It's not worth the tears of that one tortured child who beat itself on the breast with its little fist and prayed in its stinking outhouse, with its unexpiated tears to "dear, kind God"! It's not worth it, because those tears are unatoned for. They must be atoned for, or there can be no harmony. But how? How are you going to atone for them? Is it possible? By their being avenged? But what do I care for avenging them? What do I care for a hell for oppressors? What good can hell do, since those children have already been tortured? And what becomes of harmony, if there is hell? I want to forgive. I want to embrace. I don't want more suffering. And if the sufferings of children go to swell the sum of sufferings which was necessary to pay for truth, then I protest that the truth is not worth such a price. I don't want the mother to embrace the oppressor who threw her son to the dogs! She dare not forgive him! Let her forgive him for herself, if she will, let her forgive the torturer for the immeasurable suffering of her mother's heart. But the sufferings of her tortured child she has no right to forgive; she dare not forgive the torturer, even if the child were to forgive him! And if that is so, if they dare not forgive, what becomes of harmony? Is there in the whole world a being who would have the right to forgive and could forgive? I dont want harmony. From love for humanity I don't want it. I would rather be left with the unavenged suffering. I would rather remain with my unavenged suffering and unsatisfied indignation, even if I were wrong. Besides, too high a price is asked for harmony; its beyond our means to pay so much to enter on it. And so I hasten to give back my entrance ticket, and if I am an honest man I am bound to give it back as soon as possible. And that I am doing. It's not God that I don't accept, Alyosha, only I most respectfully return him the ticket. |
It's not worth the tears of that one tortured child who beat itself on the breast with its little fist and prayed in its stinking outhouse, with its unexpiated tears to "dear, kind God"! It's not worth it, because those tears are unatoned for. They must be atoned for, or there can be no harmony. But how? How are you going to atone for them? Is it possible? By their being avenged? But what do I care for avenging them? What do I care for a hell for oppressors? What good can hell do, since those children have already been tortured? And what becomes of harmony, if there is hell? I want to forgive. I want to embrace. I don't want more suffering. And if the sufferings of children go to swell the sum of sufferings which was necessary to pay for truth, then I protest that the truth is not worth such a price. I don't want the mother to embrace the oppressor who threw her son to the dogs! She dare not forgive him! Let her forgive him for herself, if she will, let her forgive the torturer for the immeasurable suffering of her mother's heart. But the sufferings of her tortured child she has no right to forgive; she dare not forgive the torturer, even if the child were to forgive him! And if that is so, if they dare not forgive, what becomes of harmony? Is there in the whole world a being who would have the right to forgive and could forgive? I dont want harmony. From love for humanity I don't want it. I would rather be left with the unavenged suffering. I would rather remain with my unavenged suffering and unsatisfied indignation, even if I were wrong. Besides, too high a price is asked for harmony; its beyond our means to pay so much to enter on it. And so I hasten to give back my entrance ticket, and if I am an honest man I am bound to give it back as soon as possible. And that I am doing. It's not God that I don't accept, Alyosha, only I most respectfully return him the ticket. |
It's not worth the tears of that one tortured child who beat itself on the breast with its little fist and prayed in its stinking outhouse, with its unexpiated tears to "dear, kind God"! It's not worth it, because those tears are unatoned for. They must be atoned for, or there can be no harmony. But how? How are you going to atone for them? Is it possible? By their being avenged? But what do I care for avenging them? What do I care for a hell for oppressors? What good can hell do, since those children have already been tortured? And what becomes of harmony, if there is hell? I want to forgive. I want to embrace. I don't want more suffering. And if the sufferings of children go to swell the sum of sufferings which was necessary to pay for truth, then I protest that the truth is not worth such a price. I don't want the mother to embrace the oppressor who threw her son to the dogs! She dare not forgive him! Let her forgive him for herself, if she will, let her forgive the torturer for the immeasurable suffering of her mother's heart. But the sufferings of her tortured child she has no right to forgive; she dare not forgive the torturer, even if the child were to forgive him! And if that is so, if they dare not forgive, what becomes of harmony? Is there in the whole world a being who would have the right to forgive and could forgive? I dont want harmony. From love for humanity I don't want it. I would rather be left with the unavenged suffering. I would rather remain with my unavenged suffering and unsatisfied indignation, even if I were wrong. Besides, too high a price is asked for harmony; its beyond our means to pay so much to enter on it. And so I hasten to give back my entrance ticket, and if I am an honest man I am bound to give it back as soon as possible. And that I am doing. It's not God that I don't accept, Alyosha, only I most respectfully return him the ticket. |
It's not worth the tears of that one tortured child who beat itself on the breast with its little fist and prayed in its stinking outhouse, with its unexpiated tears to "dear, kind God"! It's not worth it, because those tears are unatoned for. They must be atoned for, or there can be no harmony. But how? How are you going to atone for them? Is it possible? By their being avenged? But what do I care for avenging them? What do I care for a hell for oppressors? What good can hell do, since those children have already been tortured? And what becomes of harmony, if there is hell? I want to forgive. I want to embrace. I don't want more suffering. And if the sufferings of children go to swell the sum of sufferings which was necessary to pay for truth, then I protest that the truth is not worth such a price. I don't want the mother to embrace the oppressor who threw her son to the dogs! She dare not forgive him! Let her forgive him for herself, if she will, let her forgive the torturer for the immeasurable suffering of her mother's heart. But the sufferings of her tortured child she has no right to forgive; she dare not forgive the torturer, even if the child were to forgive him! And if that is so, if they dare not forgive, what becomes of harmony? Is there in the whole world a being who would have the right to forgive and could forgive? I dont want harmony. From love for humanity I don't want it. I would rather be left with the unavenged suffering. I would rather remain with my unavenged suffering and unsatisfied indignation, even if I were wrong. Besides, too high a price is asked for harmony; its beyond our means to pay so much to enter on it. And so I hasten to give back my entrance ticket, and if I am an honest man I am bound to give it back as soon as possible. And that I am doing. It's not God that I don't accept, Alyosha, only I most respectfully return him the ticket. |
It's not worth the tears of that one tortured child who beat itself on the breast with its little fist and prayed in its stinking outhouse, with its unexpiated tears to "dear, kind God"! It's not worth it, because those tears are unatoned for. They must be atoned for, or there can be no harmony. But how? How are you going to atone for them? Is it possible? By their being avenged? But what do I care for avenging them? What do I care for a hell for oppressors? What good can hell do, since those children have already been tortured? And what becomes of harmony, if there is hell? I want to forgive. I want to embrace. I don't want more suffering. And if the sufferings of children go to swell the sum of sufferings which was necessary to pay for truth, then I protest that the truth is not worth such a price. I don't want the mother to embrace the oppressor who threw her son to the dogs! She dare not forgive him! Let her forgive him for herself, if she will, let her forgive the torturer for the immeasurable suffering of her mother's heart. But the sufferings of her tortured child she has no right to forgive; she dare not forgive the torturer, even if the child were to forgive him! And if that is so, if they dare not forgive, what becomes of harmony? Is there in the whole world a being who would have the right to forgive and could forgive? I dont want harmony. From love for humanity I don't want it. I would rather be left with the unavenged suffering. I would rather remain with my unavenged suffering and unsatisfied indignation, even if I were wrong. Besides, too high a price is asked for harmony; its beyond our means to pay so much to enter on it. And so I hasten to give back my entrance ticket, and if I am an honest man I am bound to give it back as soon as possible. And that I am doing. It's not God that I don't accept, Alyosha, only I most respectfully return him the ticket. |
The Gandhi's belong to the Baniya caste and seem to have been originally grocers. But for three generations, from my grandfather, they have been Prime Ministers in several Kathiawad States. Uttamchand Gandhi, alias Ota Gandhi's, my grandfather, must have been a man of principle. State intrigues compelled him to leave Porbandar, where he was Diwan, and to seek refuge in Junagadh. There he saluted the Nawab with the left hand. Someone, noticing the apparent discourtesy, asked for an explanation, which was thus given: "The right hand is already pledged to Porbandar.' |
Ota Gandhi married a second time, having lost his first wife. He had four sons by his first wife and two by his second wife. I do not think that in my childhood I ever felt or knew that these sons of Ota Gandhi were not all of the same mother. The fifth of these six brothers was Karamchand Gandhi, alias Kaba Gandhi, and the sixth was Tulsidas Gandhi. Both these brothers were Prime Ministers in Porbandar, one after the other. Kaba Gandhi was my father. He was a member of the Rajasthanik Court. It is now extinct, but in those days it was a very influential body for settling disputes between the chiefs and their fellow clansmen. He was for some time Prime Minister in Rajkot and then in Vankaner. He was a pensioner of the Rajkot State when he died. |
Kaba Gandhi married four times in succession, having lost his wife each time by death. He had two daughters by his first and second marriages. His last wife, Putlibai, bore him a daughter and three sons, I being the youngest. |
My father was a lover of his clan, truthful, brave and generous, but short-tempered. To a certain extent he might have been even given to carnal pleasures. For he married for the fourth time when he was over forty. But he was incorruptible, and had earned a name for strict impartiality in his family as well as outside. His loyalty to the state was well known. An Assistant Political Agent spoke insultingly of the Rajkot Thakore Saheb, his chief, and he stood up [= objected] to the insult. The Agent was angry and asked Kaba Gandhi to apologize. This he refused to do and was therefore kept under detention for a few hours. But when the Agent saw that Kaba Gandhi was adamant, he ordered him to be released. |
My father never had any ambition to accumulate riches, and left us very little property. |
He had no education, save that of experience. At best, he might be said to have read up to the fifth Gujarati standard. Of history and geography he was innocent. But his rich experience of practical affairs stood him in good stead in the solution of the most intricate questions and in managing hundreds of men. Of religious training he had very little, but he had that kind of religious culture which frequent visits to temples and listening to religious discourses make available to many Hindus. In his last days he began reading the Gita at the instance of a learned Brahman friend of the family, and he used to repeat aloud some verses every day at the time of worship. |
The Gandhi's belong to the Baniya caste and seem to have been originally grocers. But for three generations, from my grandfather, they have been Prime Ministers in several Kathiawad States. Uttamchand Gandhi, alias Ota Gandhi's, my grandfather, must have been a man of principle. State intrigues compelled him to leave Porbandar, where he was Diwan, and to seek refuge in Junagadh. There he saluted the Nawab with the left hand. Someone, noticing the apparent discourtesy, asked for an explanation, which was thus given: "The right hand is already pledged to Porbandar.' |
Ota Gandhi married a second time, having lost his first wife. He had four sons by his first wife and two by his second wife. I do not think that in my childhood I ever felt or knew that these sons of Ota Gandhi were not all of the same mother. The fifth of these six brothers was Karamchand Gandhi, alias Kaba Gandhi, and the sixth was Tulsidas Gandhi. Both these brothers were Prime Ministers in Porbandar, one after the other. Kaba Gandhi was my father. He was a member of the Rajasthanik Court. It is now extinct, but in those days it was a very influential body for settling disputes between the chiefs and their fellow clansmen. He was for some time Prime Minister in Rajkot and then in Vankaner. He was a pensioner of the Rajkot State when he died. |
Kaba Gandhi married four times in succession, having lost his wife each time by death. He had two daughters by his first and second marriages. His last wife, Putlibai, bore him a daughter and three sons, I being the youngest. |
My father was a lover of his clan, truthful, brave and generous, but short-tempered. To a certain extent he might have been even given to carnal pleasures. For he married for the fourth time when he was over forty. But he was incorruptible, and had earned a name for strict impartiality in his family as well as outside. His loyalty to the state was well known. An Assistant Political Agent spoke insultingly of the Rajkot Thakore Saheb, his chief, and he stood up [= objected] to the insult. The Agent was angry and asked Kaba Gandhi to apologize. This he refused to do and was therefore kept under detention for a few hours. But when the Agent saw that Kaba Gandhi was adamant, he ordered him to be released. |
My father never had any ambition to accumulate riches, and left us very little property. |
He had no education, save that of experience. At best, he might be said to have read up to the fifth Gujarati standard. Of history and geography he was innocent. But his rich experience of practical affairs stood him in good stead in the solution of the most intricate questions and in managing hundreds of men. Of religious training he had very little, but he had that kind of religious culture which frequent visits to temples and listening to religious discourses make available to many Hindus. In his last days he began reading the Gita at the instance of a learned Brahman friend of the family, and he used to repeat aloud some verses every day at the time of worship. |
