised about the state embarking on a nightmarishly bureaucratic process to isolate illegal immigrants. Remember how a tribunal in Kamrup declared Indian Army veteran, Mohammad Sanaullah, a foreigner and sent him to a detention centre. The Centre and Assam government need to streamline the functioning of Foreigners Tribunals before they even contemplate the NRC and other such projects in Assam or elsewhere. |
| The plight of Jabeda Begum alias Jabeda Khatun, a resident of Guwahari village, Baksa district, Assam, reported by this newspaper on Wednesday, shines the light on the flaws in the institutions and the framework designed to address issues related to citizenship in Assam. Her claim to be an Indian citizen was rejected by a Foreigners Tribunal in May 2019, and recently, the Gawahati High Court rejected her appeal even though she presented 15 documents, including voter lists for four years, a parent's NRC clearance, certificates from the village headman attesting to permanent residency and marriage, ration card, PAN card and bank passbook. The HC ruled that she "failed to prove her linkage with her projected parents and her projected brother"-the Assam Accord mandates that a person must establish that either she or her ancestors had been living in Assam before 1971. |
| This case illustrates the wider fears and concerns flagged in the context of the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC). Critics of the NRC, citing Assam's example, have argued that it could trap people in red tape and leave them at the mercy of an often bumbling bureaucracy. The NRC in Assam was an expensive failure. The register in 2019 left out nearly two million people, a large number of them non-Muslims, and was then rejected by the state government, which alleged discrepancies in it. Foreigners Tribunals instituted in 1964, have the authority to decide whether a person is or is not a foreigner within the meaning of the Foreigners Act, 1946. These quasi-judicial bodies have ruled against the citizenship claims of over a lakh people in Assam between 1985 and August 2018. Recently, the Supreme Court held that the orders of the tribunals will prevail over NRC orders on citizenship. However, these tribunals have been found wanting. It has been pointed out that members of the tribunals are short on judicial experience, ignorant of due process, and insensitive to the context in which claims and complaints are filed. |
| The template for the citizenship debate has been set by Assam. The functioning of Foreigners Tribunals, the appellate authority for those left out of NRC, seems to confirm the worst fears raised about the state embarking on a nightmarishly bureaucratic process to isolate illegal immigrants. Remember how a tribunal in Kamrup declared Indian Army veteran, Mohammad Sanaullah, a foreigner and sent him to a detention centre. The Centre and Assam government need to streamline the functioning of Foreigners Tribunals before they even contemplate the NRC and other such projects in Assam or elsewhere. |
| The plight of Jabeda Begum alias Jabeda Khatun, a resident of Guwahari village, Baksa district, Assam, reported by this newspaper on Wednesday, shines the light on the flaws in the institutions and the framework designed to address issues related to citizenship in Assam. Her claim to be an Indian citizen was rejected by a Foreigners Tribunal in May 2019, and recently, the Gawahati High Court rejected her appeal even though she presented 15 documents, including voter lists for four years, a parent's NRC clearance, certificates from the village headman attesting to permanent residency and marriage, ration card, PAN card and bank passbook. The HC ruled that she "failed to prove her linkage with her projected parents and her projected brother"-the Assam Accord mandates that a person must establish that either she or her ancestors had been living in Assam before 1971. |
| This case illustrates the wider fears and concerns flagged in the context of the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC). Critics of the NRC, citing Assam's example, have argued that it could trap people in red tape and leave them at the mercy of an often bumbling bureaucracy. The NRC in Assam was an expensive failure. The register in 2019 left out nearly two million people, a large number of them non-Muslims, and was then rejected by the state government, which alleged discrepancies in it. Foreigners Tribunals instituted in 1964, have the authority to decide whether a person is or is not a foreigner within the meaning of the Foreigners Act, 1946. These quasi-judicial bodies have ruled against the citizenship claims of over a lakh people in Assam between 1985 and August 2018. Recently, the Supreme Court held that the orders of the tribunals will prevail over NRC orders on citizenship. However, these tribunals have been found wanting. It has been pointed out that members of the tribunals are short on judicial experience, ignorant of due process, and insensitive to the context in which claims and complaints are filed. |
| The template for the citizenship debate has been set by Assam. The functioning of Foreigners Tribunals, the appellate authority for those left out of NRC, seems to confirm the worst fears raised about the state embarking on a nightmarishly bureaucratic process to isolate illegal immigrants. Remember how a tribunal in Kamrup declared Indian Army veteran, Mohammad Sanaullah, a foreigner and sent him to a detention centre. The Centre and Assam government need to streamline the functioning of Foreigners Tribunals before they even contemplate the NRC and other such projects in Assam or elsewhere. |
| The plight of Jabeda Begum alias Jabeda Khatun, a resident of Guwahari village, Baksa district, Assam, reported by this newspaper on Wednesday, shines the light on the flaws in the institutions and the framework designed to address issues related to citizenship in Assam. Her claim to be an Indian citizen was rejected by a Foreigners Tribunal in May 2019, and recently, the Gawahati High Court rejected her appeal even though she presented 15 documents, including voter lists for four years, a parent's NRC clearance, certificates from the village headman attesting to permanent residency and marriage, ration card, PAN card and bank passbook. The HC ruled that she "failed to prove her linkage with her projected parents and her projected brother"-the Assam Accord mandates that a person must establish that either she or her ancestors had been living in Assam before 1971. |
| This case illustrates the wider fears and concerns flagged in the context of the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC). Critics of the NRC, citing Assam's example, have argued that it could trap people in red tape and leave them at the mercy of an often bumbling bureaucracy. The NRC in Assam was an expensive failure. The register in 2019 left out nearly two million people, a large number of them non-Muslims, and was then rejected by the state government, which alleged discrepancies in it. Foreigners Tribunals instituted in 1964, have the authority to decide whether a person is or is not a foreigner within the meaning of the Foreigners Act, 1946. These quasi-judicial bodies have ruled against the citizenship claims of over a lakh people in Assam between 1985 and August 2018. Recently, the Supreme Court held that the orders of the tribunals will prevail over NRC orders on citizenship. However, these tribunals have been found wanting. It has been pointed out that members of the tribunals are short on judicial experience, ignorant of due process, and insensitive to the context in which claims and complaints are filed. |
| The template for the citizenship debate has been set by Assam. The functioning of Foreigners Tribunals, the appellate authority for those left out of NRC, seems to confirm the worst fears raised about the state embarking on a nightmarishly bureaucratic process to isolate illegal immigrants. Remember how a tribunal in Kamrup declared Indian Army veteran, Mohammad Sanaullah, a foreigner and sent him to a detention centre. The Centre and Assam government need to streamline the functioning of Foreigners Tribunals before they even contemplate the NRC and other such projects in Assam or elsewhere. |
| The plight of Jabeda Begum alias Jabeda Khatun, a resident of Guwahari village, Baksa district, Assam, reported by this newspaper on Wednesday, shines the light on the flaws in the institutions and the framework designed to address issues related to citizenship in Assam. Her claim to be an Indian citizen was rejected by a Foreigners Tribunal in May 2019, and recently, the Gawahati High Court rejected her appeal even though she presented 15 documents, including voter lists for four years, a parent's NRC clearance, certificates from the village headman attesting to permanent residency and marriage, ration card, PAN card and bank passbook. The HC ruled that she "failed to prove her linkage with her projected parents and her projected brother"-the Assam Accord mandates that a person must establish that either she or her ancestors had been living in Assam before 1971. |
| This case illustrates the wider fears and concerns flagged in the context of the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC). Critics of the NRC, citing Assam's example, have argued that it could trap people in red tape and leave them at the mercy of an often bumbling bureaucracy. The NRC in Assam was an expensive failure. The register in 2019 left out nearly two million people, a large number of them non-Muslims, and was then rejected by the state government, which alleged discrepancies in it. Foreigners Tribunals instituted in 1964, have the authority to decide whether a person is or is not a foreigner within the meaning of the Foreigners Act, 1946. These quasi-judicial bodies have ruled against the citizenship claims of over a lakh people in Assam between 1985 and August 2018. Recently, the Supreme Court held that the orders of the tribunals will prevail over NRC orders on citizenship. However, these tribunals have been found wanting. It has been pointed out that members of the tribunals are short on judicial experience, ignorant of due process, and insensitive to the context in which claims and complaints are filed. |
| The template for the citizenship debate has been set by Assam. The functioning of Foreigners Tribunals, the appellate authority for those left out of NRC, seems to confirm the worst fears raised about the state embarking on a nightmarishly bureaucratic process to isolate illegal immigrants. Remember how a tribunal in Kamrup declared Indian Army veteran, Mohammad Sanaullah, a foreigner and sent him to a detention centre. The Centre and Assam government need to streamline the functioning of Foreigners Tribunals before they even contemplate the NRC and other such projects in Assam or elsewhere. |
| Supreme Court dismissed the petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The Bench comprising of Justice Rohinton Fall Nariman and Justice S. Ravindra Bhat asked the Petitioner to approach the specific High Courts for their specific remedies. |
| Petitioner in person Advocate Ashwani Kumar Upadhyay, a BJPs Spokeperson has filed a petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The claim of the Petitioner is that "Hindus" are merely 1% in Laddakh, 2.75% in Mizoram, 2.77% in Lakshdweep, 4% in Kashmir, 8.74% in Nagaland, 11.52% in Meghalaya, 29% in Arunachal Pradesh, 38.49% in Punjab and 41.29% in Manipur. But, they cannot establish and administer educational institutions of their choice in spirit of Article 30(1) of the Constitution. On the other hand, Muslims are 46% in Laddakh, 95% in Kashmir, 96.58% in Lakshdweep; Christians are 87.16% in Mizoram, 88.10% in Nagaland, 74.59% in Meghalaya; Buddhists are 50% in Laddakh and Sikhs are 57.69% in Punjab. But, they can establish and administer. |
| The argument raised by the Petitioner is that Hindus are the real minority in these places but their minority rights have been siphoned off illegally and arbitrarily. Thus Hindus are deprived of their basic human rights, guaranteed under Articles 29-30. |
| Several government schemes and programs aimed at the minority is not reaching to them because of this non-identification and non-notification of them as minorities at state level. He stated that it is the duty of the government to identify and notify religious and linguistic minorities at state level so as to safeguard the rights of minorities guaranteed under Article 25-30 of the Indian constitution. |
| Petitioner further argued that the denial of minority rights to real minorities and arbitrary and unreasonable disbursement of minority benefits to majority, infringes upon fundamental right to prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth [Article 15(1)]; impairs the right to equality of opportunity in matters related to public employment [Article 16(1)]; and freedom of conscience and right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion [Article 25(1)] |
| In the event of all these the Petitioner hence prayed for the following before the court: |
| 1. Define 'minority' and frame guidelines for their identification at State level. |
| 2. To pass any such other order/direction as the court may deem fit in the matter |
| Supreme Court dismissed the petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The Bench comprising of Justice Rohinton Fall Nariman and Justice S. Ravindra Bhat asked the Petitioner to approach the specific High Courts for their specific remedies. |
| Petitioner in person Advocate Ashwani Kumar Upadhyay, a BJPs Spokeperson has filed a petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The claim of the Petitioner is that "Hindus" are merely 1% in Laddakh, 2.75% in Mizoram, 2.77% in Lakshdweep, 4% in Kashmir, 8.74% in Nagaland, 11.52% in Meghalaya, 29% in Arunachal Pradesh, 38.49% in Punjab and 41.29% in Manipur. But, they cannot establish and administer educational institutions of their choice in spirit of Article 30(1) of the Constitution. On the other hand, Muslims are 46% in Laddakh, 95% in Kashmir, 96.58% in Lakshdweep; Christians are 87.16% in Mizoram, 88.10% in Nagaland, 74.59% in Meghalaya; Buddhists are 50% in Laddakh and Sikhs are 57.69% in Punjab. But, they can establish and administer. |
| The argument raised by the Petitioner is that Hindus are the real minority in these places but their minority rights have been siphoned off illegally and arbitrarily. Thus Hindus are deprived of their basic human rights, guaranteed under Articles 29-30. |
| Several government schemes and programs aimed at the minority is not reaching to them because of this non-identification and non-notification of them as minorities at state level. He stated that it is the duty of the government to identify and notify religious and linguistic minorities at state level so as to safeguard the rights of minorities guaranteed under Article 25-30 of the Indian constitution. |
| Petitioner further argued that the denial of minority rights to real minorities and arbitrary and unreasonable disbursement of minority benefits to majority, infringes upon fundamental right to prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth [Article 15(1)]; impairs the right to equality of opportunity in matters related to public employment [Article 16(1)]; and freedom of conscience and right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion [Article 25(1)] |
| In the event of all these the Petitioner hence prayed for the following before the court: |
| 1. Define 'minority' and frame guidelines for their identification at State level. |
| 2. To pass any such other order/direction as the court may deem fit in the matter |
| Supreme Court dismissed the petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The Bench comprising of Justice Rohinton Fall Nariman and Justice S. Ravindra Bhat asked the Petitioner to approach the specific High Courts for their specific remedies. |
| Petitioner in person Advocate Ashwani Kumar Upadhyay, a BJPs Spokeperson has filed a petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The claim of the Petitioner is that "Hindus" are merely 1% in Laddakh, 2.75% in Mizoram, 2.77% in Lakshdweep, 4% in Kashmir, 8.74% in Nagaland, 11.52% in Meghalaya, 29% in Arunachal Pradesh, 38.49% in Punjab and 41.29% in Manipur. But, they cannot establish and administer educational institutions of their choice in spirit of Article 30(1) of the Constitution. On the other hand, Muslims are 46% in Laddakh, 95% in Kashmir, 96.58% in Lakshdweep; Christians are 87.16% in Mizoram, 88.10% in Nagaland, 74.59% in Meghalaya; Buddhists are 50% in Laddakh and Sikhs are 57.69% in Punjab. But, they can establish and administer. |
| The argument raised by the Petitioner is that Hindus are the real minority in these places but their minority rights have been siphoned off illegally and arbitrarily. Thus Hindus are deprived of their basic human rights, guaranteed under Articles 29-30. |
| Several government schemes and programs aimed at the minority is not reaching to them because of this non-identification and non-notification of them as minorities at state level. He stated that it is the duty of the government to identify and notify religious and linguistic minorities at state level so as to safeguard the rights of minorities guaranteed under Article 25-30 of the Indian constitution. |
| Petitioner further argued that the denial of minority rights to real minorities and arbitrary and unreasonable disbursement of minority benefits to majority, infringes upon fundamental right to prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth [Article 15(1)]; impairs the right to equality of opportunity in matters related to public employment [Article 16(1)]; and freedom of conscience and right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion [Article 25(1)] |
| In the event of all these the Petitioner hence prayed for the following before the court: |
| 1. Define 'minority' and frame guidelines for their identification at State level. |
| 2. To pass any such other order/direction as the court may deem fit in the matter |
| Supreme Court dismissed the petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The Bench comprising of Justice Rohinton Fall Nariman and Justice S. Ravindra Bhat asked the Petitioner to approach the specific High Courts for their specific remedies. |
| Petitioner in person Advocate Ashwani Kumar Upadhyay, a BJPs Spokeperson has filed a petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The claim of the Petitioner is that "Hindus" are merely 1% in Laddakh, 2.75% in Mizoram, 2.77% in Lakshdweep, 4% in Kashmir, 8.74% in Nagaland, 11.52% in Meghalaya, 29% in Arunachal Pradesh, 38.49% in Punjab and 41.29% in Manipur. But, they cannot establish and administer educational institutions of their choice in spirit of Article 30(1) of the Constitution. On the other hand, Muslims are 46% in Laddakh, 95% in Kashmir, 96.58% in Lakshdweep; Christians are 87.16% in Mizoram, 88.10% in Nagaland, 74.59% in Meghalaya; Buddhists are 50% in Laddakh and Sikhs are 57.69% in Punjab. But, they can establish and administer. |
| The argument raised by the Petitioner is that Hindus are the real minority in these places but their minority rights have been siphoned off illegally and arbitrarily. Thus Hindus are deprived of their basic human rights, guaranteed under Articles 29-30. |