The Gandhi's belong to the Baniya caste and seem to have been originally grocers. But for three generations, from my grandfather, they have been Prime Ministers in several Kathiawad States. Uttamchand Gandhi, alias Ota Gandhi's, my grandfather, must have been a man of principle. State intrigues compelled him to leave Porbandar, where he was Diwan, and to seek refuge in Junagadh. There he saluted the Nawab with the left hand. Someone, noticing the apparent discourtesy, asked for an explanation, which was thus given: "The right hand is already pledged to Porbandar.' |
Ota Gandhi married a second time, having lost his first wife. He had four sons by his first wife and two by his second wife. I do not think that in my childhood I ever felt or knew that these sons of Ota Gandhi were not all of the same mother. The fifth of these six brothers was Karamchand Gandhi, alias Kaba Gandhi, and the sixth was Tulsidas Gandhi. Both these brothers were Prime Ministers in Porbandar, one after the other. Kaba Gandhi was my father. He was a member of the Rajasthanik Court. It is now extinct, but in those days it was a very influential body for settling disputes between the chiefs and their fellow clansmen. He was for some time Prime Minister in Rajkot and then in Vankaner. He was a pensioner of the Rajkot State when he died. |
Kaba Gandhi married four times in succession, having lost his wife each time by death. He had two daughters by his first and second marriages. His last wife, Putlibai, bore him a daughter and three sons, I being the youngest. |
My father was a lover of his clan, truthful, brave and generous, but short-tempered. To a certain extent he might have been even given to carnal pleasures. For he married for the fourth time when he was over forty. But he was incorruptible, and had earned a name for strict impartiality in his family as well as outside. His loyalty to the state was well known. An Assistant Political Agent spoke insultingly of the Rajkot Thakore Saheb, his chief, and he stood up [= objected] to the insult. The Agent was angry and asked Kaba Gandhi to apologize. This he refused to do and was therefore kept under detention for a few hours. But when the Agent saw that Kaba Gandhi was adamant, he ordered him to be released. |
My father never had any ambition to accumulate riches, and left us very little property. |
He had no education, save that of experience. At best, he might be said to have read up to the fifth Gujarati standard. Of history and geography he was innocent. But his rich experience of practical affairs stood him in good stead in the solution of the most intricate questions and in managing hundreds of men. Of religious training he had very little, but he had that kind of religious culture which frequent visits to temples and listening to religious discourses make available to many Hindus. In his last days he began reading the Gita at the instance of a learned Brahman friend of the family, and he used to repeat aloud some verses every day at the time of worship. |
The Gandhi's belong to the Baniya caste and seem to have been originally grocers. But for three generations, from my grandfather, they have been Prime Ministers in several Kathiawad States. Uttamchand Gandhi, alias Ota Gandhi's, my grandfather, must have been a man of principle. State intrigues compelled him to leave Porbandar, where he was Diwan, and to seek refuge in Junagadh. There he saluted the Nawab with the left hand. Someone, noticing the apparent discourtesy, asked for an explanation, which was thus given: "The right hand is already pledged to Porbandar.' |
Ota Gandhi married a second time, having lost his first wife. He had four sons by his first wife and two by his second wife. I do not think that in my childhood I ever felt or knew that these sons of Ota Gandhi were not all of the same mother. The fifth of these six brothers was Karamchand Gandhi, alias Kaba Gandhi, and the sixth was Tulsidas Gandhi. Both these brothers were Prime Ministers in Porbandar, one after the other. Kaba Gandhi was my father. He was a member of the Rajasthanik Court. It is now extinct, but in those days it was a very influential body for settling disputes between the chiefs and their fellow clansmen. He was for some time Prime Minister in Rajkot and then in Vankaner. He was a pensioner of the Rajkot State when he died. |
Kaba Gandhi married four times in succession, having lost his wife each time by death. He had two daughters by his first and second marriages. His last wife, Putlibai, bore him a daughter and three sons, I being the youngest. |
My father was a lover of his clan, truthful, brave and generous, but short-tempered. To a certain extent he might have been even given to carnal pleasures. For he married for the fourth time when he was over forty. But he was incorruptible, and had earned a name for strict impartiality in his family as well as outside. His loyalty to the state was well known. An Assistant Political Agent spoke insultingly of the Rajkot Thakore Saheb, his chief, and he stood up [= objected] to the insult. The Agent was angry and asked Kaba Gandhi to apologize. This he refused to do and was therefore kept under detention for a few hours. But when the Agent saw that Kaba Gandhi was adamant, he ordered him to be released. |
My father never had any ambition to accumulate riches, and left us very little property. |
He had no education, save that of experience. At best, he might be said to have read up to the fifth Gujarati standard. Of history and geography he was innocent. But his rich experience of practical affairs stood him in good stead in the solution of the most intricate questions and in managing hundreds of men. Of religious training he had very little, but he had that kind of religious culture which frequent visits to temples and listening to religious discourses make available to many Hindus. In his last days he began reading the Gita at the instance of a learned Brahman friend of the family, and he used to repeat aloud some verses every day at the time of worship. |
The Gandhi's belong to the Baniya caste and seem to have been originally grocers. But for three generations, from my grandfather, they have been Prime Ministers in several Kathiawad States. Uttamchand Gandhi, alias Ota Gandhi's, my grandfather, must have been a man of principle. State intrigues compelled him to leave Porbandar, where he was Diwan, and to seek refuge in Junagadh. There he saluted the Nawab with the left hand. Someone, noticing the apparent discourtesy, asked for an explanation, which was thus given: "The right hand is already pledged to Porbandar.' |
Ota Gandhi married a second time, having lost his first wife. He had four sons by his first wife and two by his second wife. I do not think that in my childhood I ever felt or knew that these sons of Ota Gandhi were not all of the same mother. The fifth of these six brothers was Karamchand Gandhi, alias Kaba Gandhi, and the sixth was Tulsidas Gandhi. Both these brothers were Prime Ministers in Porbandar, one after the other. Kaba Gandhi was my father. He was a member of the Rajasthanik Court. It is now extinct, but in those days it was a very influential body for settling disputes between the chiefs and their fellow clansmen. He was for some time Prime Minister in Rajkot and then in Vankaner. He was a pensioner of the Rajkot State when he died. |
Kaba Gandhi married four times in succession, having lost his wife each time by death. He had two daughters by his first and second marriages. His last wife, Putlibai, bore him a daughter and three sons, I being the youngest. |
My father was a lover of his clan, truthful, brave and generous, but short-tempered. To a certain extent he might have been even given to carnal pleasures. For he married for the fourth time when he was over forty. But he was incorruptible, and had earned a name for strict impartiality in his family as well as outside. His loyalty to the state was well known. An Assistant Political Agent spoke insultingly of the Rajkot Thakore Saheb, his chief, and he stood up [= objected] to the insult. The Agent was angry and asked Kaba Gandhi to apologize. This he refused to do and was therefore kept under detention for a few hours. But when the Agent saw that Kaba Gandhi was adamant, he ordered him to be released. |
My father never had any ambition to accumulate riches, and left us very little property. |
He had no education, save that of experience. At best, he might be said to have read up to the fifth Gujarati standard. Of history and geography he was innocent. But his rich experience of practical affairs stood him in good stead in the solution of the most intricate questions and in managing hundreds of men. Of religious training he had very little, but he had that kind of religious culture which frequent visits to temples and listening to religious discourses make available to many Hindus. In his last days he began reading the Gita at the instance of a learned Brahman friend of the family, and he used to repeat aloud some verses every day at the time of worship. |
To Mrs. Saville, England. St. Petersburg, Dec. 11th, 17. |
You will rejoice to hear that no disaster has accompanied the commencement of an enterprise which you have regarded with such evil forebodings. I arrived here yesterday, and my first task is to assure my dear sister of my welfare and increasing confidence in the success of my undertaking. |
I am already far north of London, and as I walk in the streets of Petersburgh, I feel a cold northern breeze play upon my cheeks, which braces my -nerves and fills me with delight. Do you understand this feeling? This breeze, which has travelled from the regions towards which I am advancing, gives me a foretaste of those icy climes. Inspirited by this wind of promise, my daydreams become more fervent and vivid. I try in vain to be persuaded that the pole is the seat of frost and desolation; it ever presents itself to my imagination as the region of beauty and delight. There, Margaret, the sun is forever visible, its broad disk just skirting the horizon and diffusing a perpetual splendour. Therefor with your leave, my sister, I will put some trust in preceding navigatorsthere snow and frost are banished; and, sailing over a calm sea, we may be wafted to a land surpassing in wonders and in beauty every region hitherto discovered on the habitable globe. Its productions and features may be without example, as the phenomena of the heavenly bodies undoubtedly are in those undiscovered solitudes. What may not be expected in a country of eternal light? I may there discover the wondrous power which attracts the needle and may regulate a thousand celestial observations that require only this voyage to render their seeming eccentricities consistent for ever. I shall satiate my ardent curiosity with the sight of a part of the world never before visited, and may tread a land never before imprinted by the foot of man. These are my enticements, and they are sufficient to conquer all fear of danger or death and to induce me to commence this laborious voyage with the joy a child feels when he embarks in a little boat, with his holiday mates, on an expedition of discovery up his native river. But supposing all these conjectures to be false, you cannot contest the inestimable benefit which I shall confer on all mankind, to the last generation, by discovering a passage near the pole to those countries, to reach which at present so many months are requisite; or by ascertaining the secret of the magnet, which, if at all possible, can only be effected by an undertaking such as mine. |
These reflections have dispelled the agitation with which I began my letter, and I feel my heart glow with an enthusiasm which elevates me to heaven, for nothing contributes so much to tranquillise the mind as a steady purposea point on which the soul may fix its intellectual eye. This expedition has been the favourite dream of my early years. I have read with ardour the accounts of the various voyages which have been made in the prospect of arriving at the North Pacific Ocean through the seas which surround the pole. You may remember that a history of all the voyages made for purposes of discovery composed the whole of our good Uncle Thomas library. My education was neglected, yet I was passionately fond of reading. These volumes were my study day and night, and my familiarity with them increased that regret which I had felt, as a child, on learning that my fathers dying injunction had forbidden my uncle to allow me to embark in a seafaring life. |
To Mrs. Saville, England. St. Petersburg, Dec. 11th, 17. |
You will rejoice to hear that no disaster has accompanied the commencement of an enterprise which you have regarded with such evil forebodings. I arrived here yesterday, and my first task is to assure my dear sister of my welfare and increasing confidence in the success of my undertaking. |
I am already far north of London, and as I walk in the streets of Petersburgh, I feel a cold northern breeze play upon my cheeks, which braces my -nerves and fills me with delight. Do you understand this feeling? This breeze, which has travelled from the regions towards which I am advancing, gives me a foretaste of those icy climes. Inspirited by this wind of promise, my daydreams become more fervent and vivid. I try in vain to be persuaded that the pole is the seat of frost and desolation; it ever presents itself to my imagination as the region of beauty and delight. There, Margaret, the sun is forever visible, its broad disk just skirting the horizon and diffusing a perpetual splendour. Therefor with your leave, my sister, I will put some trust in preceding navigatorsthere snow and frost are banished; and, sailing over a calm sea, we may be wafted to a land surpassing in wonders and in beauty every region hitherto discovered on the habitable globe. Its productions and features may be without example, as the phenomena of the heavenly bodies undoubtedly are in those undiscovered solitudes. What may not be expected in a country of eternal light? I may there discover the wondrous power which attracts the needle and may regulate a thousand celestial observations that require only this voyage to render their seeming eccentricities consistent for ever. I shall satiate my ardent curiosity with the sight of a part of the world never before visited, and may tread a land never before imprinted by the foot of man. These are my enticements, and they are sufficient to conquer all fear of danger or death and to induce me to commence this laborious voyage with the joy a child feels when he embarks in a little boat, with his holiday mates, on an expedition of discovery up his native river. But supposing all these conjectures to be false, you cannot contest the inestimable benefit which I shall confer on all mankind, to the last generation, by discovering a passage near the pole to those countries, to reach which at present so many months are requisite; or by ascertaining the secret of the magnet, which, if at all possible, can only be effected by an undertaking such as mine. |
These reflections have dispelled the agitation with which I began my letter, and I feel my heart glow with an enthusiasm which elevates me to heaven, for nothing contributes so much to tranquillise the mind as a steady purposea point on which the soul may fix its intellectual eye. This expedition has been the favourite dream of my early years. I have read with ardour the accounts of the various voyages which have been made in the prospect of arriving at the North Pacific Ocean through the seas which surround the pole. You may remember that a history of all the voyages made for purposes of discovery composed the whole of our good Uncle Thomas library. My education was neglected, yet I was passionately fond of reading. These volumes were my study day and night, and my familiarity with them increased that regret which I had felt, as a child, on learning that my fathers dying injunction had forbidden my uncle to allow me to embark in a seafaring life. |
To Mrs. Saville, England. St. Petersburg, Dec. 11th, 17. |
You will rejoice to hear that no disaster has accompanied the commencement of an enterprise which you have regarded with such evil forebodings. I arrived here yesterday, and my first task is to assure my dear sister of my welfare and increasing confidence in the success of my undertaking. |
I am already far north of London, and as I walk in the streets of Petersburgh, I feel a cold northern breeze play upon my cheeks, which braces my -nerves and fills me with delight. Do you understand this feeling? This breeze, which has travelled from the regions towards which I am advancing, gives me a foretaste of those icy climes. Inspirited by this wind of promise, my daydreams become more fervent and vivid. I try in vain to be persuaded that the pole is the seat of frost and desolation; it ever presents itself to my imagination as the region of beauty and delight. There, Margaret, the sun is forever visible, its broad disk just skirting the horizon and diffusing a perpetual splendour. Therefor with your leave, my sister, I will put some trust in preceding navigatorsthere snow and frost are banished; and, sailing over a calm sea, we may be wafted to a land surpassing in wonders and in beauty every region hitherto discovered on the habitable globe. Its productions and features may be without example, as the phenomena of the heavenly bodies undoubtedly are in those undiscovered solitudes. What may not be expected in a country of eternal light? I may there discover the wondrous power which attracts the needle and may regulate a thousand celestial observations that require only this voyage to render their seeming eccentricities consistent for ever. I shall satiate my ardent curiosity with the sight of a part of the world never before visited, and may tread a land never before imprinted by the foot of man. These are my enticements, and they are sufficient to conquer all fear of danger or death and to induce me to commence this laborious voyage with the joy a child feels when he embarks in a little boat, with his holiday mates, on an expedition of discovery up his native river. But supposing all these conjectures to be false, you cannot contest the inestimable benefit which I shall confer on all mankind, to the last generation, by discovering a passage near the pole to those countries, to reach which at present so many months are requisite; or by ascertaining the secret of the magnet, which, if at all possible, can only be effected by an undertaking such as mine. |
These reflections have dispelled the agitation with which I began my letter, and I feel my heart glow with an enthusiasm which elevates me to heaven, for nothing contributes so much to tranquillise the mind as a steady purposea point on which the soul may fix its intellectual eye. This expedition has been the favourite dream of my early years. I have read with ardour the accounts of the various voyages which have been made in the prospect of arriving at the North Pacific Ocean through the seas which surround the pole. You may remember that a history of all the voyages made for purposes of discovery composed the whole of our good Uncle Thomas library. My education was neglected, yet I was passionately fond of reading. These volumes were my study day and night, and my familiarity with them increased that regret which I had felt, as a child, on learning that my fathers dying injunction had forbidden my uncle to allow me to embark in a seafaring life. |
To Mrs. Saville, England. St. Petersburg, Dec. 11th, 17. |
You will rejoice to hear that no disaster has accompanied the commencement of an enterprise which you have regarded with such evil forebodings. I arrived here yesterday, and my first task is to assure my dear sister of my welfare and increasing confidence in the success of my undertaking. |
I am already far north of London, and as I walk in the streets of Petersburgh, I feel a cold northern breeze play upon my cheeks, which braces my -nerves and fills me with delight. Do you understand this feeling? This breeze, which has travelled from the regions towards which I am advancing, gives me a foretaste of those icy climes. Inspirited by this wind of promise, my daydreams become more fervent and vivid. I try in vain to be persuaded that the pole is the seat of frost and desolation; it ever presents itself to my imagination as the region of beauty and delight. There, Margaret, the sun is forever visible, its broad disk just skirting the horizon and diffusing a perpetual splendour. Therefor with your leave, my sister, I will put some trust in preceding navigatorsthere snow and frost are banished; and, sailing over a calm sea, we may be wafted to a land surpassing in wonders and in beauty every region hitherto discovered on the habitable globe. Its productions and features may be without example, as the phenomena of the heavenly bodies undoubtedly are in those undiscovered solitudes. What may not be expected in a country of eternal light? I may there discover the wondrous power which attracts the needle and may regulate a thousand celestial observations that require only this voyage to render their seeming eccentricities consistent for ever. I shall satiate my ardent curiosity with the sight of a part of the world never before visited, and may tread a land never before imprinted by the foot of man. These are my enticements, and they are sufficient to conquer all fear of danger or death and to induce me to commence this laborious voyage with the joy a child feels when he embarks in a little boat, with his holiday mates, on an expedition of discovery up his native river. But supposing all these conjectures to be false, you cannot contest the inestimable benefit which I shall confer on all mankind, to the last generation, by discovering a passage near the pole to those countries, to reach which at present so many months are requisite; or by ascertaining the secret of the magnet, which, if at all possible, can only be effected by an undertaking such as mine. |
These reflections have dispelled the agitation with which I began my letter, and I feel my heart glow with an enthusiasm which elevates me to heaven, for nothing contributes so much to tranquillise the mind as a steady purposea point on which the soul may fix its intellectual eye. This expedition has been the favourite dream of my early years. I have read with ardour the accounts of the various voyages which have been made in the prospect of arriving at the North Pacific Ocean through the seas which surround the pole. You may remember that a history of all the voyages made for purposes of discovery composed the whole of our good Uncle Thomas library. My education was neglected, yet I was passionately fond of reading. These volumes were my study day and night, and my familiarity with them increased that regret which I had felt, as a child, on learning that my fathers dying injunction had forbidden my uncle to allow me to embark in a seafaring life. |
To Mrs. Saville, England. St. Petersburg, Dec. 11th, 17. |
You will rejoice to hear that no disaster has accompanied the commencement of an enterprise which you have regarded with such evil forebodings. I arrived here yesterday, and my first task is to assure my dear sister of my welfare and increasing confidence in the success of my undertaking. |
I am already far north of London, and as I walk in the streets of Petersburgh, I feel a cold northern breeze play upon my cheeks, which braces my -nerves and fills me with delight. Do you understand this feeling? This breeze, which has travelled from the regions towards which I am advancing, gives me a foretaste of those icy climes. Inspirited by this wind of promise, my daydreams become more fervent and vivid. I try in vain to be persuaded that the pole is the seat of frost and desolation; it ever presents itself to my imagination as the region of beauty and delight. There, Margaret, the sun is forever visible, its broad disk just skirting the horizon and diffusing a perpetual splendour. Therefor with your leave, my sister, I will put some trust in preceding navigatorsthere snow and frost are banished; and, sailing over a calm sea, we may be wafted to a land surpassing in wonders and in beauty every region hitherto discovered on the habitable globe. Its productions and features may be without example, as the phenomena of the heavenly bodies undoubtedly are in those undiscovered solitudes. What may not be expected in a country of eternal light? I may there discover the wondrous power which attracts the needle and may regulate a thousand celestial observations that require only this voyage to render their seeming eccentricities consistent for ever. I shall satiate my ardent curiosity with the sight of a part of the world never before visited, and may tread a land never before imprinted by the foot of man. These are my enticements, and they are sufficient to conquer all fear of danger or death and to induce me to commence this laborious voyage with the joy a child feels when he embarks in a little boat, with his holiday mates, on an expedition of discovery up his native river. But supposing all these conjectures to be false, you cannot contest the inestimable benefit which I shall confer on all mankind, to the last generation, by discovering a passage near the pole to those countries, to reach which at present so many months are requisite; or by ascertaining the secret of the magnet, which, if at all possible, can only be effected by an undertaking such as mine. |
These reflections have dispelled the agitation with which I began my letter, and I feel my heart glow with an enthusiasm which elevates me to heaven, for nothing contributes so much to tranquillise the mind as a steady purposea point on which the soul may fix its intellectual eye. This expedition has been the favourite dream of my early years. I have read with ardour the accounts of the various voyages which have been made in the prospect of arriving at the North Pacific Ocean through the seas which surround the pole. You may remember that a history of all the voyages made for purposes of discovery composed the whole of our good Uncle Thomas library. My education was neglected, yet I was passionately fond of reading. These volumes were my study day and night, and my familiarity with them increased that regret which I had felt, as a child, on learning that my fathers dying injunction had forbidden my uncle to allow me to embark in a seafaring life. |
To Sherlock Holmes she is always the woman. I have seldom heard him mention her under any other name. In his eyes she eclipses and predominates the whole of her sex. It was not that he felt any emotion akin to love for Irene Adler. All emotions, and that one particularly, were abhorrent to his cold, precise but admirably balanced mind. He was, I take it, the most perfect reasoning and observing machine that the world has seen, but as a lover he would have placed himself in a false position. He never spoke of the softer passions, save with a gibe and a sneer. They were admirable things for the observerexcellent for drawing the veil from mens motives and actions. But for the trained reasoner to admit such intrusions into his own delicate and finely adjusted temperament was to introduce a distracting factor which might throw a doubt upon all his mental results. Grit in a sensitive instrument, or a crack in one of his own high-power lenses, would not be more disturbing than a strong emotion in a nature such as his. And yet there was but one woman to him, and that woman was the late Irene Adler, of dubious and questionable memory. |
I had seen little of Holmes lately. My marriage had drifted us away from each other. My own complete happiness, and the home-centred interests which rise up around the man who first finds himself master of his own establishment, were sufficient to absorb all my attention, while Holmes, who loathed every form of society with his whole Bohemian soul, remained in our lodgings in Baker Street, buried among his old books, and alternating from week to week between cocaine and ambition, the drowsiness of the drug, and the fierce energy of his own keen nature. He was still, as ever, deeply attracted by the study of crime, and occupied his immense faculties and extraordinary powers of observation in following out those clues, and clearing up those mysteries which had been abandoned as hopeless by the official police. From time to time I heard some vague account of his doings: of his summons to Odessa in the case of the Trepoff murder, of his clearing up of the singular tragedy of the Atkinson brothers at Trincomalee, and finally of the mission which he had accomplished so delicately and successfully for the reigning family of Holland. Beyond these signs of his activity, however, which I merely shared with all the readers of the daily press, I knew little of my former friend and companion. |
One nightit was on the twentieth of March, 1888I was returning from a journey to a patient (for I had now returned to civil practice), when my way led me through Baker Street. As I passed the well-remembered door, which must always be associated in my mind with my wooing, and with the dark incidents of the Study in Scarlet, I was seized with a keen desire to see Holmes again, and to know how he was employing his extraordinary powers. His rooms were brilliantly lit, and, even as I looked up, I saw his tall, spare figure pass twice in a dark silhouette against the blind. He was pacing the room swiftly, eagerly, with his head sunk upon his chest and his hands clasped behind him. To me, who knew his every mood and habit, his attitude and manner told their own story. He was at work again. He had risen out of his drug-created dreams and was hot upon the scent of some new problem. I rang the bell and was shown up to the chamber which had formerly been in part my own. |
To Sherlock Holmes she is always the woman. I have seldom heard him mention her under any other name. In his eyes she eclipses and predominates the whole of her sex. It was not that he felt any emotion akin to love for Irene Adler. All emotions, and that one particularly, were abhorrent to his cold, precise but admirably balanced mind. He was, I take it, the most perfect reasoning and observing machine that the world has seen, but as a lover he would have placed himself in a false position. He never spoke of the softer passions, save with a gibe and a sneer. They were admirable things for the observerexcellent for drawing the veil from mens motives and actions. But for the trained reasoner to admit such intrusions into his own delicate and finely adjusted temperament was to introduce a distracting factor which might throw a doubt upon all his mental results. Grit in a sensitive instrument, or a crack in one of his own high-power lenses, would not be more disturbing than a strong emotion in a nature such as his. And yet there was but one woman to him, and that woman was the late Irene Adler, of dubious and questionable memory. |