| Several government schemes and programs aimed at the minority is not reaching to them because of this non-identification and non-notification of them as minorities at state level. He stated that it is the duty of the government to identify and notify religious and linguistic minorities at state level so as to safeguard the rights of minorities guaranteed under Article 25-30 of the Indian constitution. |
| Petitioner further argued that the denial of minority rights to real minorities and arbitrary and unreasonable disbursement of minority benefits to majority, infringes upon fundamental right to prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth [Article 15(1)]; impairs the right to equality of opportunity in matters related to public employment [Article 16(1)]; and freedom of conscience and right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion [Article 25(1)] |
| In the event of all these the Petitioner hence prayed for the following before the court: |
| 1. Define 'minority' and frame guidelines for their identification at State level. |
| 2. To pass any such other order/direction as the court may deem fit in the matter |
| Supreme Court dismissed the petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The Bench comprising of Justice Rohinton Fall Nariman and Justice S. Ravindra Bhat asked the Petitioner to approach the specific High Courts for their specific remedies. |
| Petitioner in person Advocate Ashwani Kumar Upadhyay, a BJPs Spokeperson has filed a petition to consider 'Hindus' as minority in nine states including Laddakh, Mizoram, Lakshwadeep, Kashmir, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Punjab and Manipur. |
| The claim of the Petitioner is that "Hindus" are merely 1% in Laddakh, 2.75% in Mizoram, 2.77% in Lakshdweep, 4% in Kashmir, 8.74% in Nagaland, 11.52% in Meghalaya, 29% in Arunachal Pradesh, 38.49% in Punjab and 41.29% in Manipur. But, they cannot establish and administer educational institutions of their choice in spirit of Article 30(1) of the Constitution. On the other hand, Muslims are 46% in Laddakh, 95% in Kashmir, 96.58% in Lakshdweep; Christians are 87.16% in Mizoram, 88.10% in Nagaland, 74.59% in Meghalaya; Buddhists are 50% in Laddakh and Sikhs are 57.69% in Punjab. But, they can establish and administer. |
| The argument raised by the Petitioner is that Hindus are the real minority in these places but their minority rights have been siphoned off illegally and arbitrarily. Thus Hindus are deprived of their basic human rights, guaranteed under Articles 29-30. |
| Several government schemes and programs aimed at the minority is not reaching to them because of this non-identification and non-notification of them as minorities at state level. He stated that it is the duty of the government to identify and notify religious and linguistic minorities at state level so as to safeguard the rights of minorities guaranteed under Article 25-30 of the Indian constitution. |
| Petitioner further argued that the denial of minority rights to real minorities and arbitrary and unreasonable disbursement of minority benefits to majority, infringes upon fundamental right to prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth [Article 15(1)]; impairs the right to equality of opportunity in matters related to public employment [Article 16(1)]; and freedom of conscience and right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion [Article 25(1)] |
| In the event of all these the Petitioner hence prayed for the following before the court: |
| 1. Define 'minority' and frame guidelines for their identification at State level. |
| 2. To pass any such other order/direction as the court may deem fit in the matter |
| National Consumer Dispute Redressal Commission today reserved its order on a plea filed by Smt. Surya Shesha Mani alleging medical negligence caused by Care Hospital Institute of Medical Sciences resulting in death of her husband. |
| Matter listed before the bench led by President Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| The petioner Smt D. Surya Shesha Mani at NCDRC made the allegation that the Care Hospital Institute of medical science Hyderabad has provided wrong treatment to her husband which caused his death. |
| According to the complainant and the petitioner, her husband was admitted to the hospital with complain of back pain and vomiting. Just after this he was administered with Penta-acid and Clofer injections. Twenty minutes after having administered the medicines the patient suffered massive heart attack and collapsed. |
| According to the petitioner at the time of having admitted he did not have chest pain, fever, no BP issue and was not even diabetic. The ECG recorded was also normal. After having administered the medicine the cardiac doctor was immediately called for help and ECG done which stated extremely low BP and nearly no heart function. Later on the cardiac injection was given to the patient and he was referred to cath lab, the heart ward, for further enquiry and treatment. |
| Having submitted all this as plea, the petitioner also stated that the patient perhaps died long before he was discharged as dead from the hospital as the- hospital also did not provide minute by minute details of the patient in the discharge report. |
| The respondent's/Hospital argued that the patient was a diabetic also not in good health condition since last one year. Petitioner objected the said submission and contended that her husband come back from Dubai six months back where he was subjected to health check up and was considered fit. |
| The respondent earlier had also raised suspicion about the patient's identity as the person's face in the photograph taken at hospital was not matching with the photograph in his AADHAR card to which later he withdrew the objection before the court. |
| The respondent accepted before the court that he is not standing in dispute with the identity of the person but stated that the injections being mentioned by the appellants are not hazardous and can't cause heart attack as they were to check acidity and vomiting symptoms, the patient was suffering from while admission to hospital. The respondent also made the plea that the patient used to snort tobacco and was alcoholic. After having heard the arguments the court reserved the judgment without giving further date to the matter. The Judgment can be expected anytime within the period of three months as was stated by Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| National Consumer Dispute Redressal Commission today reserved its order on a plea filed by Smt. Surya Shesha Mani alleging medical negligence caused by Care Hospital Institute of Medical Sciences resulting in death of her husband. |
| Matter listed before the bench led by President Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| The petioner Smt D. Surya Shesha Mani at NCDRC made the allegation that the Care Hospital Institute of medical science Hyderabad has provided wrong treatment to her husband which caused his death. |
| According to the complainant and the petitioner, her husband was admitted to the hospital with complain of back pain and vomiting. Just after this he was administered with Penta-acid and Clofer injections. Twenty minutes after having administered the medicines the patient suffered massive heart attack and collapsed. |
| According to the petitioner at the time of having admitted he did not have chest pain, fever, no BP issue and was not even diabetic. The ECG recorded was also normal. After having administered the medicine the cardiac doctor was immediately called for help and ECG done which stated extremely low BP and nearly no heart function. Later on the cardiac injection was given to the patient and he was referred to cath lab, the heart ward, for further enquiry and treatment. |
| Having submitted all this as plea, the petitioner also stated that the patient perhaps died long before he was discharged as dead from the hospital as the- hospital also did not provide minute by minute details of the patient in the discharge report. |
| The respondent's/Hospital argued that the patient was a diabetic also not in good health condition since last one year. Petitioner objected the said submission and contended that her husband come back from Dubai six months back where he was subjected to health check up and was considered fit. |
| The respondent earlier had also raised suspicion about the patient's identity as the person's face in the photograph taken at hospital was not matching with the photograph in his AADHAR card to which later he withdrew the objection before the court. |
| The respondent accepted before the court that he is not standing in dispute with the identity of the person but stated that the injections being mentioned by the appellants are not hazardous and can't cause heart attack as they were to check acidity and vomiting symptoms, the patient was suffering from while admission to hospital. The respondent also made the plea that the patient used to snort tobacco and was alcoholic. After having heard the arguments the court reserved the judgment without giving further date to the matter. The Judgment can be expected anytime within the period of three months as was stated by Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| National Consumer Dispute Redressal Commission today reserved its order on a plea filed by Smt. Surya Shesha Mani alleging medical negligence caused by Care Hospital Institute of Medical Sciences resulting in death of her husband. |
| Matter listed before the bench led by President Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| The petioner Smt D. Surya Shesha Mani at NCDRC made the allegation that the Care Hospital Institute of medical science Hyderabad has provided wrong treatment to her husband which caused his death. |
| According to the complainant and the petitioner, her husband was admitted to the hospital with complain of back pain and vomiting. Just after this he was administered with Penta-acid and Clofer injections. Twenty minutes after having administered the medicines the patient suffered massive heart attack and collapsed. |
| According to the petitioner at the time of having admitted he did not have chest pain, fever, no BP issue and was not even diabetic. The ECG recorded was also normal. After having administered the medicine the cardiac doctor was immediately called for help and ECG done which stated extremely low BP and nearly no heart function. Later on the cardiac injection was given to the patient and he was referred to cath lab, the heart ward, for further enquiry and treatment. |
| Having submitted all this as plea, the petitioner also stated that the patient perhaps died long before he was discharged as dead from the hospital as the- hospital also did not provide minute by minute details of the patient in the discharge report. |
| The respondent's/Hospital argued that the patient was a diabetic also not in good health condition since last one year. Petitioner objected the said submission and contended that her husband come back from Dubai six months back where he was subjected to health check up and was considered fit. |
| The respondent earlier had also raised suspicion about the patient's identity as the person's face in the photograph taken at hospital was not matching with the photograph in his AADHAR card to which later he withdrew the objection before the court. |
| The respondent accepted before the court that he is not standing in dispute with the identity of the person but stated that the injections being mentioned by the appellants are not hazardous and can't cause heart attack as they were to check acidity and vomiting symptoms, the patient was suffering from while admission to hospital. The respondent also made the plea that the patient used to snort tobacco and was alcoholic. After having heard the arguments the court reserved the judgment without giving further date to the matter. The Judgment can be expected anytime within the period of three months as was stated by Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| National Consumer Dispute Redressal Commission today reserved its order on a plea filed by Smt. Surya Shesha Mani alleging medical negligence caused by Care Hospital Institute of Medical Sciences resulting in death of her husband. |
| Matter listed before the bench led by President Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| The petioner Smt D. Surya Shesha Mani at NCDRC made the allegation that the Care Hospital Institute of medical science Hyderabad has provided wrong treatment to her husband which caused his death. |
| According to the complainant and the petitioner, her husband was admitted to the hospital with complain of back pain and vomiting. Just after this he was administered with Penta-acid and Clofer injections. Twenty minutes after having administered the medicines the patient suffered massive heart attack and collapsed. |
| According to the petitioner at the time of having admitted he did not have chest pain, fever, no BP issue and was not even diabetic. The ECG recorded was also normal. After having administered the medicine the cardiac doctor was immediately called for help and ECG done which stated extremely low BP and nearly no heart function. Later on the cardiac injection was given to the patient and he was referred to cath lab, the heart ward, for further enquiry and treatment. |
| Having submitted all this as plea, the petitioner also stated that the patient perhaps died long before he was discharged as dead from the hospital as the- hospital also did not provide minute by minute details of the patient in the discharge report. |
| The respondent's/Hospital argued that the patient was a diabetic also not in good health condition since last one year. Petitioner objected the said submission and contended that her husband come back from Dubai six months back where he was subjected to health check up and was considered fit. |
| The respondent earlier had also raised suspicion about the patient's identity as the person's face in the photograph taken at hospital was not matching with the photograph in his AADHAR card to which later he withdrew the objection before the court. |
| The respondent accepted before the court that he is not standing in dispute with the identity of the person but stated that the injections being mentioned by the appellants are not hazardous and can't cause heart attack as they were to check acidity and vomiting symptoms, the patient was suffering from while admission to hospital. The respondent also made the plea that the patient used to snort tobacco and was alcoholic. After having heard the arguments the court reserved the judgment without giving further date to the matter. The Judgment can be expected anytime within the period of three months as was stated by Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| National Consumer Dispute Redressal Commission today reserved its order on a plea filed by Smt. Surya Shesha Mani alleging medical negligence caused by Care Hospital Institute of Medical Sciences resulting in death of her husband. |
| Matter listed before the bench led by President Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| The petioner Smt D. Surya Shesha Mani at NCDRC made the allegation that the Care Hospital Institute of medical science Hyderabad has provided wrong treatment to her husband which caused his death. |
| According to the complainant and the petitioner, her husband was admitted to the hospital with complain of back pain and vomiting. Just after this he was administered with Penta-acid and Clofer injections. Twenty minutes after having administered the medicines the patient suffered massive heart attack and collapsed. |
| According to the petitioner at the time of having admitted he did not have chest pain, fever, no BP issue and was not even diabetic. The ECG recorded was also normal. After having administered the medicine the cardiac doctor was immediately called for help and ECG done which stated extremely low BP and nearly no heart function. Later on the cardiac injection was given to the patient and he was referred to cath lab, the heart ward, for further enquiry and treatment. |
| Having submitted all this as plea, the petitioner also stated that the patient perhaps died long before he was discharged as dead from the hospital as the- hospital also did not provide minute by minute details of the patient in the discharge report. |
| The respondent's/Hospital argued that the patient was a diabetic also not in good health condition since last one year. Petitioner objected the said submission and contended that her husband come back from Dubai six months back where he was subjected to health check up and was considered fit. |
| The respondent earlier had also raised suspicion about the patient's identity as the person's face in the photograph taken at hospital was not matching with the photograph in his AADHAR card to which later he withdrew the objection before the court. |
| The respondent accepted before the court that he is not standing in dispute with the identity of the person but stated that the injections being mentioned by the appellants are not hazardous and can't cause heart attack as they were to check acidity and vomiting symptoms, the patient was suffering from while admission to hospital. The respondent also made the plea that the patient used to snort tobacco and was alcoholic. After having heard the arguments the court reserved the judgment without giving further date to the matter. The Judgment can be expected anytime within the period of three months as was stated by Justice Mr R. K. Agrawal. |
| The Syro-Malabar Church, the largest Christian denomination in Kerala, has added weight to the allegations of Hindutva forces that Hindu and Christian communities in Kerala are facing the threat of love jihad. It said that love jihad "is a reality and the Islamic State (IS) has engaged Muslim men to feign love and lure scores of Christian women from Kerala to be used in terror activities". |
| This was asserted at the Churchs Synod (bishop's council meeting) in Kochi on January 15. Love jihad, also called Romeo jihad, a theory propounded by right-wing forces, involves Muslim men targeting women belonging to other communities for conversion to Islam and engaging them in terrorist activities by feigning love. The Synod, chaired by the Church's head. Cardinal George Alencherry, also accused the Kerala police of complacency in this matter. It said there were circumstances in which Christian girls were killed in the name of love jihad. This, it said, was causing disturbance to communal amity and it was a matter of concern that it was gaining ground in Kerala. |
| The Synod's statement has come at an inconvenient time for Muslim outfits and the state government, both of which have joined hands in the fight against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). The Synod's stand has surprised everyone as the Church is known for treading cautiously on such slippery turf. While referring to a police record, the Synod said that out of 21 people who were recruited by the IS in recent years, half were converted from the Christian faith and it should be an eye-opener for the community. |
| In fact, it has been alleged that several hundred Hindu and Christian girls were trapped and converted to Islam through love jihad since 2009. But the Synod found that it had become a serious matter only now. It said that it would sensitise parents and children about the dangers of love jihad. |