I had seen little of Holmes lately. My marriage had drifted us away from each other. My own complete happiness, and the home-centred interests which rise up around the man who first finds himself master of his own establishment, were sufficient to absorb all my attention, while Holmes, who loathed every form of society with his whole Bohemian soul, remained in our lodgings in Baker Street, buried among his old books, and alternating from week to week between cocaine and ambition, the drowsiness of the drug, and the fierce energy of his own keen nature. He was still, as ever, deeply attracted by the study of crime, and occupied his immense faculties and extraordinary powers of observation in following out those clues, and clearing up those mysteries which had been abandoned as hopeless by the official police. From time to time I heard some vague account of his doings: of his summons to Odessa in the case of the Trepoff murder, of his clearing up of the singular tragedy of the Atkinson brothers at Trincomalee, and finally of the mission which he had accomplished so delicately and successfully for the reigning family of Holland. Beyond these signs of his activity, however, which I merely shared with all the readers of the daily press, I knew little of my former friend and companion. |
One nightit was on the twentieth of March, 1888I was returning from a journey to a patient (for I had now returned to civil practice), when my way led me through Baker Street. As I passed the well-remembered door, which must always be associated in my mind with my wooing, and with the dark incidents of the Study in Scarlet, I was seized with a keen desire to see Holmes again, and to know how he was employing his extraordinary powers. His rooms were brilliantly lit, and, even as I looked up, I saw his tall, spare figure pass twice in a dark silhouette against the blind. He was pacing the room swiftly, eagerly, with his head sunk upon his chest and his hands clasped behind him. To me, who knew his every mood and habit, his attitude and manner told their own story. He was at work again. He had risen out of his drug-created dreams and was hot upon the scent of some new problem. I rang the bell and was shown up to the chamber which had formerly been in part my own. |
To Sherlock Holmes she is always the woman. I have seldom heard him mention her under any other name. In his eyes she eclipses and predominates the whole of her sex. It was not that he felt any emotion akin to love for Irene Adler. All emotions, and that one particularly, were abhorrent to his cold, precise but admirably balanced mind. He was, I take it, the most perfect reasoning and observing machine that the world has seen, but as a lover he would have placed himself in a false position. He never spoke of the softer passions, save with a gibe and a sneer. They were admirable things for the observerexcellent for drawing the veil from mens motives and actions. But for the trained reasoner to admit such intrusions into his own delicate and finely adjusted temperament was to introduce a distracting factor which might throw a doubt upon all his mental results. Grit in a sensitive instrument, or a crack in one of his own high-power lenses, would not be more disturbing than a strong emotion in a nature such as his. And yet there was but one woman to him, and that woman was the late Irene Adler, of dubious and questionable memory. |
I had seen little of Holmes lately. My marriage had drifted us away from each other. My own complete happiness, and the home-centred interests which rise up around the man who first finds himself master of his own establishment, were sufficient to absorb all my attention, while Holmes, who loathed every form of society with his whole Bohemian soul, remained in our lodgings in Baker Street, buried among his old books, and alternating from week to week between cocaine and ambition, the drowsiness of the drug, and the fierce energy of his own keen nature. He was still, as ever, deeply attracted by the study of crime, and occupied his immense faculties and extraordinary powers of observation in following out those clues, and clearing up those mysteries which had been abandoned as hopeless by the official police. From time to time I heard some vague account of his doings: of his summons to Odessa in the case of the Trepoff murder, of his clearing up of the singular tragedy of the Atkinson brothers at Trincomalee, and finally of the mission which he had accomplished so delicately and successfully for the reigning family of Holland. Beyond these signs of his activity, however, which I merely shared with all the readers of the daily press, I knew little of my former friend and companion. |
One nightit was on the twentieth of March, 1888I was returning from a journey to a patient (for I had now returned to civil practice), when my way led me through Baker Street. As I passed the well-remembered door, which must always be associated in my mind with my wooing, and with the dark incidents of the Study in Scarlet, I was seized with a keen desire to see Holmes again, and to know how he was employing his extraordinary powers. His rooms were brilliantly lit, and, even as I looked up, I saw his tall, spare figure pass twice in a dark silhouette against the blind. He was pacing the room swiftly, eagerly, with his head sunk upon his chest and his hands clasped behind him. To me, who knew his every mood and habit, his attitude and manner told their own story. He was at work again. He had risen out of his drug-created dreams and was hot upon the scent of some new problem. I rang the bell and was shown up to the chamber which had formerly been in part my own. |
To Sherlock Holmes she is always the woman. I have seldom heard him mention her under any other name. In his eyes she eclipses and predominates the whole of her sex. It was not that he felt any emotion akin to love for Irene Adler. All emotions, and that one particularly, were abhorrent to his cold, precise but admirably balanced mind. He was, I take it, the most perfect reasoning and observing machine that the world has seen, but as a lover he would have placed himself in a false position. He never spoke of the softer passions, save with a gibe and a sneer. They were admirable things for the observerexcellent for drawing the veil from mens motives and actions. But for the trained reasoner to admit such intrusions into his own delicate and finely adjusted temperament was to introduce a distracting factor which might throw a doubt upon all his mental results. Grit in a sensitive instrument, or a crack in one of his own high-power lenses, would not be more disturbing than a strong emotion in a nature such as his. And yet there was but one woman to him, and that woman was the late Irene Adler, of dubious and questionable memory. |
I had seen little of Holmes lately. My marriage had drifted us away from each other. My own complete happiness, and the home-centred interests which rise up around the man who first finds himself master of his own establishment, were sufficient to absorb all my attention, while Holmes, who loathed every form of society with his whole Bohemian soul, remained in our lodgings in Baker Street, buried among his old books, and alternating from week to week between cocaine and ambition, the drowsiness of the drug, and the fierce energy of his own keen nature. He was still, as ever, deeply attracted by the study of crime, and occupied his immense faculties and extraordinary powers of observation in following out those clues, and clearing up those mysteries which had been abandoned as hopeless by the official police. From time to time I heard some vague account of his doings: of his summons to Odessa in the case of the Trepoff murder, of his clearing up of the singular tragedy of the Atkinson brothers at Trincomalee, and finally of the mission which he had accomplished so delicately and successfully for the reigning family of Holland. Beyond these signs of his activity, however, which I merely shared with all the readers of the daily press, I knew little of my former friend and companion. |
One nightit was on the twentieth of March, 1888I was returning from a journey to a patient (for I had now returned to civil practice), when my way led me through Baker Street. As I passed the well-remembered door, which must always be associated in my mind with my wooing, and with the dark incidents of the Study in Scarlet, I was seized with a keen desire to see Holmes again, and to know how he was employing his extraordinary powers. His rooms were brilliantly lit, and, even as I looked up, I saw his tall, spare figure pass twice in a dark silhouette against the blind. He was pacing the room swiftly, eagerly, with his head sunk upon his chest and his hands clasped behind him. To me, who knew his every mood and habit, his attitude and manner told their own story. He was at work again. He had risen out of his drug-created dreams and was hot upon the scent of some new problem. I rang the bell and was shown up to the chamber which had formerly been in part my own. |
To Sherlock Holmes she is always the woman. I have seldom heard him mention her under any other name. In his eyes she eclipses and predominates the whole of her sex. It was not that he felt any emotion akin to love for Irene Adler. All emotions, and that one particularly, were abhorrent to his cold, precise but admirably balanced mind. He was, I take it, the most perfect reasoning and observing machine that the world has seen, but as a lover he would have placed himself in a false position. He never spoke of the softer passions, save with a gibe and a sneer. They were admirable things for the observerexcellent for drawing the veil from mens motives and actions. But for the trained reasoner to admit such intrusions into his own delicate and finely adjusted temperament was to introduce a distracting factor which might throw a doubt upon all his mental results. Grit in a sensitive instrument, or a crack in one of his own high-power lenses, would not be more disturbing than a strong emotion in a nature such as his. And yet there was but one woman to him, and that woman was the late Irene Adler, of dubious and questionable memory. |
I had seen little of Holmes lately. My marriage had drifted us away from each other. My own complete happiness, and the home-centred interests which rise up around the man who first finds himself master of his own establishment, were sufficient to absorb all my attention, while Holmes, who loathed every form of society with his whole Bohemian soul, remained in our lodgings in Baker Street, buried among his old books, and alternating from week to week between cocaine and ambition, the drowsiness of the drug, and the fierce energy of his own keen nature. He was still, as ever, deeply attracted by the study of crime, and occupied his immense faculties and extraordinary powers of observation in following out those clues, and clearing up those mysteries which had been abandoned as hopeless by the official police. From time to time I heard some vague account of his doings: of his summons to Odessa in the case of the Trepoff murder, of his clearing up of the singular tragedy of the Atkinson brothers at Trincomalee, and finally of the mission which he had accomplished so delicately and successfully for the reigning family of Holland. Beyond these signs of his activity, however, which I merely shared with all the readers of the daily press, I knew little of my former friend and companion. |
One nightit was on the twentieth of March, 1888I was returning from a journey to a patient (for I had now returned to civil practice), when my way led me through Baker Street. As I passed the well-remembered door, which must always be associated in my mind with my wooing, and with the dark incidents of the Study in Scarlet, I was seized with a keen desire to see Holmes again, and to know how he was employing his extraordinary powers. His rooms were brilliantly lit, and, even as I looked up, I saw his tall, spare figure pass twice in a dark silhouette against the blind. He was pacing the room swiftly, eagerly, with his head sunk upon his chest and his hands clasped behind him. To me, who knew his every mood and habit, his attitude and manner told their own story. He was at work again. He had risen out of his drug-created dreams and was hot upon the scent of some new problem. I rang the bell and was shown up to the chamber which had formerly been in part my own. |
The studio was filled with the rich odour of roses, and when the light summer wind stirred amidst the trees of the garden, there came through the open door the heavy scent of the lilac, or the more delicate perfume of the pink-flowering thorn. |
From the comer of the divan of Persian saddle-bags on which he was lying, smoking, as was his custom, innumerable cigarettes, Lord Henry Wotton could just catch the gleam of the honey-sweet and honey-coloured blossoms of a laburnum, whose tremulous branches seemed hardly able to bear the burden of a beauty so flame like as theirs; and now and then the fantastic shadows of birds in flight flitted across the long tussore-silk curtains that were stretched in front of the huge window, producing a kind of momentary Japanese effect, and making him think of those pallid, jade-faced painters of Tokyo who, through the medium of an art that is necessarily immobile, seek to convey the sense of swiftness and motion. The sullen murmur of the bees shouldering their way through the long unmown grass, or circling with monotonous insistence round the dusty gilt horns of the straggling woodbine, seemed to make the stillness more oppressive. The dim roar of London was like the bourdon note of a distant organ. |
In the centre of the room, clamped to an upright easel, stood the full-length portrait of a young man of extraordinary personal beauty, and in front of it, some little distance away, was sitting the artist himself, Basil Hallward, whose sudden disappearance some years ago caused, at the time, such public excitement and gave rise to so many strange conjectures. |
As the painter looked at the gracious and comely form he had so skilfully mirrored in his art, a smile of pleasure passed across his face, and seemed about to linger there. But he suddenly started up, and closing his eyes, placed his fingers upon the lids, as though he sought to imprison within his brain some curious dream from which he feared he might awake. |
"It is your best work, Basil, the best thing you have ever done," said Lord Henry languidly. "You must certainly send it next year to the Grosvenor. The Academy is too large and too vulgar. Whenever I have gone there, there have been either so many people that I have not been able to see the pictures, which was dreadful, or so many pictures that I have not been able to see the people, which was worse. The Grosvenor is really the only place." |
"I don't think I shall send it anywhere," he answered, tossing his head back in that odd way that used to make his friends laugh at him at Oxford. "No, I won't send it anywhere." |
Lord Henry elevated his eyebrows and looked at him in amazement through the thin blue wreaths of smoke that curled up in such fanciful whorls from his heavy, opium-tainted cigarette. "Not send it anywhere? My dear fellow, why? Have you any reason? What odd chaps you painters are! You do anything in the world to gain a reputation. As soon as you have one, you seem to want to throw it away. It is silly of you, for there is only one thing in the world worse than being talked about, and that is not being talked about. A portrait like this would set you far above all the young men in England, and make the old men quite jealous, if old men are ever capable of any emotion." |
The studio was filled with the rich odour of roses, and when the light summer wind stirred amidst the trees of the garden, there came through the open door the heavy scent of the lilac, or the more delicate perfume of the pink-flowering thorn. |
From the comer of the divan of Persian saddle-bags on which he was lying, smoking, as was his custom, innumerable cigarettes, Lord Henry Wotton could just catch the gleam of the honey-sweet and honey-coloured blossoms of a laburnum, whose tremulous branches seemed hardly able to bear the burden of a beauty so flame like as theirs; and now and then the fantastic shadows of birds in flight flitted across the long tussore-silk curtains that were stretched in front of the huge window, producing a kind of momentary Japanese effect, and making him think of those pallid, jade-faced painters of Tokyo who, through the medium of an art that is necessarily immobile, seek to convey the sense of swiftness and motion. The sullen murmur of the bees shouldering their way through the long unmown grass, or circling with monotonous insistence round the dusty gilt horns of the straggling woodbine, seemed to make the stillness more oppressive. The dim roar of London was like the bourdon note of a distant organ. |
In the centre of the room, clamped to an upright easel, stood the full-length portrait of a young man of extraordinary personal beauty, and in front of it, some little distance away, was sitting the artist himself, Basil Hallward, whose sudden disappearance some years ago caused, at the time, such public excitement and gave rise to so many strange conjectures. |
As the painter looked at the gracious and comely form he had so skilfully mirrored in his art, a smile of pleasure passed across his face, and seemed about to linger there. But he suddenly started up, and closing his eyes, placed his fingers upon the lids, as though he sought to imprison within his brain some curious dream from which he feared he might awake. |
"It is your best work, Basil, the best thing you have ever done," said Lord Henry languidly. "You must certainly send it next year to the Grosvenor. The Academy is too large and too vulgar. Whenever I have gone there, there have been either so many people that I have not been able to see the pictures, which was dreadful, or so many pictures that I have not been able to see the people, which was worse. The Grosvenor is really the only place." |
"I don't think I shall send it anywhere," he answered, tossing his head back in that odd way that used to make his friends laugh at him at Oxford. "No, I won't send it anywhere." |
Lord Henry elevated his eyebrows and looked at him in amazement through the thin blue wreaths of smoke that curled up in such fanciful whorls from his heavy, opium-tainted cigarette. "Not send it anywhere? My dear fellow, why? Have you any reason? What odd chaps you painters are! You do anything in the world to gain a reputation. As soon as you have one, you seem to want to throw it away. It is silly of you, for there is only one thing in the world worse than being talked about, and that is not being talked about. A portrait like this would set you far above all the young men in England, and make the old men quite jealous, if old men are ever capable of any emotion." |
The studio was filled with the rich odour of roses, and when the light summer wind stirred amidst the trees of the garden, there came through the open door the heavy scent of the lilac, or the more delicate perfume of the pink-flowering thorn. |
From the comer of the divan of Persian saddle-bags on which he was lying, smoking, as was his custom, innumerable cigarettes, Lord Henry Wotton could just catch the gleam of the honey-sweet and honey-coloured blossoms of a laburnum, whose tremulous branches seemed hardly able to bear the burden of a beauty so flame like as theirs; and now and then the fantastic shadows of birds in flight flitted across the long tussore-silk curtains that were stretched in front of the huge window, producing a kind of momentary Japanese effect, and making him think of those pallid, jade-faced painters of Tokyo who, through the medium of an art that is necessarily immobile, seek to convey the sense of swiftness and motion. The sullen murmur of the bees shouldering their way through the long unmown grass, or circling with monotonous insistence round the dusty gilt horns of the straggling woodbine, seemed to make the stillness more oppressive. The dim roar of London was like the bourdon note of a distant organ. |
In the centre of the room, clamped to an upright easel, stood the full-length portrait of a young man of extraordinary personal beauty, and in front of it, some little distance away, was sitting the artist himself, Basil Hallward, whose sudden disappearance some years ago caused, at the time, such public excitement and gave rise to so many strange conjectures. |
As the painter looked at the gracious and comely form he had so skilfully mirrored in his art, a smile of pleasure passed across his face, and seemed about to linger there. But he suddenly started up, and closing his eyes, placed his fingers upon the lids, as though he sought to imprison within his brain some curious dream from which he feared he might awake. |
"It is your best work, Basil, the best thing you have ever done," said Lord Henry languidly. "You must certainly send it next year to the Grosvenor. The Academy is too large and too vulgar. Whenever I have gone there, there have been either so many people that I have not been able to see the pictures, which was dreadful, or so many pictures that I have not been able to see the people, which was worse. The Grosvenor is really the only place." |
"I don't think I shall send it anywhere," he answered, tossing his head back in that odd way that used to make his friends laugh at him at Oxford. "No, I won't send it anywhere." |
Lord Henry elevated his eyebrows and looked at him in amazement through the thin blue wreaths of smoke that curled up in such fanciful whorls from his heavy, opium-tainted cigarette. "Not send it anywhere? My dear fellow, why? Have you any reason? What odd chaps you painters are! You do anything in the world to gain a reputation. As soon as you have one, you seem to want to throw it away. It is silly of you, for there is only one thing in the world worse than being talked about, and that is not being talked about. A portrait like this would set you far above all the young men in England, and make the old men quite jealous, if old men are ever capable of any emotion." |
The studio was filled with the rich odour of roses, and when the light summer wind stirred amidst the trees of the garden, there came through the open door the heavy scent of the lilac, or the more delicate perfume of the pink-flowering thorn. |
From the comer of the divan of Persian saddle-bags on which he was lying, smoking, as was his custom, innumerable cigarettes, Lord Henry Wotton could just catch the gleam of the honey-sweet and honey-coloured blossoms of a laburnum, whose tremulous branches seemed hardly able to bear the burden of a beauty so flame like as theirs; and now and then the fantastic shadows of birds in flight flitted across the long tussore-silk curtains that were stretched in front of the huge window, producing a kind of momentary Japanese effect, and making him think of those pallid, jade-faced painters of Tokyo who, through the medium of an art that is necessarily immobile, seek to convey the sense of swiftness and motion. The sullen murmur of the bees shouldering their way through the long unmown grass, or circling with monotonous insistence round the dusty gilt horns of the straggling woodbine, seemed to make the stillness more oppressive. The dim roar of London was like the bourdon note of a distant organ. |
In the centre of the room, clamped to an upright easel, stood the full-length portrait of a young man of extraordinary personal beauty, and in front of it, some little distance away, was sitting the artist himself, Basil Hallward, whose sudden disappearance some years ago caused, at the time, such public excitement and gave rise to so many strange conjectures. |
As the painter looked at the gracious and comely form he had so skilfully mirrored in his art, a smile of pleasure passed across his face, and seemed about to linger there. But he suddenly started up, and closing his eyes, placed his fingers upon the lids, as though he sought to imprison within his brain some curious dream from which he feared he might awake. |
"It is your best work, Basil, the best thing you have ever done," said Lord Henry languidly. "You must certainly send it next year to the Grosvenor. The Academy is too large and too vulgar. Whenever I have gone there, there have been either so many people that I have not been able to see the pictures, which was dreadful, or so many pictures that I have not been able to see the people, which was worse. The Grosvenor is really the only place." |
"I don't think I shall send it anywhere," he answered, tossing his head back in that odd way that used to make his friends laugh at him at Oxford. "No, I won't send it anywhere." |
Lord Henry elevated his eyebrows and looked at him in amazement through the thin blue wreaths of smoke that curled up in such fanciful whorls from his heavy, opium-tainted cigarette. "Not send it anywhere? My dear fellow, why? Have you any reason? What odd chaps you painters are! You do anything in the world to gain a reputation. As soon as you have one, you seem to want to throw it away. It is silly of you, for there is only one thing in the world worse than being talked about, and that is not being talked about. A portrait like this would set you far above all the young men in England, and make the old men quite jealous, if old men are ever capable of any emotion." |
The studio was filled with the rich odour of roses, and when the light summer wind stirred amidst the trees of the garden, there came through the open door the heavy scent of the lilac, or the more delicate perfume of the pink-flowering thorn. |
From the comer of the divan of Persian saddle-bags on which he was lying, smoking, as was his custom, innumerable cigarettes, Lord Henry Wotton could just catch the gleam of the honey-sweet and honey-coloured blossoms of a laburnum, whose tremulous branches seemed hardly able to bear the burden of a beauty so flame like as theirs; and now and then the fantastic shadows of birds in flight flitted across the long tussore-silk curtains that were stretched in front of the huge window, producing a kind of momentary Japanese effect, and making him think of those pallid, jade-faced painters of Tokyo who, through the medium of an art that is necessarily immobile, seek to convey the sense of swiftness and motion. The sullen murmur of the bees shouldering their way through the long unmown grass, or circling with monotonous insistence round the dusty gilt horns of the straggling woodbine, seemed to make the stillness more oppressive. The dim roar of London was like the bourdon note of a distant organ. |
In the centre of the room, clamped to an upright easel, stood the full-length portrait of a young man of extraordinary personal beauty, and in front of it, some little distance away, was sitting the artist himself, Basil Hallward, whose sudden disappearance some years ago caused, at the time, such public excitement and gave rise to so many strange conjectures. |
As the painter looked at the gracious and comely form he had so skilfully mirrored in his art, a smile of pleasure passed across his face, and seemed about to linger there. But he suddenly started up, and closing his eyes, placed his fingers upon the lids, as though he sought to imprison within his brain some curious dream from which he feared he might awake. |
"It is your best work, Basil, the best thing you have ever done," said Lord Henry languidly. "You must certainly send it next year to the Grosvenor. The Academy is too large and too vulgar. Whenever I have gone there, there have been either so many people that I have not been able to see the pictures, which was dreadful, or so many pictures that I have not been able to see the people, which was worse. The Grosvenor is really the only place." |
"I don't think I shall send it anywhere," he answered, tossing his head back in that odd way that used to make his friends laugh at him at Oxford. "No, I won't send it anywhere." |
Lord Henry elevated his eyebrows and looked at him in amazement through the thin blue wreaths of smoke that curled up in such fanciful whorls from his heavy, opium-tainted cigarette. "Not send it anywhere? My dear fellow, why? Have you any reason? What odd chaps you painters are! You do anything in the world to gain a reputation. As soon as you have one, you seem to want to throw it away. It is silly of you, for there is only one thing in the world worse than being talked about, and that is not being talked about. A portrait like this would set you far above all the young men in England, and make the old men quite jealous, if old men are ever capable of any emotion." |
No host, no politics, no "diversity", no surprises, the 95th Academy Awards stuck to a safe and tested script. Till, amidst a bitter US election season highlighting the class divide, it had a moment. On Sunday night, four of the most prestigious Oscars went to a film that placed class in ones house, heart, mind, even nostrils in a tale from the other end of the world that was very, very universal. And that is what makes Bong Joon-Ho a breath of fresh air much more than the Mexican directors Hollywood wholeheartedly celebrates. |
Bongs films (The Host, Okja, even Snowpiercer) carry the sensibility of home, of a society with very Asian concerns, and a very different view of right and wrong. As recently as October, asked about Parasite's Oscar chances. Bong indicated he wasnt really sweating about it. "The Oscars are not an international film festival. They're very local," he said, even skipping the usual Academy rounds made by directors to showcase films. Up on that starry stage on Sunday night. Bong looked very much like an artist who belonged. He preferred to speak in Korean, chided the Academy (again) for stumbling at "the one-inch-tall barrier of subtitles", expressed unfiltered delight at his unprecedented four wins, and declared his plans to drink till the morning none of that vegan. Earth-loving, apologetic rambling of Joaquin Phoenix. |
As for that class divide, Bong, a sociology student, has indicated it remains intrinsic to his art, once saying, "Before it's a massive, sociological term, capitalism is just our lives." On Oscar night, he paid ode to two other outliers in that room, Martin Scorsese and Quentin Tarantino, fellow directors who may have paved new paths but stumbled often at the Academy door. In forcing that door open. Bong has given the much-battered Academy, which saw its viewership drop to 20 per cent from a year ago, a chance to reinvent. Next up is said to be HBO's six-part Parasite series, and Mark "The Hulk" Ruffalo in starring role. |
No host, no politics, no "diversity", no surprises, the 95th Academy Awards stuck to a safe and tested script. Till, amidst a bitter US election season highlighting the class divide, it had a moment. On Sunday night, four of the most prestigious Oscars went to a film that placed class in ones house, heart, mind, even nostrils in a tale from the other end of the world that was very, very universal. And that is what makes Bong Joon-Ho a breath of fresh air much more than the Mexican directors Hollywood wholeheartedly celebrates. |