| The Kerala police reacted predictably to the Synod's allegation. While it denied complacency in probing these cases, DGP Loknath Behera told mediapersons that the police was monitoring the situation. "There is no data to hint at the existence of love jihad. I haven't received any complaint so far. If there is any complaint, we will monitor it", he said. The vice-chairman of the National Commission for Minorities, George Kurian, has written a letter to Behera seeking a report within 21 days. |
| Meanwhile, a section of priests under Alencherry are questioning him for making such a public statement about love jihad. A group of priests of the Ankamali-Ernakulam archdiocese have also decided to write to the permanent members of the Synod demanding a clarification on its stand. Their complaint is that the Synod took a public posture on love jihad without consulting the laity. "It will affect six million believers of the church", Father Kuriakose Mundadan, secretary of the Presbyteral Council of the archdiocese, said. "It was inappropriate and imprudent for the bishops to have made a statement linking love jihad and Christian women", he said. Fr Jose Vallikodath, another senior member of the Presbyteral Council, also expressed strong opposition to the Synod's stand. |
| State Finance Minister TM Thomas Isaac said that the allegations of the bishops have "no factual basis" as government investigations had found nothing. "If there are concrete cases or allegations, they will definitely be looked into. But the Kerala government does not believe that there is any basis for such generalisation," he told reporters in the state capital. |
| The Syro-Malabar Church, the largest Christian denomination in Kerala, has added weight to the allegations of Hindutva forces that Hindu and Christian communities in Kerala are facing the threat of love jihad. It said that love jihad "is a reality and the Islamic State (IS) has engaged Muslim men to feign love and lure scores of Christian women from Kerala to be used in terror activities". |
| This was asserted at the Churchs Synod (bishop's council meeting) in Kochi on January 15. Love jihad, also called Romeo jihad, a theory propounded by right-wing forces, involves Muslim men targeting women belonging to other communities for conversion to Islam and engaging them in terrorist activities by feigning love. The Synod, chaired by the Church's head. Cardinal George Alencherry, also accused the Kerala police of complacency in this matter. It said there were circumstances in which Christian girls were killed in the name of love jihad. This, it said, was causing disturbance to communal amity and it was a matter of concern that it was gaining ground in Kerala. |
| The Synod's statement has come at an inconvenient time for Muslim outfits and the state government, both of which have joined hands in the fight against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). The Synod's stand has surprised everyone as the Church is known for treading cautiously on such slippery turf. While referring to a police record, the Synod said that out of 21 people who were recruited by the IS in recent years, half were converted from the Christian faith and it should be an eye-opener for the community. |
| In fact, it has been alleged that several hundred Hindu and Christian girls were trapped and converted to Islam through love jihad since 2009. But the Synod found that it had become a serious matter only now. It said that it would sensitise parents and children about the dangers of love jihad. |
| The Kerala police reacted predictably to the Synod's allegation. While it denied complacency in probing these cases, DGP Loknath Behera told mediapersons that the police was monitoring the situation. "There is no data to hint at the existence of love jihad. I haven't received any complaint so far. If there is any complaint, we will monitor it", he said. The vice-chairman of the National Commission for Minorities, George Kurian, has written a letter to Behera seeking a report within 21 days. |
| Meanwhile, a section of priests under Alencherry are questioning him for making such a public statement about love jihad. A group of priests of the Ankamali-Ernakulam archdiocese have also decided to write to the permanent members of the Synod demanding a clarification on its stand. Their complaint is that the Synod took a public posture on love jihad without consulting the laity. "It will affect six million believers of the church", Father Kuriakose Mundadan, secretary of the Presbyteral Council of the archdiocese, said. "It was inappropriate and imprudent for the bishops to have made a statement linking love jihad and Christian women", he said. Fr Jose Vallikodath, another senior member of the Presbyteral Council, also expressed strong opposition to the Synod's stand. |
| State Finance Minister TM Thomas Isaac said that the allegations of the bishops have "no factual basis" as government investigations had found nothing. "If there are concrete cases or allegations, they will definitely be looked into. But the Kerala government does not believe that there is any basis for such generalisation," he told reporters in the state capital. |
| The Syro-Malabar Church, the largest Christian denomination in Kerala, has added weight to the allegations of Hindutva forces that Hindu and Christian communities in Kerala are facing the threat of love jihad. It said that love jihad "is a reality and the Islamic State (IS) has engaged Muslim men to feign love and lure scores of Christian women from Kerala to be used in terror activities". |
| This was asserted at the Churchs Synod (bishop's council meeting) in Kochi on January 15. Love jihad, also called Romeo jihad, a theory propounded by right-wing forces, involves Muslim men targeting women belonging to other communities for conversion to Islam and engaging them in terrorist activities by feigning love. The Synod, chaired by the Church's head. Cardinal George Alencherry, also accused the Kerala police of complacency in this matter. It said there were circumstances in which Christian girls were killed in the name of love jihad. This, it said, was causing disturbance to communal amity and it was a matter of concern that it was gaining ground in Kerala. |
| The Synod's statement has come at an inconvenient time for Muslim outfits and the state government, both of which have joined hands in the fight against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). The Synod's stand has surprised everyone as the Church is known for treading cautiously on such slippery turf. While referring to a police record, the Synod said that out of 21 people who were recruited by the IS in recent years, half were converted from the Christian faith and it should be an eye-opener for the community. |
| In fact, it has been alleged that several hundred Hindu and Christian girls were trapped and converted to Islam through love jihad since 2009. But the Synod found that it had become a serious matter only now. It said that it would sensitise parents and children about the dangers of love jihad. |
| The Kerala police reacted predictably to the Synod's allegation. While it denied complacency in probing these cases, DGP Loknath Behera told mediapersons that the police was monitoring the situation. "There is no data to hint at the existence of love jihad. I haven't received any complaint so far. If there is any complaint, we will monitor it", he said. The vice-chairman of the National Commission for Minorities, George Kurian, has written a letter to Behera seeking a report within 21 days. |
| Meanwhile, a section of priests under Alencherry are questioning him for making such a public statement about love jihad. A group of priests of the Ankamali-Ernakulam archdiocese have also decided to write to the permanent members of the Synod demanding a clarification on its stand. Their complaint is that the Synod took a public posture on love jihad without consulting the laity. "It will affect six million believers of the church", Father Kuriakose Mundadan, secretary of the Presbyteral Council of the archdiocese, said. "It was inappropriate and imprudent for the bishops to have made a statement linking love jihad and Christian women", he said. Fr Jose Vallikodath, another senior member of the Presbyteral Council, also expressed strong opposition to the Synod's stand. |
| State Finance Minister TM Thomas Isaac said that the allegations of the bishops have "no factual basis" as government investigations had found nothing. "If there are concrete cases or allegations, they will definitely be looked into. But the Kerala government does not believe that there is any basis for such generalisation," he told reporters in the state capital. |
| The Syro-Malabar Church, the largest Christian denomination in Kerala, has added weight to the allegations of Hindutva forces that Hindu and Christian communities in Kerala are facing the threat of love jihad. It said that love jihad "is a reality and the Islamic State (IS) has engaged Muslim men to feign love and lure scores of Christian women from Kerala to be used in terror activities". |
| This was asserted at the Churchs Synod (bishop's council meeting) in Kochi on January 15. Love jihad, also called Romeo jihad, a theory propounded by right-wing forces, involves Muslim men targeting women belonging to other communities for conversion to Islam and engaging them in terrorist activities by feigning love. The Synod, chaired by the Church's head. Cardinal George Alencherry, also accused the Kerala police of complacency in this matter. It said there were circumstances in which Christian girls were killed in the name of love jihad. This, it said, was causing disturbance to communal amity and it was a matter of concern that it was gaining ground in Kerala. |
| The Synod's statement has come at an inconvenient time for Muslim outfits and the state government, both of which have joined hands in the fight against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). The Synod's stand has surprised everyone as the Church is known for treading cautiously on such slippery turf. While referring to a police record, the Synod said that out of 21 people who were recruited by the IS in recent years, half were converted from the Christian faith and it should be an eye-opener for the community. |
| In fact, it has been alleged that several hundred Hindu and Christian girls were trapped and converted to Islam through love jihad since 2009. But the Synod found that it had become a serious matter only now. It said that it would sensitise parents and children about the dangers of love jihad. |
| The Kerala police reacted predictably to the Synod's allegation. While it denied complacency in probing these cases, DGP Loknath Behera told mediapersons that the police was monitoring the situation. "There is no data to hint at the existence of love jihad. I haven't received any complaint so far. If there is any complaint, we will monitor it", he said. The vice-chairman of the National Commission for Minorities, George Kurian, has written a letter to Behera seeking a report within 21 days. |
| Meanwhile, a section of priests under Alencherry are questioning him for making such a public statement about love jihad. A group of priests of the Ankamali-Ernakulam archdiocese have also decided to write to the permanent members of the Synod demanding a clarification on its stand. Their complaint is that the Synod took a public posture on love jihad without consulting the laity. "It will affect six million believers of the church", Father Kuriakose Mundadan, secretary of the Presbyteral Council of the archdiocese, said. "It was inappropriate and imprudent for the bishops to have made a statement linking love jihad and Christian women", he said. Fr Jose Vallikodath, another senior member of the Presbyteral Council, also expressed strong opposition to the Synod's stand. |
| State Finance Minister TM Thomas Isaac said that the allegations of the bishops have "no factual basis" as government investigations had found nothing. "If there are concrete cases or allegations, they will definitely be looked into. But the Kerala government does not believe that there is any basis for such generalisation," he told reporters in the state capital. |
| The Syro-Malabar Church, the largest Christian denomination in Kerala, has added weight to the allegations of Hindutva forces that Hindu and Christian communities in Kerala are facing the threat of love jihad. It said that love jihad "is a reality and the Islamic State (IS) has engaged Muslim men to feign love and lure scores of Christian women from Kerala to be used in terror activities". |
| This was asserted at the Churchs Synod (bishop's council meeting) in Kochi on January 15. Love jihad, also called Romeo jihad, a theory propounded by right-wing forces, involves Muslim men targeting women belonging to other communities for conversion to Islam and engaging them in terrorist activities by feigning love. The Synod, chaired by the Church's head. Cardinal George Alencherry, also accused the Kerala police of complacency in this matter. It said there were circumstances in which Christian girls were killed in the name of love jihad. This, it said, was causing disturbance to communal amity and it was a matter of concern that it was gaining ground in Kerala. |
| The Synod's statement has come at an inconvenient time for Muslim outfits and the state government, both of which have joined hands in the fight against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA). The Synod's stand has surprised everyone as the Church is known for treading cautiously on such slippery turf. While referring to a police record, the Synod said that out of 21 people who were recruited by the IS in recent years, half were converted from the Christian faith and it should be an eye-opener for the community. |
| In fact, it has been alleged that several hundred Hindu and Christian girls were trapped and converted to Islam through love jihad since 2009. But the Synod found that it had become a serious matter only now. It said that it would sensitise parents and children about the dangers of love jihad. |
| The Kerala police reacted predictably to the Synod's allegation. While it denied complacency in probing these cases, DGP Loknath Behera told mediapersons that the police was monitoring the situation. "There is no data to hint at the existence of love jihad. I haven't received any complaint so far. If there is any complaint, we will monitor it", he said. The vice-chairman of the National Commission for Minorities, George Kurian, has written a letter to Behera seeking a report within 21 days. |
| Meanwhile, a section of priests under Alencherry are questioning him for making such a public statement about love jihad. A group of priests of the Ankamali-Ernakulam archdiocese have also decided to write to the permanent members of the Synod demanding a clarification on its stand. Their complaint is that the Synod took a public posture on love jihad without consulting the laity. "It will affect six million believers of the church", Father Kuriakose Mundadan, secretary of the Presbyteral Council of the archdiocese, said. "It was inappropriate and imprudent for the bishops to have made a statement linking love jihad and Christian women", he said. Fr Jose Vallikodath, another senior member of the Presbyteral Council, also expressed strong opposition to the Synod's stand. |
| State Finance Minister TM Thomas Isaac said that the allegations of the bishops have "no factual basis" as government investigations had found nothing. "If there are concrete cases or allegations, they will definitely be looked into. But the Kerala government does not believe that there is any basis for such generalisation," he told reporters in the state capital. |
| A greenfield airport at Mopa in North Goa, being developed by GMR, seems to have finally crossed all hurdles. A Supreme Court bench, comprising Justices DY Chandrachud and Hemant Gupta, has given its nod for the construction of the airport and asked the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) to oversee the project to ensure that there is no environmental damage. |
| The bench directed the concessionaire of the project to adopt a zero carbon programme in the construction and operational phases of the airport. It said conditions imposed by the centre's Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) and the NGT are sufficient to protect the environment and approved the project. Incidentally, the Court had last year found fault with the environment clearance (EC) given to the project and directed the EAC to re-examine it. |
| Mopa village is situated in Pernem taluka in North Goa, close to the inter-state boundary with Maharashtra. The proposed airport is approximately 35 km north-east of Panaji, the capital of Goa. The site is a lateritic tabletop plateau at a height of 180 m above sea level and is surrounded by steep slopes. |
| As the airport at Dabolim is saturated and is a military airfield, there are restrictions on civilian airlines. In 1997, Goa government initiated a process to commission studies and project reports for a proposed international airport. The project was granted an EC by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) in accordance with the procedure mandated in the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) notification of September 14, 2006. |
| After the Terms of Reference were issued by the EAC, the draft EIA report was submitted to the Goa Pollution Control Board, and a public hearing was conducted at the project site on February 1, 2015. On May 20, 2015, the Goa government submitted the final EIA report to the MoEFCC, seeking the grant of an EC for the project. |
| The EAC, at its 149th meeting in June 2015, deliberated the EIA report and sought additional information. These were: |
| 10 years' data regarding rainfall in the area. |
| Drawing of a traffic circulation plan. |
| Minimum 20 percent energy conservation measures should be adopted in incorporating provisions for use of LED and star-rated ACs and a revised energy conservation plan to be submitted. |
| Measures taken to comply with Central Pollution Control Board guidelines formulated for noise pollution control in the airport area to be submitted. |
| Representations were sent to the EAC by the Federation of Rainbow Warriors, a civic and social organisation. The EAC requested the project proponents to respond to the issues raised. Further clarifications were sought by it and eventually the project was granted an EC on October 28, 2015. |
| However, this was challenged in the NGT bench in Pune by Hanuman Laxman Aroskar and the Federation of Rainbow Warriors. Though the NGT initially stayed the felling of trees at the site, the stay was subsequently vacated. The NGT dismissed appeals upholding the validity of the EC and imposed several additional conditions. Subsequently, the order issued by the Forest Department to permit the felling of trees was challenged before the High Court of Judicature in Goa in March 2018. The High Court set aside the order of the Deputy Conservator of Forests and remanded the matter to be heard by the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF). On April 2, 2018, the PCCF stipulated several conditions for the cutting and the felling of trees at the site including: (i) enumeration of trees (ii) plantation of 10 times the number of trees felled. |
| A greenfield airport at Mopa in North Goa, being developed by GMR, seems to have finally crossed all hurdles. A Supreme Court bench, comprising Justices DY Chandrachud and Hemant Gupta, has given its nod for the construction of the airport and asked the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) to oversee the project to ensure that there is no environmental damage. |