Bongs films (The Host, Okja, even Snowpiercer) carry the sensibility of home, of a society with very Asian concerns, and a very different view of right and wrong. As recently as October, asked about Parasite's Oscar chances. Bong indicated he wasnt really sweating about it. "The Oscars are not an international film festival. They're very local," he said, even skipping the usual Academy rounds made by directors to showcase films. Up on that starry stage on Sunday night. Bong looked very much like an artist who belonged. He preferred to speak in Korean, chided the Academy (again) for stumbling at "the one-inch-tall barrier of subtitles", expressed unfiltered delight at his unprecedented four wins, and declared his plans to drink till the morning none of that vegan. Earth-loving, apologetic rambling of Joaquin Phoenix. |
As for that class divide, Bong, a sociology student, has indicated it remains intrinsic to his art, once saying, "Before it's a massive, sociological term, capitalism is just our lives." On Oscar night, he paid ode to two other outliers in that room, Martin Scorsese and Quentin Tarantino, fellow directors who may have paved new paths but stumbled often at the Academy door. In forcing that door open. Bong has given the much-battered Academy, which saw its viewership drop to 20 per cent from a year ago, a chance to reinvent. Next up is said to be HBO's six-part Parasite series, and Mark "The Hulk" Ruffalo in starring role. |
No host, no politics, no "diversity", no surprises, the 95th Academy Awards stuck to a safe and tested script. Till, amidst a bitter US election season highlighting the class divide, it had a moment. On Sunday night, four of the most prestigious Oscars went to a film that placed class in ones house, heart, mind, even nostrils in a tale from the other end of the world that was very, very universal. And that is what makes Bong Joon-Ho a breath of fresh air much more than the Mexican directors Hollywood wholeheartedly celebrates. |
Bongs films (The Host, Okja, even Snowpiercer) carry the sensibility of home, of a society with very Asian concerns, and a very different view of right and wrong. As recently as October, asked about Parasite's Oscar chances. Bong indicated he wasnt really sweating about it. "The Oscars are not an international film festival. They're very local," he said, even skipping the usual Academy rounds made by directors to showcase films. Up on that starry stage on Sunday night. Bong looked very much like an artist who belonged. He preferred to speak in Korean, chided the Academy (again) for stumbling at "the one-inch-tall barrier of subtitles", expressed unfiltered delight at his unprecedented four wins, and declared his plans to drink till the morning none of that vegan. Earth-loving, apologetic rambling of Joaquin Phoenix. |
As for that class divide, Bong, a sociology student, has indicated it remains intrinsic to his art, once saying, "Before it's a massive, sociological term, capitalism is just our lives." On Oscar night, he paid ode to two other outliers in that room, Martin Scorsese and Quentin Tarantino, fellow directors who may have paved new paths but stumbled often at the Academy door. In forcing that door open. Bong has given the much-battered Academy, which saw its viewership drop to 20 per cent from a year ago, a chance to reinvent. Next up is said to be HBO's six-part Parasite series, and Mark "The Hulk" Ruffalo in starring role. |
No host, no politics, no "diversity", no surprises, the 95th Academy Awards stuck to a safe and tested script. Till, amidst a bitter US election season highlighting the class divide, it had a moment. On Sunday night, four of the most prestigious Oscars went to a film that placed class in ones house, heart, mind, even nostrils in a tale from the other end of the world that was very, very universal. And that is what makes Bong Joon-Ho a breath of fresh air much more than the Mexican directors Hollywood wholeheartedly celebrates. |
Bongs films (The Host, Okja, even Snowpiercer) carry the sensibility of home, of a society with very Asian concerns, and a very different view of right and wrong. As recently as October, asked about Parasite's Oscar chances. Bong indicated he wasnt really sweating about it. "The Oscars are not an international film festival. They're very local," he said, even skipping the usual Academy rounds made by directors to showcase films. Up on that starry stage on Sunday night. Bong looked very much like an artist who belonged. He preferred to speak in Korean, chided the Academy (again) for stumbling at "the one-inch-tall barrier of subtitles", expressed unfiltered delight at his unprecedented four wins, and declared his plans to drink till the morning none of that vegan. Earth-loving, apologetic rambling of Joaquin Phoenix. |
As for that class divide, Bong, a sociology student, has indicated it remains intrinsic to his art, once saying, "Before it's a massive, sociological term, capitalism is just our lives." On Oscar night, he paid ode to two other outliers in that room, Martin Scorsese and Quentin Tarantino, fellow directors who may have paved new paths but stumbled often at the Academy door. In forcing that door open. Bong has given the much-battered Academy, which saw its viewership drop to 20 per cent from a year ago, a chance to reinvent. Next up is said to be HBO's six-part Parasite series, and Mark "The Hulk" Ruffalo in starring role. |
No host, no politics, no "diversity", no surprises, the 95th Academy Awards stuck to a safe and tested script. Till, amidst a bitter US election season highlighting the class divide, it had a moment. On Sunday night, four of the most prestigious Oscars went to a film that placed class in ones house, heart, mind, even nostrils in a tale from the other end of the world that was very, very universal. And that is what makes Bong Joon-Ho a breath of fresh air much more than the Mexican directors Hollywood wholeheartedly celebrates. |
Bongs films (The Host, Okja, even Snowpiercer) carry the sensibility of home, of a society with very Asian concerns, and a very different view of right and wrong. As recently as October, asked about Parasite's Oscar chances. Bong indicated he wasnt really sweating about it. "The Oscars are not an international film festival. They're very local," he said, even skipping the usual Academy rounds made by directors to showcase films. Up on that starry stage on Sunday night. Bong looked very much like an artist who belonged. He preferred to speak in Korean, chided the Academy (again) for stumbling at "the one-inch-tall barrier of subtitles", expressed unfiltered delight at his unprecedented four wins, and declared his plans to drink till the morning none of that vegan. Earth-loving, apologetic rambling of Joaquin Phoenix. |
As for that class divide, Bong, a sociology student, has indicated it remains intrinsic to his art, once saying, "Before it's a massive, sociological term, capitalism is just our lives." On Oscar night, he paid ode to two other outliers in that room, Martin Scorsese and Quentin Tarantino, fellow directors who may have paved new paths but stumbled often at the Academy door. In forcing that door open. Bong has given the much-battered Academy, which saw its viewership drop to 20 per cent from a year ago, a chance to reinvent. Next up is said to be HBO's six-part Parasite series, and Mark "The Hulk" Ruffalo in starring role. |
No name, no story, only faded glory. This is the recipe for disaster that the Congress took to the Delhi polls, in which the grand old party has been kept firmly out of the assembly for the second time running. The party offered no name with brand recall that the voter could identify as a future chief minister. The AAP had a clear advantage with Arvind Kejriwal who, to the voter, looks like a man who can get a cable fault repaired and help a little old lady across the street with equal facility. The BJP also suffered from the same deficit, and had no candidate who was clearly identified as a chief ministerial candidate. It did have a narrative, a story for the big screen which some read as nationalism and others as an unhealthy obsession with enemies of the nation a blood, guts and glory blockbuster. The AAP's narrative, on the other hand, was local and immediate, focused on civic issues, public safety and the quality of urban life, and held out the promise of an incrementally better future. |
In sharp contrast, the Congress had no story set in either the present or the future. The appeal of its slogan, which echoed in the streets and on social media for days, was purely historical: "Phir se Congress wali Dilli (Once more, the Delhi of the Congress)". The era of Sheila Dixit was indeed extraordinary, a period in which civic infrastructure was built at a cracking pace and the metro rail became the lifeline of the city. But to focus exclusively on that amounted to the tacit admission that the party had no vision for the future. In his victory speech, while cleverly weaving in references to Bharat Mata and Hanuman, Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal welcomed the birth of a new politics: "Kaam ki raajneeti (the politics of work)". This is exactly where the Congress has faltered in the capital, failing to show any signs of life except at the time of elections. If it wishes to make a comeback, its should discard slogans that hark back to the past, think energetically of the future, and project a vision that self-interested urban voters find credible. |
No name, no story, only faded glory. This is the recipe for disaster that the Congress took to the Delhi polls, in which the grand old party has been kept firmly out of the assembly for the second time running. The party offered no name with brand recall that the voter could identify as a future chief minister. The AAP had a clear advantage with Arvind Kejriwal who, to the voter, looks like a man who can get a cable fault repaired and help a little old lady across the street with equal facility. The BJP also suffered from the same deficit, and had no candidate who was clearly identified as a chief ministerial candidate. It did have a narrative, a story for the big screen which some read as nationalism and others as an unhealthy obsession with enemies of the nation a blood, guts and glory blockbuster. The AAP's narrative, on the other hand, was local and immediate, focused on civic issues, public safety and the quality of urban life, and held out the promise of an incrementally better future. |
In sharp contrast, the Congress had no story set in either the present or the future. The appeal of its slogan, which echoed in the streets and on social media for days, was purely historical: "Phir se Congress wali Dilli (Once more, the Delhi of the Congress)". The era of Sheila Dixit was indeed extraordinary, a period in which civic infrastructure was built at a cracking pace and the metro rail became the lifeline of the city. But to focus exclusively on that amounted to the tacit admission that the party had no vision for the future. In his victory speech, while cleverly weaving in references to Bharat Mata and Hanuman, Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal welcomed the birth of a new politics: "Kaam ki raajneeti (the politics of work)". This is exactly where the Congress has faltered in the capital, failing to show any signs of life except at the time of elections. If it wishes to make a comeback, its should discard slogans that hark back to the past, think energetically of the future, and project a vision that self-interested urban voters find credible. |
No name, no story, only faded glory. This is the recipe for disaster that the Congress took to the Delhi polls, in which the grand old party has been kept firmly out of the assembly for the second time running. The party offered no name with brand recall that the voter could identify as a future chief minister. The AAP had a clear advantage with Arvind Kejriwal who, to the voter, looks like a man who can get a cable fault repaired and help a little old lady across the street with equal facility. The BJP also suffered from the same deficit, and had no candidate who was clearly identified as a chief ministerial candidate. It did have a narrative, a story for the big screen which some read as nationalism and others as an unhealthy obsession with enemies of the nation a blood, guts and glory blockbuster. The AAP's narrative, on the other hand, was local and immediate, focused on civic issues, public safety and the quality of urban life, and held out the promise of an incrementally better future. |
In sharp contrast, the Congress had no story set in either the present or the future. The appeal of its slogan, which echoed in the streets and on social media for days, was purely historical: "Phir se Congress wali Dilli (Once more, the Delhi of the Congress)". The era of Sheila Dixit was indeed extraordinary, a period in which civic infrastructure was built at a cracking pace and the metro rail became the lifeline of the city. But to focus exclusively on that amounted to the tacit admission that the party had no vision for the future. In his victory speech, while cleverly weaving in references to Bharat Mata and Hanuman, Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal welcomed the birth of a new politics: "Kaam ki raajneeti (the politics of work)". This is exactly where the Congress has faltered in the capital, failing to show any signs of life except at the time of elections. If it wishes to make a comeback, its should discard slogans that hark back to the past, think energetically of the future, and project a vision that self-interested urban voters find credible. |
No name, no story, only faded glory. This is the recipe for disaster that the Congress took to the Delhi polls, in which the grand old party has been kept firmly out of the assembly for the second time running. The party offered no name with brand recall that the voter could identify as a future chief minister. The AAP had a clear advantage with Arvind Kejriwal who, to the voter, looks like a man who can get a cable fault repaired and help a little old lady across the street with equal facility. The BJP also suffered from the same deficit, and had no candidate who was clearly identified as a chief ministerial candidate. It did have a narrative, a story for the big screen which some read as nationalism and others as an unhealthy obsession with enemies of the nation a blood, guts and glory blockbuster. The AAP's narrative, on the other hand, was local and immediate, focused on civic issues, public safety and the quality of urban life, and held out the promise of an incrementally better future. |
In sharp contrast, the Congress had no story set in either the present or the future. The appeal of its slogan, which echoed in the streets and on social media for days, was purely historical: "Phir se Congress wali Dilli (Once more, the Delhi of the Congress)". The era of Sheila Dixit was indeed extraordinary, a period in which civic infrastructure was built at a cracking pace and the metro rail became the lifeline of the city. But to focus exclusively on that amounted to the tacit admission that the party had no vision for the future. In his victory speech, while cleverly weaving in references to Bharat Mata and Hanuman, Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal welcomed the birth of a new politics: "Kaam ki raajneeti (the politics of work)". This is exactly where the Congress has faltered in the capital, failing to show any signs of life except at the time of elections. If it wishes to make a comeback, its should discard slogans that hark back to the past, think energetically of the future, and project a vision that self-interested urban voters find credible. |