| The bench directed the concessionaire of the project to adopt a zero carbon programme in the construction and operational phases of the airport. It said conditions imposed by the centre's Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) and the NGT are sufficient to protect the environment and approved the project. Incidentally, the Court had last year found fault with the environment clearance (EC) given to the project and directed the EAC to re-examine it. |
| Mopa village is situated in Pernem taluka in North Goa, close to the inter-state boundary with Maharashtra. The proposed airport is approximately 35 km north-east of Panaji, the capital of Goa. The site is a lateritic tabletop plateau at a height of 180 m above sea level and is surrounded by steep slopes. |
| As the airport at Dabolim is saturated and is a military airfield, there are restrictions on civilian airlines. In 1997, Goa government initiated a process to commission studies and project reports for a proposed international airport. The project was granted an EC by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) in accordance with the procedure mandated in the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) notification of September 14, 2006. |
| After the Terms of Reference were issued by the EAC, the draft EIA report was submitted to the Goa Pollution Control Board, and a public hearing was conducted at the project site on February 1, 2015. On May 20, 2015, the Goa government submitted the final EIA report to the MoEFCC, seeking the grant of an EC for the project. |
| The EAC, at its 149th meeting in June 2015, deliberated the EIA report and sought additional information. These were: |
| 10 years' data regarding rainfall in the area. |
| Drawing of a traffic circulation plan. |
| Minimum 20 percent energy conservation measures should be adopted in incorporating provisions for use of LED and star-rated ACs and a revised energy conservation plan to be submitted. |
| Measures taken to comply with Central Pollution Control Board guidelines formulated for noise pollution control in the airport area to be submitted. |
| Representations were sent to the EAC by the Federation of Rainbow Warriors, a civic and social organisation. The EAC requested the project proponents to respond to the issues raised. Further clarifications were sought by it and eventually the project was granted an EC on October 28, 2015. |
| However, this was challenged in the NGT bench in Pune by Hanuman Laxman Aroskar and the Federation of Rainbow Warriors. Though the NGT initially stayed the felling of trees at the site, the stay was subsequently vacated. The NGT dismissed appeals upholding the validity of the EC and imposed several additional conditions. Subsequently, the order issued by the Forest Department to permit the felling of trees was challenged before the High Court of Judicature in Goa in March 2018. The High Court set aside the order of the Deputy Conservator of Forests and remanded the matter to be heard by the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF). On April 2, 2018, the PCCF stipulated several conditions for the cutting and the felling of trees at the site including: (i) enumeration of trees (ii) plantation of 10 times the number of trees felled. |
| A greenfield airport at Mopa in North Goa, being developed by GMR, seems to have finally crossed all hurdles. A Supreme Court bench, comprising Justices DY Chandrachud and Hemant Gupta, has given its nod for the construction of the airport and asked the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) to oversee the project to ensure that there is no environmental damage. |
| The bench directed the concessionaire of the project to adopt a zero carbon programme in the construction and operational phases of the airport. It said conditions imposed by the centre's Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) and the NGT are sufficient to protect the environment and approved the project. Incidentally, the Court had last year found fault with the environment clearance (EC) given to the project and directed the EAC to re-examine it. |
| Mopa village is situated in Pernem taluka in North Goa, close to the inter-state boundary with Maharashtra. The proposed airport is approximately 35 km north-east of Panaji, the capital of Goa. The site is a lateritic tabletop plateau at a height of 180 m above sea level and is surrounded by steep slopes. |
| As the airport at Dabolim is saturated and is a military airfield, there are restrictions on civilian airlines. In 1997, Goa government initiated a process to commission studies and project reports for a proposed international airport. The project was granted an EC by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) in accordance with the procedure mandated in the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) notification of September 14, 2006. |
| After the Terms of Reference were issued by the EAC, the draft EIA report was submitted to the Goa Pollution Control Board, and a public hearing was conducted at the project site on February 1, 2015. On May 20, 2015, the Goa government submitted the final EIA report to the MoEFCC, seeking the grant of an EC for the project. |
| The EAC, at its 149th meeting in June 2015, deliberated the EIA report and sought additional information. These were: |
| 10 years' data regarding rainfall in the area. |
| Drawing of a traffic circulation plan. |
| Minimum 20 percent energy conservation measures should be adopted in incorporating provisions for use of LED and star-rated ACs and a revised energy conservation plan to be submitted. |
| Measures taken to comply with Central Pollution Control Board guidelines formulated for noise pollution control in the airport area to be submitted. |
| Representations were sent to the EAC by the Federation of Rainbow Warriors, a civic and social organisation. The EAC requested the project proponents to respond to the issues raised. Further clarifications were sought by it and eventually the project was granted an EC on October 28, 2015. |
| However, this was challenged in the NGT bench in Pune by Hanuman Laxman Aroskar and the Federation of Rainbow Warriors. Though the NGT initially stayed the felling of trees at the site, the stay was subsequently vacated. The NGT dismissed appeals upholding the validity of the EC and imposed several additional conditions. Subsequently, the order issued by the Forest Department to permit the felling of trees was challenged before the High Court of Judicature in Goa in March 2018. The High Court set aside the order of the Deputy Conservator of Forests and remanded the matter to be heard by the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF). On April 2, 2018, the PCCF stipulated several conditions for the cutting and the felling of trees at the site including: (i) enumeration of trees (ii) plantation of 10 times the number of trees felled. |
| A greenfield airport at Mopa in North Goa, being developed by GMR, seems to have finally crossed all hurdles. A Supreme Court bench, comprising Justices DY Chandrachud and Hemant Gupta, has given its nod for the construction of the airport and asked the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) to oversee the project to ensure that there is no environmental damage. |
| The bench directed the concessionaire of the project to adopt a zero carbon programme in the construction and operational phases of the airport. It said conditions imposed by the centre's Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) and the NGT are sufficient to protect the environment and approved the project. Incidentally, the Court had last year found fault with the environment clearance (EC) given to the project and directed the EAC to re-examine it. |
| Mopa village is situated in Pernem taluka in North Goa, close to the inter-state boundary with Maharashtra. The proposed airport is approximately 35 km north-east of Panaji, the capital of Goa. The site is a lateritic tabletop plateau at a height of 180 m above sea level and is surrounded by steep slopes. |
| As the airport at Dabolim is saturated and is a military airfield, there are restrictions on civilian airlines. In 1997, Goa government initiated a process to commission studies and project reports for a proposed international airport. The project was granted an EC by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) in accordance with the procedure mandated in the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) notification of September 14, 2006. |
| After the Terms of Reference were issued by the EAC, the draft EIA report was submitted to the Goa Pollution Control Board, and a public hearing was conducted at the project site on February 1, 2015. On May 20, 2015, the Goa government submitted the final EIA report to the MoEFCC, seeking the grant of an EC for the project. |
| The EAC, at its 149th meeting in June 2015, deliberated the EIA report and sought additional information. These were: |
| 10 years' data regarding rainfall in the area. |
| Drawing of a traffic circulation plan. |
| Minimum 20 percent energy conservation measures should be adopted in incorporating provisions for use of LED and star-rated ACs and a revised energy conservation plan to be submitted. |
| Measures taken to comply with Central Pollution Control Board guidelines formulated for noise pollution control in the airport area to be submitted. |
| Representations were sent to the EAC by the Federation of Rainbow Warriors, a civic and social organisation. The EAC requested the project proponents to respond to the issues raised. Further clarifications were sought by it and eventually the project was granted an EC on October 28, 2015. |
| However, this was challenged in the NGT bench in Pune by Hanuman Laxman Aroskar and the Federation of Rainbow Warriors. Though the NGT initially stayed the felling of trees at the site, the stay was subsequently vacated. The NGT dismissed appeals upholding the validity of the EC and imposed several additional conditions. Subsequently, the order issued by the Forest Department to permit the felling of trees was challenged before the High Court of Judicature in Goa in March 2018. The High Court set aside the order of the Deputy Conservator of Forests and remanded the matter to be heard by the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF). On April 2, 2018, the PCCF stipulated several conditions for the cutting and the felling of trees at the site including: (i) enumeration of trees (ii) plantation of 10 times the number of trees felled. |
| A greenfield airport at Mopa in North Goa, being developed by GMR, seems to have finally crossed all hurdles. A Supreme Court bench, comprising Justices DY Chandrachud and Hemant Gupta, has given its nod for the construction of the airport and asked the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI) to oversee the project to ensure that there is no environmental damage. |
| The bench directed the concessionaire of the project to adopt a zero carbon programme in the construction and operational phases of the airport. It said conditions imposed by the centre's Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) and the NGT are sufficient to protect the environment and approved the project. Incidentally, the Court had last year found fault with the environment clearance (EC) given to the project and directed the EAC to re-examine it. |
| Mopa village is situated in Pernem taluka in North Goa, close to the inter-state boundary with Maharashtra. The proposed airport is approximately 35 km north-east of Panaji, the capital of Goa. The site is a lateritic tabletop plateau at a height of 180 m above sea level and is surrounded by steep slopes. |
| As the airport at Dabolim is saturated and is a military airfield, there are restrictions on civilian airlines. In 1997, Goa government initiated a process to commission studies and project reports for a proposed international airport. The project was granted an EC by the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC) in accordance with the procedure mandated in the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) notification of September 14, 2006. |
| After the Terms of Reference were issued by the EAC, the draft EIA report was submitted to the Goa Pollution Control Board, and a public hearing was conducted at the project site on February 1, 2015. On May 20, 2015, the Goa government submitted the final EIA report to the MoEFCC, seeking the grant of an EC for the project. |
| The EAC, at its 149th meeting in June 2015, deliberated the EIA report and sought additional information. These were: |
| 10 years' data regarding rainfall in the area. |
| Drawing of a traffic circulation plan. |
| Minimum 20 percent energy conservation measures should be adopted in incorporating provisions for use of LED and star-rated ACs and a revised energy conservation plan to be submitted. |
| Measures taken to comply with Central Pollution Control Board guidelines formulated for noise pollution control in the airport area to be submitted. |
| Representations were sent to the EAC by the Federation of Rainbow Warriors, a civic and social organisation. The EAC requested the project proponents to respond to the issues raised. Further clarifications were sought by it and eventually the project was granted an EC on October 28, 2015. |
| However, this was challenged in the NGT bench in Pune by Hanuman Laxman Aroskar and the Federation of Rainbow Warriors. Though the NGT initially stayed the felling of trees at the site, the stay was subsequently vacated. The NGT dismissed appeals upholding the validity of the EC and imposed several additional conditions. Subsequently, the order issued by the Forest Department to permit the felling of trees was challenged before the High Court of Judicature in Goa in March 2018. The High Court set aside the order of the Deputy Conservator of Forests and remanded the matter to be heard by the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF). On April 2, 2018, the PCCF stipulated several conditions for the cutting and the felling of trees at the site including: (i) enumeration of trees (ii) plantation of 10 times the number of trees felled. |
| As far back as 1895 there existed a demand for framing a Constitution for India. This is evident from the Constitution of India Bill, 1895 which was inspired by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. It was also called the Swaraj Bill. It was a non-official attempt at drafting the Constitution for India. It was only after coming into force of the Government of India Act of 1935 that the idea that there should be an independent Constituent Assembly to frame the Constitution of India gained momentum. The Congress Resolution on the Government of India Act, 1935 in April 1936 declared that no Constitution imposed by outside authority and no Constitution which curtails the sovereignty of India can be accepted, and hence a Constituent Assembly elected on adult franchise or a franchise which approximates to it as nearly as possible must be set up. In the National Convention of Congress Legislators, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru declared that the 1935 Constitution must go, "lock, stock and barrel, and leave the field clear for our Constituent Assembly". This sentiment was echoed by the Provincial Assemblies of Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Orissa, North West Frontier Provinces and Madras. Gandhiji also held the opinion that a Constituent Assembly could become a vehicle to resolve the communal problems. His vision was to have a Constituent Assembly that would reflect fairly and truly the best mind of India. "The August Offer" in 1940 by the Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, and the "Cripps Offer" in March 1942 by Sir Stafford Cripps were not accepted. After the failure of the Wavell Plan and the Shimla Conference, in July 1945, the Labour Government came to power in England In September 1945, the Viceroy affirmed His Majestys intention to convene a constitution-making body for India "as soon as possible". In December 1945 the Secretary of State for India, Pethick Lawrence announced the speedy implementation of the new governments policy. |
| Cabinet Mission, 1946 In the year 1946, Pethick Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and A.V. Alexander, the Cabinet Ministers arrived in India on a special mission. |
| They set out three tasks for their mission in India. The first task was to undertake preparatory discussions with elected representatives of British India in order to determine the method of framing a Constitution for India. The second task was to set up a constitution-making body. And the third task was to bring into being an Executive. Council having the support of the main Indian parties. The Cabinet Ministers and the representatives of the Congress and the Muslim League met in Shimla between April and May 1946. This meeting resulted in arriving at a Cabinet Mission Plan. The plan recommended a three-tier basis for the new Constitution. It also recommended the framing of the new Constitution by a constitution-making body in which the Provinces were to be represented on population basis. It also emphasised on the immediate need of an interim government. Initially the plan was found to be unsatisfactory by both the Congress and the Muslim League; however, the proposal was later accepted by all parties. On the basis of the plan, elections for the constitution-making body took place in July 1946. |
| As far back as 1895 there existed a demand for framing a Constitution for India. This is evident from the Constitution of India Bill, 1895 which was inspired by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. It was also called the Swaraj Bill. It was a non-official attempt at drafting the Constitution for India. It was only after coming into force of the Government of India Act of 1935 that the idea that there should be an independent Constituent Assembly to frame the Constitution of India gained momentum. The Congress Resolution on the Government of India Act, 1935 in April 1936 declared that no Constitution imposed by outside authority and no Constitution which curtails the sovereignty of India can be accepted, and hence a Constituent Assembly elected on adult franchise or a franchise which approximates to it as nearly as possible must be set up. In the National Convention of Congress Legislators, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru declared that the 1935 Constitution must go, "lock, stock and barrel, and leave the field clear for our Constituent Assembly". This sentiment was echoed by the Provincial Assemblies of Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Orissa, North West Frontier Provinces and Madras. Gandhiji also held the opinion that a Constituent Assembly could become a vehicle to resolve the communal problems. His vision was to have a Constituent Assembly that would reflect fairly and truly the best mind of India. "The August Offer" in 1940 by the Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, and the "Cripps Offer" in March 1942 by Sir Stafford Cripps were not accepted. After the failure of the Wavell Plan and the Shimla Conference, in July 1945, the Labour Government came to power in England In September 1945, the Viceroy affirmed His Majestys intention to convene a constitution-making body for India "as soon as possible". In December 1945 the Secretary of State for India, Pethick Lawrence announced the speedy implementation of the new governments policy. |