No name, no story, only faded glory. This is the recipe for disaster that the Congress took to the Delhi polls, in which the grand old party has been kept firmly out of the assembly for the second time running. The party offered no name with brand recall that the voter could identify as a future chief minister. The AAP had a clear advantage with Arvind Kejriwal who, to the voter, looks like a man who can get a cable fault repaired and help a little old lady across the street with equal facility. The BJP also suffered from the same deficit, and had no candidate who was clearly identified as a chief ministerial candidate. It did have a narrative, a story for the big screen which some read as nationalism and others as an unhealthy obsession with enemies of the nation a blood, guts and glory blockbuster. The AAP's narrative, on the other hand, was local and immediate, focused on civic issues, public safety and the quality of urban life, and held out the promise of an incrementally better future. |
In sharp contrast, the Congress had no story set in either the present or the future. The appeal of its slogan, which echoed in the streets and on social media for days, was purely historical: "Phir se Congress wali Dilli (Once more, the Delhi of the Congress)". The era of Sheila Dixit was indeed extraordinary, a period in which civic infrastructure was built at a cracking pace and the metro rail became the lifeline of the city. But to focus exclusively on that amounted to the tacit admission that the party had no vision for the future. In his victory speech, while cleverly weaving in references to Bharat Mata and Hanuman, Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal welcomed the birth of a new politics: "Kaam ki raajneeti (the politics of work)". This is exactly where the Congress has faltered in the capital, failing to show any signs of life except at the time of elections. If it wishes to make a comeback, its should discard slogans that hark back to the past, think energetically of the future, and project a vision that self-interested urban voters find credible. |
The Delhi Assembly election result is an affirmation of the Aam Aadmi Party's welfarist political agenda trumping the hyper-nationalist narrative of the BJP. The AAP chose to seek votes on the basis of its record in office and refused to be drawn into any debate on national issues. Calling itself a post-ideology solution-driven political group, it projected an inclusive civic agenda and claimed backing from its record in office. It defined nationalism in these terms good classrooms and health camps make for good citizens and a secure nation. Voters were convinced. |
It wasn't an easy battle for the AAP as it sought a third successive win in Delhi, a city-state where the Centre controls public order, land and services, including the power to appoint senior civil servants. If the footsoldiers of the party went from door to door spreading the message of governance, their strongest asset was their leader Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. Under whom the government had delivered on most of its promises including providing subsidised public goods, mainly electricity and water, as well as raising the quality of public education and healthcare. In the time of a sputtering economy, even the few hundred rupees saved through subsidies and welfare schemes would have endeared voters in Delhi to the AAP. Beyond its record in office, the party's near-sweep of Delhi owes to Kejriwal's tactical smartness in refusing to be drawn into a debate on the divisive and contentious issues that the BJP raised during the campaign. In fact, in the first phase of his term when he defied Prime Minister Narendra Modi almost every other day and was himself locked in a bruising battle with Raj Bhavan, Kejriwal quickly realised the diminishing returns of such a strategy. He changed tack and de-Modi-ised his discourse. That's why when the BJP sought to inject hyper-nationalist rhetoric into the election, the AAP countered with its government's work in education and healthcare. Kejriwal skillfully avoided the Identity trap the BJP had laid for him in a highly polarized discourse. Overall, the AAP's success in nearly replicating its 2015 win tells a remarkable story of political resilience, hard work and tactical acumen. |
For the BJP, the Amit Shah-led high voltage campaign against Shaheen Bagh failed to fetch returns. The entire brass of the BJP, including much of the Union Cabinet, 200 MPs and leaders from neighbouring states including Adityanath, were fielded in the campaign. The anti-citizenship law protests in Shaheen Bagh were turned into a talisman of nationalism and a counter to the AAP's governance-as-ideology politics. Clearly, few were impressed. In the absence of a strong state leader, the party, once again, leaned on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to win Delhi which it last won in 1993. But as the Assembly elections after the BJP's spectacular Lok Sabha win in 2019 show, there are limitations to that strategy. Brand Modi may not have diminished but it doesn't seem to enthuse fence-sitting voters when the playground is the state which means interesting times ahead. |
The Delhi Assembly election result is an affirmation of the Aam Aadmi Party's welfarist political agenda trumping the hyper-nationalist narrative of the BJP. The AAP chose to seek votes on the basis of its record in office and refused to be drawn into any debate on national issues. Calling itself a post-ideology solution-driven political group, it projected an inclusive civic agenda and claimed backing from its record in office. It defined nationalism in these terms good classrooms and health camps make for good citizens and a secure nation. Voters were convinced. |
It wasn't an easy battle for the AAP as it sought a third successive win in Delhi, a city-state where the Centre controls public order, land and services, including the power to appoint senior civil servants. If the footsoldiers of the party went from door to door spreading the message of governance, their strongest asset was their leader Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. Under whom the government had delivered on most of its promises including providing subsidised public goods, mainly electricity and water, as well as raising the quality of public education and healthcare. In the time of a sputtering economy, even the few hundred rupees saved through subsidies and welfare schemes would have endeared voters in Delhi to the AAP. Beyond its record in office, the party's near-sweep of Delhi owes to Kejriwal's tactical smartness in refusing to be drawn into a debate on the divisive and contentious issues that the BJP raised during the campaign. In fact, in the first phase of his term when he defied Prime Minister Narendra Modi almost every other day and was himself locked in a bruising battle with Raj Bhavan, Kejriwal quickly realised the diminishing returns of such a strategy. He changed tack and de-Modi-ised his discourse. That's why when the BJP sought to inject hyper-nationalist rhetoric into the election, the AAP countered with its government's work in education and healthcare. Kejriwal skillfully avoided the Identity trap the BJP had laid for him in a highly polarized discourse. Overall, the AAP's success in nearly replicating its 2015 win tells a remarkable story of political resilience, hard work and tactical acumen. |
For the BJP, the Amit Shah-led high voltage campaign against Shaheen Bagh failed to fetch returns. The entire brass of the BJP, including much of the Union Cabinet, 200 MPs and leaders from neighbouring states including Adityanath, were fielded in the campaign. The anti-citizenship law protests in Shaheen Bagh were turned into a talisman of nationalism and a counter to the AAP's governance-as-ideology politics. Clearly, few were impressed. In the absence of a strong state leader, the party, once again, leaned on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to win Delhi which it last won in 1993. But as the Assembly elections after the BJP's spectacular Lok Sabha win in 2019 show, there are limitations to that strategy. Brand Modi may not have diminished but it doesn't seem to enthuse fence-sitting voters when the playground is the state which means interesting times ahead. |
The Delhi Assembly election result is an affirmation of the Aam Aadmi Party's welfarist political agenda trumping the hyper-nationalist narrative of the BJP. The AAP chose to seek votes on the basis of its record in office and refused to be drawn into any debate on national issues. Calling itself a post-ideology solution-driven political group, it projected an inclusive civic agenda and claimed backing from its record in office. It defined nationalism in these terms good classrooms and health camps make for good citizens and a secure nation. Voters were convinced. |
It wasn't an easy battle for the AAP as it sought a third successive win in Delhi, a city-state where the Centre controls public order, land and services, including the power to appoint senior civil servants. If the footsoldiers of the party went from door to door spreading the message of governance, their strongest asset was their leader Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. Under whom the government had delivered on most of its promises including providing subsidised public goods, mainly electricity and water, as well as raising the quality of public education and healthcare. In the time of a sputtering economy, even the few hundred rupees saved through subsidies and welfare schemes would have endeared voters in Delhi to the AAP. Beyond its record in office, the party's near-sweep of Delhi owes to Kejriwal's tactical smartness in refusing to be drawn into a debate on the divisive and contentious issues that the BJP raised during the campaign. In fact, in the first phase of his term when he defied Prime Minister Narendra Modi almost every other day and was himself locked in a bruising battle with Raj Bhavan, Kejriwal quickly realised the diminishing returns of such a strategy. He changed tack and de-Modi-ised his discourse. That's why when the BJP sought to inject hyper-nationalist rhetoric into the election, the AAP countered with its government's work in education and healthcare. Kejriwal skillfully avoided the Identity trap the BJP had laid for him in a highly polarized discourse. Overall, the AAP's success in nearly replicating its 2015 win tells a remarkable story of political resilience, hard work and tactical acumen. |
For the BJP, the Amit Shah-led high voltage campaign against Shaheen Bagh failed to fetch returns. The entire brass of the BJP, including much of the Union Cabinet, 200 MPs and leaders from neighbouring states including Adityanath, were fielded in the campaign. The anti-citizenship law protests in Shaheen Bagh were turned into a talisman of nationalism and a counter to the AAP's governance-as-ideology politics. Clearly, few were impressed. In the absence of a strong state leader, the party, once again, leaned on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to win Delhi which it last won in 1993. But as the Assembly elections after the BJP's spectacular Lok Sabha win in 2019 show, there are limitations to that strategy. Brand Modi may not have diminished but it doesn't seem to enthuse fence-sitting voters when the playground is the state which means interesting times ahead. |
The Delhi Assembly election result is an affirmation of the Aam Aadmi Party's welfarist political agenda trumping the hyper-nationalist narrative of the BJP. The AAP chose to seek votes on the basis of its record in office and refused to be drawn into any debate on national issues. Calling itself a post-ideology solution-driven political group, it projected an inclusive civic agenda and claimed backing from its record in office. It defined nationalism in these terms good classrooms and health camps make for good citizens and a secure nation. Voters were convinced. |
It wasn't an easy battle for the AAP as it sought a third successive win in Delhi, a city-state where the Centre controls public order, land and services, including the power to appoint senior civil servants. If the footsoldiers of the party went from door to door spreading the message of governance, their strongest asset was their leader Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. Under whom the government had delivered on most of its promises including providing subsidised public goods, mainly electricity and water, as well as raising the quality of public education and healthcare. In the time of a sputtering economy, even the few hundred rupees saved through subsidies and welfare schemes would have endeared voters in Delhi to the AAP. Beyond its record in office, the party's near-sweep of Delhi owes to Kejriwal's tactical smartness in refusing to be drawn into a debate on the divisive and contentious issues that the BJP raised during the campaign. In fact, in the first phase of his term when he defied Prime Minister Narendra Modi almost every other day and was himself locked in a bruising battle with Raj Bhavan, Kejriwal quickly realised the diminishing returns of such a strategy. He changed tack and de-Modi-ised his discourse. That's why when the BJP sought to inject hyper-nationalist rhetoric into the election, the AAP countered with its government's work in education and healthcare. Kejriwal skillfully avoided the Identity trap the BJP had laid for him in a highly polarized discourse. Overall, the AAP's success in nearly replicating its 2015 win tells a remarkable story of political resilience, hard work and tactical acumen. |
For the BJP, the Amit Shah-led high voltage campaign against Shaheen Bagh failed to fetch returns. The entire brass of the BJP, including much of the Union Cabinet, 200 MPs and leaders from neighbouring states including Adityanath, were fielded in the campaign. The anti-citizenship law protests in Shaheen Bagh were turned into a talisman of nationalism and a counter to the AAP's governance-as-ideology politics. Clearly, few were impressed. In the absence of a strong state leader, the party, once again, leaned on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to win Delhi which it last won in 1993. But as the Assembly elections after the BJP's spectacular Lok Sabha win in 2019 show, there are limitations to that strategy. Brand Modi may not have diminished but it doesn't seem to enthuse fence-sitting voters when the playground is the state which means interesting times ahead. |
The Delhi Assembly election result is an affirmation of the Aam Aadmi Party's welfarist political agenda trumping the hyper-nationalist narrative of the BJP. The AAP chose to seek votes on the basis of its record in office and refused to be drawn into any debate on national issues. Calling itself a post-ideology solution-driven political group, it projected an inclusive civic agenda and claimed backing from its record in office. It defined nationalism in these terms good classrooms and health camps make for good citizens and a secure nation. Voters were convinced. |