| Cabinet Mission, 1946 In the year 1946, Pethick Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and A.V. Alexander, the Cabinet Ministers arrived in India on a special mission. |
| They set out three tasks for their mission in India. The first task was to undertake preparatory discussions with elected representatives of British India in order to determine the method of framing a Constitution for India. The second task was to set up a constitution-making body. And the third task was to bring into being an Executive. Council having the support of the main Indian parties. The Cabinet Ministers and the representatives of the Congress and the Muslim League met in Shimla between April and May 1946. This meeting resulted in arriving at a Cabinet Mission Plan. The plan recommended a three-tier basis for the new Constitution. It also recommended the framing of the new Constitution by a constitution-making body in which the Provinces were to be represented on population basis. It also emphasised on the immediate need of an interim government. Initially the plan was found to be unsatisfactory by both the Congress and the Muslim League; however, the proposal was later accepted by all parties. On the basis of the plan, elections for the constitution-making body took place in July 1946. |
| As far back as 1895 there existed a demand for framing a Constitution for India. This is evident from the Constitution of India Bill, 1895 which was inspired by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. It was also called the Swaraj Bill. It was a non-official attempt at drafting the Constitution for India. It was only after coming into force of the Government of India Act of 1935 that the idea that there should be an independent Constituent Assembly to frame the Constitution of India gained momentum. The Congress Resolution on the Government of India Act, 1935 in April 1936 declared that no Constitution imposed by outside authority and no Constitution which curtails the sovereignty of India can be accepted, and hence a Constituent Assembly elected on adult franchise or a franchise which approximates to it as nearly as possible must be set up. In the National Convention of Congress Legislators, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru declared that the 1935 Constitution must go, "lock, stock and barrel, and leave the field clear for our Constituent Assembly". This sentiment was echoed by the Provincial Assemblies of Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Orissa, North West Frontier Provinces and Madras. Gandhiji also held the opinion that a Constituent Assembly could become a vehicle to resolve the communal problems. His vision was to have a Constituent Assembly that would reflect fairly and truly the best mind of India. "The August Offer" in 1940 by the Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, and the "Cripps Offer" in March 1942 by Sir Stafford Cripps were not accepted. After the failure of the Wavell Plan and the Shimla Conference, in July 1945, the Labour Government came to power in England In September 1945, the Viceroy affirmed His Majestys intention to convene a constitution-making body for India "as soon as possible". In December 1945 the Secretary of State for India, Pethick Lawrence announced the speedy implementation of the new governments policy. |
| Cabinet Mission, 1946 In the year 1946, Pethick Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and A.V. Alexander, the Cabinet Ministers arrived in India on a special mission. |
| They set out three tasks for their mission in India. The first task was to undertake preparatory discussions with elected representatives of British India in order to determine the method of framing a Constitution for India. The second task was to set up a constitution-making body. And the third task was to bring into being an Executive. Council having the support of the main Indian parties. The Cabinet Ministers and the representatives of the Congress and the Muslim League met in Shimla between April and May 1946. This meeting resulted in arriving at a Cabinet Mission Plan. The plan recommended a three-tier basis for the new Constitution. It also recommended the framing of the new Constitution by a constitution-making body in which the Provinces were to be represented on population basis. It also emphasised on the immediate need of an interim government. Initially the plan was found to be unsatisfactory by both the Congress and the Muslim League; however, the proposal was later accepted by all parties. On the basis of the plan, elections for the constitution-making body took place in July 1946. |
| As far back as 1895 there existed a demand for framing a Constitution for India. This is evident from the Constitution of India Bill, 1895 which was inspired by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. It was also called the Swaraj Bill. It was a non-official attempt at drafting the Constitution for India. It was only after coming into force of the Government of India Act of 1935 that the idea that there should be an independent Constituent Assembly to frame the Constitution of India gained momentum. The Congress Resolution on the Government of India Act, 1935 in April 1936 declared that no Constitution imposed by outside authority and no Constitution which curtails the sovereignty of India can be accepted, and hence a Constituent Assembly elected on adult franchise or a franchise which approximates to it as nearly as possible must be set up. In the National Convention of Congress Legislators, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru declared that the 1935 Constitution must go, "lock, stock and barrel, and leave the field clear for our Constituent Assembly". This sentiment was echoed by the Provincial Assemblies of Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Orissa, North West Frontier Provinces and Madras. Gandhiji also held the opinion that a Constituent Assembly could become a vehicle to resolve the communal problems. His vision was to have a Constituent Assembly that would reflect fairly and truly the best mind of India. "The August Offer" in 1940 by the Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, and the "Cripps Offer" in March 1942 by Sir Stafford Cripps were not accepted. After the failure of the Wavell Plan and the Shimla Conference, in July 1945, the Labour Government came to power in England In September 1945, the Viceroy affirmed His Majestys intention to convene a constitution-making body for India "as soon as possible". In December 1945 the Secretary of State for India, Pethick Lawrence announced the speedy implementation of the new governments policy. |
| Cabinet Mission, 1946 In the year 1946, Pethick Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and A.V. Alexander, the Cabinet Ministers arrived in India on a special mission. |
| They set out three tasks for their mission in India. The first task was to undertake preparatory discussions with elected representatives of British India in order to determine the method of framing a Constitution for India. The second task was to set up a constitution-making body. And the third task was to bring into being an Executive. Council having the support of the main Indian parties. The Cabinet Ministers and the representatives of the Congress and the Muslim League met in Shimla between April and May 1946. This meeting resulted in arriving at a Cabinet Mission Plan. The plan recommended a three-tier basis for the new Constitution. It also recommended the framing of the new Constitution by a constitution-making body in which the Provinces were to be represented on population basis. It also emphasised on the immediate need of an interim government. Initially the plan was found to be unsatisfactory by both the Congress and the Muslim League; however, the proposal was later accepted by all parties. On the basis of the plan, elections for the constitution-making body took place in July 1946. |
| As far back as 1895 there existed a demand for framing a Constitution for India. This is evident from the Constitution of India Bill, 1895 which was inspired by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. It was also called the Swaraj Bill. It was a non-official attempt at drafting the Constitution for India. It was only after coming into force of the Government of India Act of 1935 that the idea that there should be an independent Constituent Assembly to frame the Constitution of India gained momentum. The Congress Resolution on the Government of India Act, 1935 in April 1936 declared that no Constitution imposed by outside authority and no Constitution which curtails the sovereignty of India can be accepted, and hence a Constituent Assembly elected on adult franchise or a franchise which approximates to it as nearly as possible must be set up. In the National Convention of Congress Legislators, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru declared that the 1935 Constitution must go, "lock, stock and barrel, and leave the field clear for our Constituent Assembly". This sentiment was echoed by the Provincial Assemblies of Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Orissa, North West Frontier Provinces and Madras. Gandhiji also held the opinion that a Constituent Assembly could become a vehicle to resolve the communal problems. His vision was to have a Constituent Assembly that would reflect fairly and truly the best mind of India. "The August Offer" in 1940 by the Viceroy Lord Linlithgow, and the "Cripps Offer" in March 1942 by Sir Stafford Cripps were not accepted. After the failure of the Wavell Plan and the Shimla Conference, in July 1945, the Labour Government came to power in England In September 1945, the Viceroy affirmed His Majestys intention to convene a constitution-making body for India "as soon as possible". In December 1945 the Secretary of State for India, Pethick Lawrence announced the speedy implementation of the new governments policy. |
| Cabinet Mission, 1946 In the year 1946, Pethick Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and A.V. Alexander, the Cabinet Ministers arrived in India on a special mission. |
| They set out three tasks for their mission in India. The first task was to undertake preparatory discussions with elected representatives of British India in order to determine the method of framing a Constitution for India. The second task was to set up a constitution-making body. And the third task was to bring into being an Executive. Council having the support of the main Indian parties. The Cabinet Ministers and the representatives of the Congress and the Muslim League met in Shimla between April and May 1946. This meeting resulted in arriving at a Cabinet Mission Plan. The plan recommended a three-tier basis for the new Constitution. It also recommended the framing of the new Constitution by a constitution-making body in which the Provinces were to be represented on population basis. It also emphasised on the immediate need of an interim government. Initially the plan was found to be unsatisfactory by both the Congress and the Muslim League; however, the proposal was later accepted by all parties. On the basis of the plan, elections for the constitution-making body took place in July 1946. |
| India is a Federal Democratic Republic. Though India is described as a "Union of States", it has all the features of a federal set-up. The Constitution envisages a National Government and the State Governments. The Constitution is the supreme authority for governance in India. Both the Centre and the State Governments derive its power from it. There is a federal Judiciary to act as the guardian of the Constitution and to settle disputes between the Centre and States. However, since the Union has supremacy over the States, India is also called quasi-federal State, India three bodies and divides the powers of governance among them. There is a Legislature whose task is to make laws. There is a Judiciary whose task is to interpret laws and decide disputes between parties. And there is an Executive whose task is the daily administration of State bureaucracy. Legislature is headed by the Prime Minister; the Judiciary is headed by the Chief Justice of India; and the Executive is headed by the President of India. |
| India is a Sovereign State |
| India is internally supreme and externally free. State authority of India is supreme over all men and all associations within Indias territorial boundary. India makes its own laws and Indian citizens are governed by the laws that India makes. This is Indias internal sovereignty. Externally India is free from all external controls. India's membership of the Commonwealth or of the United Nations does not impose any external limit on her sovereignty. No country can compel India to pass any law or enter into any agreement with any other State. |
| India is a Socialist State |
| The term "socialist" was added to the Preamble of the Constitution by 42nd Amendment in 1976. The basic framework of socialism is to provide a decent standard of life to the working people and especially to provide security from cradle to grave. Even the judicial freedom is subordinated to the interest of the community. Since India follows the ideal of socialism, therefore, complete free market cannot be allowed in India. The State can interfere in the market transactions for the best interest of the common man. The State can also take control of some businesses to the exclusion of all others. |
| In India socialism alms at providing all opportunities for pursuing the educational activity. The opportunity to be fully educated is not to be denied in India merely because of the lack of financial resources. India aims at providing free or heavily subsidised education at all levels. After the education is completed, socialism aims at equality in pursuit of excellence in the chosen avocation without consideration of caste, colour, sex or religion. Everyone is given full opportunity to reach at the top. The resources of the nation are so distributed that a less equipped person is assured of a decent minimum standard of life. A protection from exploitation is ensured, and an effort is made to help the people who are the poorest in the country so that their standard of living, medical aid, freedom from want, freedom from fear and the enjoyable leisure, relieving them from the humility of dependence in old age. The State is required to take actions to free the society from feudal exploited slave conditions. Unlike some countries where socialism is adopted with a doctrinaire approach, in India socialism is adopted with a pragmatic approach. In India wherever there is State ownership or the monopoly of means of production, it is for the reason that it is expedient to do so and not for the reason that as a matter of principle the State should have monopoly over the means of production. |
| India is a Federal Democratic Republic. Though India is described as a "Union of States", it has all the features of a federal set-up. The Constitution envisages a National Government and the State Governments. The Constitution is the supreme authority for governance in India. Both the Centre and the State Governments derive its power from it. There is a federal Judiciary to act as the guardian of the Constitution and to settle disputes between the Centre and States. However, since the Union has supremacy over the States, India is also called quasi-federal State, India three bodies and divides the powers of governance among them. There is a Legislature whose task is to make laws. There is a Judiciary whose task is to interpret laws and decide disputes between parties. And there is an Executive whose task is the daily administration of State bureaucracy. Legislature is headed by the Prime Minister; the Judiciary is headed by the Chief Justice of India; and the Executive is headed by the President of India. |
| India is a Sovereign State |
| India is internally supreme and externally free. State authority of India is supreme over all men and all associations within Indias territorial boundary. India makes its own laws and Indian citizens are governed by the laws that India makes. This is Indias internal sovereignty. Externally India is free from all external controls. India's membership of the Commonwealth or of the United Nations does not impose any external limit on her sovereignty. No country can compel India to pass any law or enter into any agreement with any other State. |
| India is a Socialist State |
| The term "socialist" was added to the Preamble of the Constitution by 42nd Amendment in 1976. The basic framework of socialism is to provide a decent standard of life to the working people and especially to provide security from cradle to grave. Even the judicial freedom is subordinated to the interest of the community. Since India follows the ideal of socialism, therefore, complete free market cannot be allowed in India. The State can interfere in the market transactions for the best interest of the common man. The State can also take control of some businesses to the exclusion of all others. |
| In India socialism alms at providing all opportunities for pursuing the educational activity. The opportunity to be fully educated is not to be denied in India merely because of the lack of financial resources. India aims at providing free or heavily subsidised education at all levels. After the education is completed, socialism aims at equality in pursuit of excellence in the chosen avocation without consideration of caste, colour, sex or religion. Everyone is given full opportunity to reach at the top. The resources of the nation are so distributed that a less equipped person is assured of a decent minimum standard of life. A protection from exploitation is ensured, and an effort is made to help the people who are the poorest in the country so that their standard of living, medical aid, freedom from want, freedom from fear and the enjoyable leisure, relieving them from the humility of dependence in old age. The State is required to take actions to free the society from feudal exploited slave conditions. Unlike some countries where socialism is adopted with a doctrinaire approach, in India socialism is adopted with a pragmatic approach. In India wherever there is State ownership or the monopoly of means of production, it is for the reason that it is expedient to do so and not for the reason that as a matter of principle the State should have monopoly over the means of production. |
| India is a Federal Democratic Republic. Though India is described as a "Union of States", it has all the features of a federal set-up. The Constitution envisages a National Government and the State Governments. The Constitution is the supreme authority for governance in India. Both the Centre and the State Governments derive its power from it. There is a federal Judiciary to act as the guardian of the Constitution and to settle disputes between the Centre and States. However, since the Union has supremacy over the States, India is also called quasi-federal State, India three bodies and divides the powers of governance among them. There is a Legislature whose task is to make laws. There is a Judiciary whose task is to interpret laws and decide disputes between parties. And there is an Executive whose task is the daily administration of State bureaucracy. Legislature is headed by the Prime Minister; the Judiciary is headed by the Chief Justice of India; and the Executive is headed by the President of India. |
| India is a Sovereign State |
| India is internally supreme and externally free. State authority of India is supreme over all men and all associations within Indias territorial boundary. India makes its own laws and Indian citizens are governed by the laws that India makes. This is Indias internal sovereignty. Externally India is free from all external controls. India's membership of the Commonwealth or of the United Nations does not impose any external limit on her sovereignty. No country can compel India to pass any law or enter into any agreement with any other State. |
| India is a Socialist State |
| The term "socialist" was added to the Preamble of the Constitution by 42nd Amendment in 1976. The basic framework of socialism is to provide a decent standard of life to the working people and especially to provide security from cradle to grave. Even the judicial freedom is subordinated to the interest of the community. Since India follows the ideal of socialism, therefore, complete free market cannot be allowed in India. The State can interfere in the market transactions for the best interest of the common man. The State can also take control of some businesses to the exclusion of all others. |
| In India socialism alms at providing all opportunities for pursuing the educational activity. The opportunity to be fully educated is not to be denied in India merely because of the lack of financial resources. India aims at providing free or heavily subsidised education at all levels. After the education is completed, socialism aims at equality in pursuit of excellence in the chosen avocation without consideration of caste, colour, sex or religion. Everyone is given full opportunity to reach at the top. The resources of the nation are so distributed that a less equipped person is assured of a decent minimum standard of life. A protection from exploitation is ensured, and an effort is made to help the people who are the poorest in the country so that their standard of living, medical aid, freedom from want, freedom from fear and the enjoyable leisure, relieving them from the humility of dependence in old age. The State is required to take actions to free the society from feudal exploited slave conditions. Unlike some countries where socialism is adopted with a doctrinaire approach, in India socialism is adopted with a pragmatic approach. In India wherever there is State ownership or the monopoly of means of production, it is for the reason that it is expedient to do so and not for the reason that as a matter of principle the State should have monopoly over the means of production. |
| India is a Federal Democratic Republic. Though India is described as a "Union of States", it has all the features of a federal set-up. The Constitution envisages a National Government and the State Governments. The Constitution is the supreme authority for governance in India. Both the Centre and the State Governments derive its power from it. There is a federal Judiciary to act as the guardian of the Constitution and to settle disputes between the Centre and States. However, since the Union has supremacy over the States, India is also called quasi-federal State, India three bodies and divides the powers of governance among them. There is a Legislature whose task is to make laws. There is a Judiciary whose task is to interpret laws and decide disputes between parties. And there is an Executive whose task is the daily administration of State bureaucracy. Legislature is headed by the Prime Minister; the Judiciary is headed by the Chief Justice of India; and the Executive is headed by the President of India. |
| India is a Sovereign State |
| India is internally supreme and externally free. State authority of India is supreme over all men and all associations within Indias territorial boundary. India makes its own laws and Indian citizens are governed by the laws that India makes. This is Indias internal sovereignty. Externally India is free from all external controls. India's membership of the Commonwealth or of the United Nations does not impose any external limit on her sovereignty. No country can compel India to pass any law or enter into any agreement with any other State. |
| India is a Socialist State |
| The term "socialist" was added to the Preamble of the Constitution by 42nd Amendment in 1976. The basic framework of socialism is to provide a decent standard of life to the working people and especially to provide security from cradle to grave. Even the judicial freedom is subordinated to the interest of the community. Since India follows the ideal of socialism, therefore, complete free market cannot be allowed in India. The State can interfere in the market transactions for the best interest of the common man. The State can also take control of some businesses to the exclusion of all others. |
| In India socialism alms at providing all opportunities for pursuing the educational activity. The opportunity to be fully educated is not to be denied in India merely because of the lack of financial resources. India aims at providing free or heavily subsidised education at all levels. After the education is completed, socialism aims at equality in pursuit of excellence in the chosen avocation without consideration of caste, colour, sex or religion. Everyone is given full opportunity to reach at the top. The resources of the nation are so distributed that a less equipped person is assured of a decent minimum standard of life. A protection from exploitation is ensured, and an effort is made to help the people who are the poorest in the country so that their standard of living, medical aid, freedom from want, freedom from fear and the enjoyable leisure, relieving them from the humility of dependence in old age. The State is required to take actions to free the society from feudal exploited slave conditions. Unlike some countries where socialism is adopted with a doctrinaire approach, in India socialism is adopted with a pragmatic approach. In India wherever there is State ownership or the monopoly of means of production, it is for the reason that it is expedient to do so and not for the reason that as a matter of principle the State should have monopoly over the means of production. |
| India is a Federal Democratic Republic. Though India is described as a "Union of States", it has all the features of a federal set-up. The Constitution envisages a National Government and the State Governments. The Constitution is the supreme authority for governance in India. Both the Centre and the State Governments derive its power from it. There is a federal Judiciary to act as the guardian of the Constitution and to settle disputes between the Centre and States. However, since the Union has supremacy over the States, India is also called quasi-federal State, India three bodies and divides the powers of governance among them. There is a Legislature whose task is to make laws. There is a Judiciary whose task is to interpret laws and decide disputes between parties. And there is an Executive whose task is the daily administration of State bureaucracy. Legislature is headed by the Prime Minister; the Judiciary is headed by the Chief Justice of India; and the Executive is headed by the President of India. |
| India is a Sovereign State |
| India is internally supreme and externally free. State authority of India is supreme over all men and all associations within Indias territorial boundary. India makes its own laws and Indian citizens are governed by the laws that India makes. This is Indias internal sovereignty. Externally India is free from all external controls. India's membership of the Commonwealth or of the United Nations does not impose any external limit on her sovereignty. No country can compel India to pass any law or enter into any agreement with any other State. |
| India is a Socialist State |
| The term "socialist" was added to the Preamble of the Constitution by 42nd Amendment in 1976. The basic framework of socialism is to provide a decent standard of life to the working people and especially to provide security from cradle to grave. Even the judicial freedom is subordinated to the interest of the community. Since India follows the ideal of socialism, therefore, complete free market cannot be allowed in India. The State can interfere in the market transactions for the best interest of the common man. The State can also take control of some businesses to the exclusion of all others. |
| In India socialism alms at providing all opportunities for pursuing the educational activity. The opportunity to be fully educated is not to be denied in India merely because of the lack of financial resources. India aims at providing free or heavily subsidised education at all levels. After the education is completed, socialism aims at equality in pursuit of excellence in the chosen avocation without consideration of caste, colour, sex or religion. Everyone is given full opportunity to reach at the top. The resources of the nation are so distributed that a less equipped person is assured of a decent minimum standard of life. A protection from exploitation is ensured, and an effort is made to help the people who are the poorest in the country so that their standard of living, medical aid, freedom from want, freedom from fear and the enjoyable leisure, relieving them from the humility of dependence in old age. The State is required to take actions to free the society from feudal exploited slave conditions. Unlike some countries where socialism is adopted with a doctrinaire approach, in India socialism is adopted with a pragmatic approach. In India wherever there is State ownership or the monopoly of means of production, it is for the reason that it is expedient to do so and not for the reason that as a matter of principle the State should have monopoly over the means of production. |
| Dr B.R. Ambedkar had said. "There is nothing to be ashamed of in borrowing. It involves no plagiarism. Nobody holds any patent rights in the fundamental ideas of a Constitution". Indian Constitution is a bag of borrowings. The purpose of the makers of the Constitution was not to produce an original or unique Constitution. What they wanted was to produce a good and workable Constitution. Therefore, in the making of the Indian Constitution an effort was made to take the best ideas from different Constitutions. In addition to the Government of India Act, 1935 the Indian Constitution is inspired by British, Irish, American, Canadian and many other Constitutions of the world. Thus, the idea of a federal structure, the office of the Governor, the Judiciary, Public Service Commission, Emergency, and many administrative details already existed in the Government of India Act, 1935. With some modifications the Constitution adopted these ideas. From the British Constitution our Constitution makers adopted many ideas. Parliamentary form of government (with bicameral legislature and Cabinet system), prerogative writs, idea of single citizenship, idea of rule of law, institution of Speaker in the House, procedure of law-making. Parliamentary privileges, and the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General are some of the things that are borrowed from British Constitution. The Preamble of the Indian Constitution is inspired by the American Constitution in as much as it lays down the source of authority and sets the ideals. |
| The American Constitution also serves as the source of the idea of fundamental rights, electoral college, independence of Judiciary, judicial review, and equal protection of laws. President is the supreme commander of armed forces in the US and also in India. From the Irish Constitution the Constitution makers took the idea of directive principles of state policy, the advisory jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India, the election procedure of the President of India, and also the idea of the nomination of members to Rajya Sabha. The idea of freedom of trade and commerce within the country and between the States is borrowed from the Australian Constitution. An "Australian Common Market" was one of the main objectives of the movement by the Australian people towards federation. India attempts to emulate the Australian ideal by providing in Article 301 that trade commerce and intercourse shall be free except according to the restrictions provided in Part XIII of the Constitution. Provision for the joint sitting of both the Houses of Parliament and concurrent law-making powers of the Union and the State are also borrowed from the Australian Constitution. From the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen which has existed since 1789 and the Constitution of 1791 that the ideals of "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity" set forth in the Preamble to the Constitution of India were derived. Canadian Constitution was the inspiration behind the provisions like distribution of powers between Centre and the State and the residual powers with the Central Government Besides these main borrowings, Indian Constitution has also borrowed the ideas from the then USSR and German Constitutions. The idea of suspension of fundamental rights during Emergency was there in the German Constitution of 1919, and the idea of fundamental duties was therein the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic. |
| Dr B.R. Ambedkar had said. "There is nothing to be ashamed of in borrowing. It involves no plagiarism. Nobody holds any patent rights in the fundamental ideas of a Constitution". Indian Constitution is a bag of borrowings. The purpose of the makers of the Constitution was not to produce an original or unique Constitution. What they wanted was to produce a good and workable Constitution. Therefore, in the making of the Indian Constitution an effort was made to take the best ideas from different Constitutions. In addition to the Government of India Act, 1935 the Indian Constitution is inspired by British, Irish, American, Canadian and many other Constitutions of the world. Thus, the idea of a federal structure, the office of the Governor, the Judiciary, Public Service Commission, Emergency, and many administrative details already existed in the Government of India Act, 1935. With some modifications the Constitution adopted these ideas. From the British Constitution our Constitution makers adopted many ideas. Parliamentary form of government (with bicameral legislature and Cabinet system), prerogative writs, idea of single citizenship, idea of rule of law, institution of Speaker in the House, procedure of law-making. Parliamentary privileges, and the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General are some of the things that are borrowed from British Constitution. The Preamble of the Indian Constitution is inspired by the American Constitution in as much as it lays down the source of authority and sets the ideals. |
| The American Constitution also serves as the source of the idea of fundamental rights, electoral college, independence of Judiciary, judicial review, and equal protection of laws. President is the supreme commander of armed forces in the US and also in India. From the Irish Constitution the Constitution makers took the idea of directive principles of state policy, the advisory jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India, the election procedure of the President of India, and also the idea of the nomination of members to Rajya Sabha. The idea of freedom of trade and commerce within the country and between the States is borrowed from the Australian Constitution. An "Australian Common Market" was one of the main objectives of the movement by the Australian people towards federation. India attempts to emulate the Australian ideal by providing in Article 301 that trade commerce and intercourse shall be free except according to the restrictions provided in Part XIII of the Constitution. Provision for the joint sitting of both the Houses of Parliament and concurrent law-making powers of the Union and the State are also borrowed from the Australian Constitution. From the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen which has existed since 1789 and the Constitution of 1791 that the ideals of "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity" set forth in the Preamble to the Constitution of India were derived. Canadian Constitution was the inspiration behind the provisions like distribution of powers between Centre and the State and the residual powers with the Central Government Besides these main borrowings, Indian Constitution has also borrowed the ideas from the then USSR and German Constitutions. The idea of suspension of fundamental rights during Emergency was there in the German Constitution of 1919, and the idea of fundamental duties was therein the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic. |
| Dr B.R. Ambedkar had said. "There is nothing to be ashamed of in borrowing. It involves no plagiarism. Nobody holds any patent rights in the fundamental ideas of a Constitution". Indian Constitution is a bag of borrowings. The purpose of the makers of the Constitution was not to produce an original or unique Constitution. What they wanted was to produce a good and workable Constitution. Therefore, in the making of the Indian Constitution an effort was made to take the best ideas from different Constitutions. In addition to the Government of India Act, 1935 the Indian Constitution is inspired by British, Irish, American, Canadian and many other Constitutions of the world. Thus, the idea of a federal structure, the office of the Governor, the Judiciary, Public Service Commission, Emergency, and many administrative details already existed in the Government of India Act, 1935. With some modifications the Constitution adopted these ideas. From the British Constitution our Constitution makers adopted many ideas. Parliamentary form of government (with bicameral legislature and Cabinet system), prerogative writs, idea of single citizenship, idea of rule of law, institution of Speaker in the House, procedure of law-making. Parliamentary privileges, and the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General are some of the things that are borrowed from British Constitution. The Preamble of the Indian Constitution is inspired by the American Constitution in as much as it lays down the source of authority and sets the ideals. |
| The American Constitution also serves as the source of the idea of fundamental rights, electoral college, independence of Judiciary, judicial review, and equal protection of laws. President is the supreme commander of armed forces in the US and also in India. From the Irish Constitution the Constitution makers took the idea of directive principles of state policy, the advisory jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India, the election procedure of the President of India, and also the idea of the nomination of members to Rajya Sabha. The idea of freedom of trade and commerce within the country and between the States is borrowed from the Australian Constitution. An "Australian Common Market" was one of the main objectives of the movement by the Australian people towards federation. India attempts to emulate the Australian ideal by providing in Article 301 that trade commerce and intercourse shall be free except according to the restrictions provided in Part XIII of the Constitution. Provision for the joint sitting of both the Houses of Parliament and concurrent law-making powers of the Union and the State are also borrowed from the Australian Constitution. From the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen which has existed since 1789 and the Constitution of 1791 that the ideals of "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity" set forth in the Preamble to the Constitution of India were derived. Canadian Constitution was the inspiration behind the provisions like distribution of powers between Centre and the State and the residual powers with the Central Government Besides these main borrowings, Indian Constitution has also borrowed the ideas from the then USSR and German Constitutions. The idea of suspension of fundamental rights during Emergency was there in the German Constitution of 1919, and the idea of fundamental duties was therein the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic. |
| Dr B.R. Ambedkar had said. "There is nothing to be ashamed of in borrowing. It involves no plagiarism. Nobody holds any patent rights in the fundamental ideas of a Constitution". Indian Constitution is a bag of borrowings. The purpose of the makers of the Constitution was not to produce an original or unique Constitution. What they wanted was to produce a good and workable Constitution. Therefore, in the making of the Indian Constitution an effort was made to take the best ideas from different Constitutions. In addition to the Government of India Act, 1935 the Indian Constitution is inspired by British, Irish, American, Canadian and many other Constitutions of the world. Thus, the idea of a federal structure, the office of the Governor, the Judiciary, Public Service Commission, Emergency, and many administrative details already existed in the Government of India Act, 1935. With some modifications the Constitution adopted these ideas. From the British Constitution our Constitution makers adopted many ideas. Parliamentary form of government (with bicameral legislature and Cabinet system), prerogative writs, idea of single citizenship, idea of rule of law, institution of Speaker in the House, procedure of law-making. Parliamentary privileges, and the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General are some of the things that are borrowed from British Constitution. The Preamble of the Indian Constitution is inspired by the American Constitution in as much as it lays down the source of authority and sets the ideals. |
| The American Constitution also serves as the source of the idea of fundamental rights, electoral college, independence of Judiciary, judicial review, and equal protection of laws. President is the supreme commander of armed forces in the US and also in India. From the Irish Constitution the Constitution makers took the idea of directive principles of state policy, the advisory jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India, the election procedure of the President of India, and also the idea of the nomination of members to Rajya Sabha. The idea of freedom of trade and commerce within the country and between the States is borrowed from the Australian Constitution. An "Australian Common Market" was one of the main objectives of the movement by the Australian people towards federation. India attempts to emulate the Australian ideal by providing in Article 301 that trade commerce and intercourse shall be free except according to the restrictions provided in Part XIII of the Constitution. Provision for the joint sitting of both the Houses of Parliament and concurrent law-making powers of the Union and the State are also borrowed from the Australian Constitution. From the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen which has existed since 1789 and the Constitution of 1791 that the ideals of "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity" set forth in the Preamble to the Constitution of India were derived. Canadian Constitution was the inspiration behind the provisions like distribution of powers between Centre and the State and the residual powers with the Central Government Besides these main borrowings, Indian Constitution has also borrowed the ideas from the then USSR and German Constitutions. The idea of suspension of fundamental rights during Emergency was there in the German Constitution of 1919, and the idea of fundamental duties was therein the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic. |
| Dr B.R. Ambedkar had said. "There is nothing to be ashamed of in borrowing. It involves no plagiarism. Nobody holds any patent rights in the fundamental ideas of a Constitution". Indian Constitution is a bag of borrowings. The purpose of the makers of the Constitution was not to produce an original or unique Constitution. What they wanted was to produce a good and workable Constitution. Therefore, in the making of the Indian Constitution an effort was made to take the best ideas from different Constitutions. In addition to the Government of India Act, 1935 the Indian Constitution is inspired by British, Irish, American, Canadian and many other Constitutions of the world. Thus, the idea of a federal structure, the office of the Governor, the Judiciary, Public Service Commission, Emergency, and many administrative details already existed in the Government of India Act, 1935. With some modifications the Constitution adopted these ideas. From the British Constitution our Constitution makers adopted many ideas. Parliamentary form of government (with bicameral legislature and Cabinet system), prerogative writs, idea of single citizenship, idea of rule of law, institution of Speaker in the House, procedure of law-making. Parliamentary privileges, and the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General are some of the things that are borrowed from British Constitution. The Preamble of the Indian Constitution is inspired by the American Constitution in as much as it lays down the source of authority and sets the ideals. |
| The American Constitution also serves as the source of the idea of fundamental rights, electoral college, independence of Judiciary, judicial review, and equal protection of laws. President is the supreme commander of armed forces in the US and also in India. From the Irish Constitution the Constitution makers took the idea of directive principles of state policy, the advisory jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India, the election procedure of the President of India, and also the idea of the nomination of members to Rajya Sabha. The idea of freedom of trade and commerce within the country and between the States is borrowed from the Australian Constitution. An "Australian Common Market" was one of the main objectives of the movement by the Australian people towards federation. India attempts to emulate the Australian ideal by providing in Article 301 that trade commerce and intercourse shall be free except according to the restrictions provided in Part XIII of the Constitution. Provision for the joint sitting of both the Houses of Parliament and concurrent law-making powers of the Union and the State are also borrowed from the Australian Constitution. From the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen which has existed since 1789 and the Constitution of 1791 that the ideals of "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity" set forth in the Preamble to the Constitution of India were derived. Canadian Constitution was the inspiration behind the provisions like distribution of powers between Centre and the State and the residual powers with the Central Government Besides these main borrowings, Indian Constitution has also borrowed the ideas from the then USSR and German Constitutions. The idea of suspension of fundamental rights during Emergency was there in the German Constitution of 1919, and the idea of fundamental duties was therein the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| The process of Industrialization is considered at the core of economic growth in any economy and it is critical for development and progress. Since the Industrial Revolution, secondary sector development is regarded important for mass production, provision of employment opportunities were gaining advantage of technological advancements. The development of industrial sector has had effects and brought about innovative solutions for other sectors as well such as agriculture, infrastructural development, trade and even the service sector. Thus, industrialization is considered as the ultimate engine of economic growth in an economy. South-Asian countries have been traditionally known to be export oriented particularly in manufacturing products. Thus, most of the Asian economies have been known for shifting from agrarian base to industrial base in order to developmental goals during 1940s. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| The process of Industrialization is considered at the core of economic growth in any economy and it is critical for development and progress. Since the Industrial Revolution, secondary sector development is regarded important for mass production, provision of employment opportunities were gaining advantage of technological advancements. The development of industrial sector has had effects and brought about innovative solutions for other sectors as well such as agriculture, infrastructural development, trade and even the service sector. Thus, industrialization is considered as the ultimate engine of economic growth in an economy. South-Asian countries have been traditionally known to be export oriented particularly in manufacturing products. Thus, most of the Asian economies have been known for shifting from agrarian base to industrial base in order to developmental goals during 1940s. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| The process of Industrialization is considered at the core of economic growth in any economy and it is critical for development and progress. Since the Industrial Revolution, secondary sector development is regarded important for mass production, provision of employment opportunities were gaining advantage of technological advancements. The development of industrial sector has had effects and brought about innovative solutions for other sectors as well such as agriculture, infrastructural development, trade and even the service sector. Thus, industrialization is considered as the ultimate engine of economic growth in an economy. South-Asian countries have been traditionally known to be export oriented particularly in manufacturing products. Thus, most of the Asian economies have been known for shifting from agrarian base to industrial base in order to developmental goals during 1940s. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| The process of Industrialization is considered at the core of economic growth in any economy and it is critical for development and progress. Since the Industrial Revolution, secondary sector development is regarded important for mass production, provision of employment opportunities were gaining advantage of technological advancements. The development of industrial sector has had effects and brought about innovative solutions for other sectors as well such as agriculture, infrastructural development, trade and even the service sector. Thus, industrialization is considered as the ultimate engine of economic growth in an economy. South-Asian countries have been traditionally known to be export oriented particularly in manufacturing products. Thus, most of the Asian economies have been known for shifting from agrarian base to industrial base in order to developmental goals during 1940s. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| One of the largest foods producing country in the world is India. But 21% of the total population is under nourished. About 300 million people struggle for meeting their meals 2 times a day. Nutritional profile is an important factor of the progress in which nation has made in the modern days. Due to this factor there are many effects and implications in the everyday life of the normal people. The achievements are only for the highly economically privileged sections of the society. Due to the nutritional transition occurred; the development of the early adult hood disease is one of the main adverse effects in the daily living of the people. As a result, the rates of mortality as well as morbidity increased as well. Recent researches suggest that 40% of mortality rate in developing countries are due to Non communicable diseases and the rate is 75% in developed countries. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| One of the largest foods producing country in the world is India. But 21% of the total population is under nourished. About 300 million people struggle for meeting their meals 2 times a day. Nutritional profile is an important factor of the progress in which nation has made in the modern days. Due to this factor there are many effects and implications in the everyday life of the normal people. The achievements are only for the highly economically privileged sections of the society. Due to the nutritional transition occurred; the development of the early adult hood disease is one of the main adverse effects in the daily living of the people. As a result, the rates of mortality as well as morbidity increased as well. Recent researches suggest that 40% of mortality rate in developing countries are due to Non communicable diseases and the rate is 75% in developed countries. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| One of the largest foods producing country in the world is India. But 21% of the total population is under nourished. About 300 million people struggle for meeting their meals 2 times a day. Nutritional profile is an important factor of the progress in which nation has made in the modern days. Due to this factor there are many effects and implications in the everyday life of the normal people. The achievements are only for the highly economically privileged sections of the society. Due to the nutritional transition occurred; the development of the early adult hood disease is one of the main adverse effects in the daily living of the people. As a result, the rates of mortality as well as morbidity increased as well. Recent researches suggest that 40% of mortality rate in developing countries are due to Non communicable diseases and the rate is 75% in developed countries. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| One of the largest foods producing country in the world is India. But 21% of the total population is under nourished. About 300 million people struggle for meeting their meals 2 times a day. Nutritional profile is an important factor of the progress in which nation has made in the modern days. Due to this factor there are many effects and implications in the everyday life of the normal people. The achievements are only for the highly economically privileged sections of the society. Due to the nutritional transition occurred; the development of the early adult hood disease is one of the main adverse effects in the daily living of the people. As a result, the rates of mortality as well as morbidity increased as well. Recent researches suggest that 40% of mortality rate in developing countries are due to Non communicable diseases and the rate is 75% in developed countries. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Society buys expensive items for multiple reasons. They want to feel wanted, accepted, have confidence and want to fit in. People are judged not based on their performance but, what brands they buy and wear. Society believes that expensive items have better quality and material. When having expensive items, it shows a symbol of wealth. Self-confidence and self-esteem is part of having expensive items. People have a thought that if one were to buy this expensive item; they have a high status. Buying expensive items has to do with impressing others as well. Material life is like a mirror, it reflects on our attitude and appearance. Society should base their self- esteem off education and value because those cannot be taken away. If one were to build self- confidence off what they wear and buy; that is not smart. People should value money, spend wisely and make sure it is worth price and necessary. People make their purchasing decision based on the emotion they feel. The modern day marketing tactics also try to woo these aspects of the life of the people. These can be witnessed in the modern advertisements in sorts of medias. It is up to the people to decide wisely to address their ideas. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Society buys expensive items for multiple reasons. They want to feel wanted, accepted, have confidence and want to fit in. People are judged not based on their performance but, what brands they buy and wear. Society believes that expensive items have better quality and material. When having expensive items, it shows a symbol of wealth. Self-confidence and self-esteem is part of having expensive items. People have a thought that if one were to buy this expensive item; they have a high status. Buying expensive items has to do with impressing others as well. Material life is like a mirror, it reflects on our attitude and appearance. Society should base their self- esteem off education and value because those cannot be taken away. If one were to build self- confidence off what they wear and buy; that is not smart. People should value money, spend wisely and make sure it is worth price and necessary. People make their purchasing decision based on the emotion they feel. The modern day marketing tactics also try to woo these aspects of the life of the people. These can be witnessed in the modern advertisements in sorts of medias. It is up to the people to decide wisely to address their ideas. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Society buys expensive items for multiple reasons. They want to feel wanted, accepted, have confidence and want to fit in. People are judged not based on their performance but, what brands they buy and wear. Society believes that expensive items have better quality and material. When having expensive items, it shows a symbol of wealth. Self-confidence and self-esteem is part of having expensive items. People have a thought that if one were to buy this expensive item; they have a high status. Buying expensive items has to do with impressing others as well. Material life is like a mirror, it reflects on our attitude and appearance. Society should base their self- esteem off education and value because those cannot be taken away. If one were to build self- confidence off what they wear and buy; that is not smart. People should value money, spend wisely and make sure it is worth price and necessary. People make their purchasing decision based on the emotion they feel. The modern day marketing tactics also try to woo these aspects of the life of the people. These can be witnessed in the modern advertisements in sorts of medias. It is up to the people to decide wisely to address their ideas. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Society buys expensive items for multiple reasons. They want to feel wanted, accepted, have confidence and want to fit in. People are judged not based on their performance but, what brands they buy and wear. Society believes that expensive items have better quality and material. When having expensive items, it shows a symbol of wealth. Self-confidence and self-esteem is part of having expensive items. People have a thought that if one were to buy this expensive item; they have a high status. Buying expensive items has to do with impressing others as well. Material life is like a mirror, it reflects on our attitude and appearance. Society should base their self- esteem off education and value because those cannot be taken away. If one were to build self- confidence off what they wear and buy; that is not smart. People should value money, spend wisely and make sure it is worth price and necessary. People make their purchasing decision based on the emotion they feel. The modern day marketing tactics also try to woo these aspects of the life of the people. These can be witnessed in the modern advertisements in sorts of medias. It is up to the people to decide wisely to address their ideas. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Society buys expensive items for multiple reasons. They want to feel wanted, accepted, have confidence and want to fit in. People are judged not based on their performance but, what brands they buy and wear. Society believes that expensive items have better quality and material. When having expensive items, it shows a symbol of wealth. Self-confidence and self-esteem is part of having expensive items. People have a thought that if one were to buy this expensive item; they have a high status. Buying expensive items has to do with impressing others as well. Material life is like a mirror, it reflects on our attitude and appearance. Society should base their self- esteem off education and value because those cannot be taken away. If one were to build self- confidence off what they wear and buy; that is not smart. People should value money, spend wisely and make sure it is worth price and necessary. People make their purchasing decision based on the emotion they feel. The modern day marketing tactics also try to woo these aspects of the life of the people. These can be witnessed in the modern advertisements in sorts of medias. It is up to the people to decide wisely to address their ideas. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Berry Street is Victorias largest and autonomous child and family service organization that protect them against domestic violence, abuse or ignorance. It believes in providing the right of happy childhood, making them feel safe, nourished, and especially generating hope for the future. The prime beliefs of the organization focus on the right of good childhood and supporting the children and their families to handle the complex issues that they experience in their life. To be able to do so, the organization tries to shape good relations with its clients and make them believe in their future as they need to learn again that how to trust others. Their job is to remain with them even when they have been let down. They usually help children in getting out from the injury of abuse, neglecting and violence as it believes that with support and possibilities children and young individuals can reach up to their full potential. The employees of the organization overcome the challenging behavior of the children and explore their strengths as it is known that every individual has his/her own ability that can provide a rich platform for healthy development. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Berry Street is Victorias largest and autonomous child and family service organization that protect them against domestic violence, abuse or ignorance. It believes in providing the right of happy childhood, making them feel safe, nourished, and especially generating hope for the future. The prime beliefs of the organization focus on the right of good childhood and supporting the children and their families to handle the complex issues that they experience in their life. To be able to do so, the organization tries to shape good relations with its clients and make them believe in their future as they need to learn again that how to trust others. Their job is to remain with them even when they have been let down. They usually help children in getting out from the injury of abuse, neglecting and violence as it believes that with support and possibilities children and young individuals can reach up to their full potential. The employees of the organization overcome the challenging behavior of the children and explore their strengths as it is known that every individual has his/her own ability that can provide a rich platform for healthy development. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Berry Street is Victorias largest and autonomous child and family service organization that protect them against domestic violence, abuse or ignorance. It believes in providing the right of happy childhood, making them feel safe, nourished, and especially generating hope for the future. The prime beliefs of the organization focus on the right of good childhood and supporting the children and their families to handle the complex issues that they experience in their life. To be able to do so, the organization tries to shape good relations with its clients and make them believe in their future as they need to learn again that how to trust others. Their job is to remain with them even when they have been let down. They usually help children in getting out from the injury of abuse, neglecting and violence as it believes that with support and possibilities children and young individuals can reach up to their full potential. The employees of the organization overcome the challenging behavior of the children and explore their strengths as it is known that every individual has his/her own ability that can provide a rich platform for healthy development. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Berry Street is Victorias largest and autonomous child and family service organization that protect them against domestic violence, abuse or ignorance. It believes in providing the right of happy childhood, making them feel safe, nourished, and especially generating hope for the future. The prime beliefs of the organization focus on the right of good childhood and supporting the children and their families to handle the complex issues that they experience in their life. To be able to do so, the organization tries to shape good relations with its clients and make them believe in their future as they need to learn again that how to trust others. Their job is to remain with them even when they have been let down. They usually help children in getting out from the injury of abuse, neglecting and violence as it believes that with support and possibilities children and young individuals can reach up to their full potential. The employees of the organization overcome the challenging behavior of the children and explore their strengths as it is known that every individual has his/her own ability that can provide a rich platform for healthy development. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Berry Street is Victorias largest and autonomous child and family service organization that protect them against domestic violence, abuse or ignorance. It believes in providing the right of happy childhood, making them feel safe, nourished, and especially generating hope for the future. The prime beliefs of the organization focus on the right of good childhood and supporting the children and their families to handle the complex issues that they experience in their life. To be able to do so, the organization tries to shape good relations with its clients and make them believe in their future as they need to learn again that how to trust others. Their job is to remain with them even when they have been let down. They usually help children in getting out from the injury of abuse, neglecting and violence as it believes that with support and possibilities children and young individuals can reach up to their full potential. The employees of the organization overcome the challenging behavior of the children and explore their strengths as it is known that every individual has his/her own ability that can provide a rich platform for healthy development. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Since India's adoption of liberalization policy in 1991, multiple opportunities for investment have attracted various foreign investors. The government ensured that projects were approved quickly and moreover 34 industrial sectors were allowed automatic approval of projects. The investment was focused on the industrial sector and thus, has majorly contributed towards manufacturing sector growth. There was also relaxation in the percentage of ownership to be held by foreign actors. This led to various industrial project initiations in the sectors like automobiles, infrastructure, computer software's etc. Hence, Indias FDI is approximately 25 times more than what it was before adoption of liberation policy. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Since India's adoption of liberalization policy in 1991, multiple opportunities for investment have attracted various foreign investors. The government ensured that projects were approved quickly and moreover 34 industrial sectors were allowed automatic approval of projects. The investment was focused on the industrial sector and thus, has majorly contributed towards manufacturing sector growth. There was also relaxation in the percentage of ownership to be held by foreign actors. This led to various industrial project initiations in the sectors like automobiles, infrastructure, computer software's etc. Hence, Indias FDI is approximately 25 times more than what it was before adoption of liberation policy. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Since India's adoption of liberalization policy in 1991, multiple opportunities for investment have attracted various foreign investors. The government ensured that projects were approved quickly and moreover 34 industrial sectors were allowed automatic approval of projects. The investment was focused on the industrial sector and thus, has majorly contributed towards manufacturing sector growth. There was also relaxation in the percentage of ownership to be held by foreign actors. This led to various industrial project initiations in the sectors like automobiles, infrastructure, computer software's etc. Hence, Indias FDI is approximately 25 times more than what it was before adoption of liberation policy. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| A major reason for the formation of the Agreement on Agriculture was the need to reduce excessive surplus production in agricultural sector in the global commodity markets during the 1980's and early 1990's. This was caused by the rising levels of support and protection in a number of developed countries as some of the largest agricultural exporters competed on the basis of their government's propensity to subsidized production and exports of agriculture while limiting access to the local producers and their markets. The AOA was established to keep out foreign agricultural products to influence the domestic markets. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| A major reason for the formation of the Agreement on Agriculture was the need to reduce excessive surplus production in agricultural sector in the global commodity markets during the 1980's and early 1990's. This was caused by the rising levels of support and protection in a number of developed countries as some of the largest agricultural exporters competed on the basis of their government's propensity to subsidized production and exports of agriculture while limiting access to the local producers and their markets. The AOA was established to keep out foreign agricultural products to influence the domestic markets. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| A major reason for the formation of the Agreement on Agriculture was the need to reduce excessive surplus production in agricultural sector in the global commodity markets during the 1980's and early 1990's. This was caused by the rising levels of support and protection in a number of developed countries as some of the largest agricultural exporters competed on the basis of their government's propensity to subsidized production and exports of agriculture while limiting access to the local producers and their markets. The AOA was established to keep out foreign agricultural products to influence the domestic markets. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Half of parents today think that their children are addicted to smart-phones and these parents are concerned about how mobile phones will affect their kids' mental health. Each day, we hear that smartphones and social media are making our children particularly teenagers lazy, addicted, lonely and especially unable to function in the real world. Another study says that there is no compelling evidence that spending time online has a deleterious effect on teens' mental health. But, the reality is just an hour a day staring at a screen can be enough to make children more likely to be anxious or depressed. This could be making them less curious, less able to finish tasks, less emotionally stable and lowering their self-control. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Half of parents today think that their children are addicted to smart-phones and these parents are concerned about how mobile phones will affect their kids' mental health. Each day, we hear that smartphones and social media are making our children particularly teenagers lazy, addicted, lonely and especially unable to function in the real world. Another study says that there is no compelling evidence that spending time online has a deleterious effect on teens' mental health. But, the reality is just an hour a day staring at a screen can be enough to make children more likely to be anxious or depressed. This could be making them less curious, less able to finish tasks, less emotionally stable and lowering their self-control. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| Half of parents today think that their children are addicted to smart-phones and these parents are concerned about how mobile phones will affect their kids' mental health. Each day, we hear that smartphones and social media are making our children particularly teenagers lazy, addicted, lonely and especially unable to function in the real world. Another study says that there is no compelling evidence that spending time online has a deleterious effect on teens' mental health. But, the reality is just an hour a day staring at a screen can be enough to make children more likely to be anxious or depressed. This could be making them less curious, less able to finish tasks, less emotionally stable and lowering their self-control. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| President Trump introduced a sweeping immigration reform plan. One of the plan's proposals would fundamentally alter how tech firms source high-skilled workers from other countries. But the proposal seems grievously at odds with the Trump administration's recent work in curtailing the H-1B and other visas. The nation's immigration system would become "merit-based", with an emphasis on selecting immigrants who exhibit "extraordinary talent". The proposal will increase American competitiveness in attracting and retaining the best and brightest by moving the United States in line with the effective point systems used by other countries. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| President Trump introduced a sweeping immigration reform plan. One of the plan's proposals would fundamentally alter how tech firms source high-skilled workers from other countries. But the proposal seems grievously at odds with the Trump administration's recent work in curtailing the H-1B and other visas. The nation's immigration system would become "merit-based", with an emphasis on selecting immigrants who exhibit "extraordinary talent". The proposal will increase American competitiveness in attracting and retaining the best and brightest by moving the United States in line with the effective point systems used by other countries. |
| Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
| President Trump introduced a sweeping immigration reform plan. One of the plan's proposals would fundamentally alter how tech firms source high-skilled workers from other countries. But the proposal seems grievously at odds with the Trump administration's recent work in curtailing the H-1B and other visas. The nation's immigration system would become "merit-based", with an emphasis on selecting immigrants who exhibit "extraordinary talent". The proposal will increase American competitiveness in attracting and retaining the best and brightest by moving the United States in line with the effective point systems used by other countries. |
| Direction: Study the following table carefully to answer these questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Percentage of marks obtained by six students in six different subjects | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: Study the following table carefully to answer these questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Percentage of marks obtained by six students in six different subjects | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: Study the following table carefully to answer these questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Percentage of marks obtained by six students in six different subjects | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: Study the following table carefully to answer these questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Percentage of marks obtained by six students in six different subjects | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: Study the following table carefully to answer these questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Percentage of marks obtained by six students in six different subjects | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: The following questions are based on the following pie chart. In the pie chart populations of 6 states have been given. The table shows ratio of males and females. Study the diagrams carefully and answer the questions. | |||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: The following questions are based on the following pie chart. In the pie chart populations of 6 states have been given. The table shows ratio of males and females. Study the diagrams carefully and answer the questions. | |||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: The following questions are based on the following pie chart. In the pie chart populations of 6 states have been given. The table shows ratio of males and females. Study the diagrams carefully and answer the questions. | |||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: The following questions are based on the following pie chart. In the pie chart populations of 6 states have been given. The table shows ratio of males and females. Study the diagrams carefully and answer the questions. | |||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: The following questions are based on the following pie chart. In the pie chart populations of 6 states have been given. The table shows ratio of males and females. Study the diagrams carefully and answer the questions. | |||||||||||||||||||||
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| Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
| In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
| Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
| In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
| Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
| In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
| Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
| In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
| Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
| In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
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