It wasn't an easy battle for the AAP as it sought a third successive win in Delhi, a city-state where the Centre controls public order, land and services, including the power to appoint senior civil servants. If the footsoldiers of the party went from door to door spreading the message of governance, their strongest asset was their leader Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. Under whom the government had delivered on most of its promises including providing subsidised public goods, mainly electricity and water, as well as raising the quality of public education and healthcare. In the time of a sputtering economy, even the few hundred rupees saved through subsidies and welfare schemes would have endeared voters in Delhi to the AAP. Beyond its record in office, the party's near-sweep of Delhi owes to Kejriwal's tactical smartness in refusing to be drawn into a debate on the divisive and contentious issues that the BJP raised during the campaign. In fact, in the first phase of his term when he defied Prime Minister Narendra Modi almost every other day and was himself locked in a bruising battle with Raj Bhavan, Kejriwal quickly realised the diminishing returns of such a strategy. He changed tack and de-Modi-ised his discourse. That's why when the BJP sought to inject hyper-nationalist rhetoric into the election, the AAP countered with its government's work in education and healthcare. Kejriwal skillfully avoided the Identity trap the BJP had laid for him in a highly polarized discourse. Overall, the AAP's success in nearly replicating its 2015 win tells a remarkable story of political resilience, hard work and tactical acumen. |
For the BJP, the Amit Shah-led high voltage campaign against Shaheen Bagh failed to fetch returns. The entire brass of the BJP, including much of the Union Cabinet, 200 MPs and leaders from neighbouring states including Adityanath, were fielded in the campaign. The anti-citizenship law protests in Shaheen Bagh were turned into a talisman of nationalism and a counter to the AAP's governance-as-ideology politics. Clearly, few were impressed. In the absence of a strong state leader, the party, once again, leaned on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to win Delhi which it last won in 1993. But as the Assembly elections after the BJP's spectacular Lok Sabha win in 2019 show, there are limitations to that strategy. Brand Modi may not have diminished but it doesn't seem to enthuse fence-sitting voters when the playground is the state which means interesting times ahead. |
The White House has formally announced that US President Donald Trump and first lady Melania will visit India on February 24 and 25 with stops in New Delhi and Ahmedabad. This will be Trump's first visit to India as US President and will also be a state visit. The visit comes at a time when Trump has just emerged unscathed from impeachment proceedings in the US and his popularity back home is at record high. And at the moment, he is also clearly the frontrunner for the US presidential elections later in the year. Therefore, this is a good moment for Trump's India visit. |
Plus, India-US strategic relations have seen an upswing in recent years. With the need to balance a rising and aggressive China and create a rules-based order in East Asia, New Delhi and Washington today have multiple points of synergy. Additionally, Trump's Pakistan policy where he has put Islamabad in the doghouse for its sponsorship of terrorism is something that New Delhi has pushed for decades. Barring Iran, the two countries are on the same page on most strategic matters. |
But where there are points of contention is in trade. With the US taking a protectionist turn under Trump and looking at tariffs strictly through the prism of reciprocity, India too hasn't been spared. This is precisely why a trade deal between the two countries is much needed to put the strategic partnership on a firmer footing. Sans this the security and defence relationship will remain susceptible to the vagaries of geopolitics. Therefore, it is hoped that the Trump visit will see the conclusion of a bilateral trade deal. "India and the USA share a common commitment to democracy and pluralism. Our nations are cooperating extensively on a wide range of issues. A robust friendship between our nations augurs well not only for our citizens but also for the entire world," tweeted the Prime Minister. |
The White House has formally announced that US President Donald Trump and first lady Melania will visit India on February 24 and 25 with stops in New Delhi and Ahmedabad. This will be Trump's first visit to India as US President and will also be a state visit. The visit comes at a time when Trump has just emerged unscathed from impeachment proceedings in the US and his popularity back home is at record high. And at the moment, he is also clearly the frontrunner for the US presidential elections later in the year. Therefore, this is a good moment for Trump's India visit. |
Plus, India-US strategic relations have seen an upswing in recent years. With the need to balance a rising and aggressive China and create a rules-based order in East Asia, New Delhi and Washington today have multiple points of synergy. Additionally, Trump's Pakistan policy where he has put Islamabad in the doghouse for its sponsorship of terrorism is something that New Delhi has pushed for decades. Barring Iran, the two countries are on the same page on most strategic matters. |
But where there are points of contention is in trade. With the US taking a protectionist turn under Trump and looking at tariffs strictly through the prism of reciprocity, India too hasn't been spared. This is precisely why a trade deal between the two countries is much needed to put the strategic partnership on a firmer footing. Sans this the security and defence relationship will remain susceptible to the vagaries of geopolitics. Therefore, it is hoped that the Trump visit will see the conclusion of a bilateral trade deal. "India and the USA share a common commitment to democracy and pluralism. Our nations are cooperating extensively on a wide range of issues. A robust friendship between our nations augurs well not only for our citizens but also for the entire world," tweeted the Prime Minister. |
The White House has formally announced that US President Donald Trump and first lady Melania will visit India on February 24 and 25 with stops in New Delhi and Ahmedabad. This will be Trump's first visit to India as US President and will also be a state visit. The visit comes at a time when Trump has just emerged unscathed from impeachment proceedings in the US and his popularity back home is at record high. And at the moment, he is also clearly the frontrunner for the US presidential elections later in the year. Therefore, this is a good moment for Trump's India visit. |
Plus, India-US strategic relations have seen an upswing in recent years. With the need to balance a rising and aggressive China and create a rules-based order in East Asia, New Delhi and Washington today have multiple points of synergy. Additionally, Trump's Pakistan policy where he has put Islamabad in the doghouse for its sponsorship of terrorism is something that New Delhi has pushed for decades. Barring Iran, the two countries are on the same page on most strategic matters. |
But where there are points of contention is in trade. With the US taking a protectionist turn under Trump and looking at tariffs strictly through the prism of reciprocity, India too hasn't been spared. This is precisely why a trade deal between the two countries is much needed to put the strategic partnership on a firmer footing. Sans this the security and defence relationship will remain susceptible to the vagaries of geopolitics. Therefore, it is hoped that the Trump visit will see the conclusion of a bilateral trade deal. "India and the USA share a common commitment to democracy and pluralism. Our nations are cooperating extensively on a wide range of issues. A robust friendship between our nations augurs well not only for our citizens but also for the entire world," tweeted the Prime Minister. |
The White House has formally announced that US President Donald Trump and first lady Melania will visit India on February 24 and 25 with stops in New Delhi and Ahmedabad. This will be Trump's first visit to India as US President and will also be a state visit. The visit comes at a time when Trump has just emerged unscathed from impeachment proceedings in the US and his popularity back home is at record high. And at the moment, he is also clearly the frontrunner for the US presidential elections later in the year. Therefore, this is a good moment for Trump's India visit. |
Plus, India-US strategic relations have seen an upswing in recent years. With the need to balance a rising and aggressive China and create a rules-based order in East Asia, New Delhi and Washington today have multiple points of synergy. Additionally, Trump's Pakistan policy where he has put Islamabad in the doghouse for its sponsorship of terrorism is something that New Delhi has pushed for decades. Barring Iran, the two countries are on the same page on most strategic matters. |
But where there are points of contention is in trade. With the US taking a protectionist turn under Trump and looking at tariffs strictly through the prism of reciprocity, India too hasn't been spared. This is precisely why a trade deal between the two countries is much needed to put the strategic partnership on a firmer footing. Sans this the security and defence relationship will remain susceptible to the vagaries of geopolitics. Therefore, it is hoped that the Trump visit will see the conclusion of a bilateral trade deal. "India and the USA share a common commitment to democracy and pluralism. Our nations are cooperating extensively on a wide range of issues. A robust friendship between our nations augurs well not only for our citizens but also for the entire world," tweeted the Prime Minister. |
The White House has formally announced that US President Donald Trump and first lady Melania will visit India on February 24 and 25 with stops in New Delhi and Ahmedabad. This will be Trump's first visit to India as US President and will also be a state visit. The visit comes at a time when Trump has just emerged unscathed from impeachment proceedings in the US and his popularity back home is at record high. And at the moment, he is also clearly the frontrunner for the US presidential elections later in the year. Therefore, this is a good moment for Trump's India visit. |
Plus, India-US strategic relations have seen an upswing in recent years. With the need to balance a rising and aggressive China and create a rules-based order in East Asia, New Delhi and Washington today have multiple points of synergy. Additionally, Trump's Pakistan policy where he has put Islamabad in the doghouse for its sponsorship of terrorism is something that New Delhi has pushed for decades. Barring Iran, the two countries are on the same page on most strategic matters. |
But where there are points of contention is in trade. With the US taking a protectionist turn under Trump and looking at tariffs strictly through the prism of reciprocity, India too hasn't been spared. This is precisely why a trade deal between the two countries is much needed to put the strategic partnership on a firmer footing. Sans this the security and defence relationship will remain susceptible to the vagaries of geopolitics. Therefore, it is hoped that the Trump visit will see the conclusion of a bilateral trade deal. "India and the USA share a common commitment to democracy and pluralism. Our nations are cooperating extensively on a wide range of issues. A robust friendship between our nations augurs well not only for our citizens but also for the entire world," tweeted the Prime Minister. |
Yesterday the Reserve Bank of India's monetary policy committee voted unanimously to keep the policy rate unchanged at 5.15%. This wasn't surprising, given that the retail inflation in December was 7.4%, overshooting the outer bound of 6% fixed by government as part of the flexible inflation targeting regime. However, the policy statement when seen in conjunction with other steps announced by RBI suggests that reviving economic growth remains the priority. This is also unsurprising after six consecutive quarters of deceleration in growth and a Union Budget that is unlikely to catalyse a revival. |
RBI has revised its inflation projection for April-September to 5.4-5%, higher than its earlier projection of 4-3.8%. An increase in inflation however doesn't seem to be worrisome. The bigger challenge is that even when economic growth is forecast to increase to 6% next fiscal, the monetary policy committee observed that the "economy continues to be weak". This is the case even though there has been a significant transmission down the line of the 1.35 percentage point reduction in policy rate over the last year. The reduction in interest rates was complemented by accommodative liquidity conditions. Yet, bank credit growth is around 7%, a shade lower than the economic growth. |
RBI is now using a different set of tools to revive the economy, with special emphasis on a handful of sectors. Regulatory dilution of bad loan recognition norms of MSMEs in default will be extended. This will keep bank funding to some firms flowing but carries risks. Separately, there are other measures to incentivize credit flow to MSMEs, real estate and auto sectors. Another monetary tool, long-term repos, are to be used to offset the depositor pushback against the relentless reduction in interest rates. When viewed as a package, RBI is now going well beyond the interest rate channel to catalyse economic growth. |
The big question is how effective will these measures be? The Budget suggested that government has nothing left in the fiscal toolkit to revive growth. Monetary policy has picked up the burden. But this is unlikely to make a meaningful difference at this stage. A lot of risk aversion in the economy has to do with structural bottlenecks in different sectors, particularly real estate. This requires government to work with states to remove obstacles and create a more conducive and predictable environment for business. It is structural reform by another name. If RBI's steps are to bear fruit, government needs to do the heavy lifting. |
Yesterday the Reserve Bank of India's monetary policy committee voted unanimously to keep the policy rate unchanged at 5.15%. This wasn't surprising, given that the retail inflation in December was 7.4%, overshooting the outer bound of 6% fixed by government as part of the flexible inflation targeting regime. However, the policy statement when seen in conjunction with other steps announced by RBI suggests that reviving economic growth remains the priority. This is also unsurprising after six consecutive quarters of deceleration in growth and a Union Budget that is unlikely to catalyse a revival. |
RBI has revised its inflation projection for April-September to 5.4-5%, higher than its earlier projection of 4-3.8%. An increase in inflation however doesn't seem to be worrisome. The bigger challenge is that even when economic growth is forecast to increase to 6% next fiscal, the monetary policy committee observed that the "economy continues to be weak". This is the case even though there has been a significant transmission down the line of the 1.35 percentage point reduction in policy rate over the last year. The reduction in interest rates was complemented by accommodative liquidity conditions. Yet, bank credit growth is around 7%, a shade lower than the economic growth. |
RBI is now using a different set of tools to revive the economy, with special emphasis on a handful of sectors. Regulatory dilution of bad loan recognition norms of MSMEs in default will be extended. This will keep bank funding to some firms flowing but carries risks. Separately, there are other measures to incentivize credit flow to MSMEs, real estate and auto sectors. Another monetary tool, long-term repos, are to be used to offset the depositor pushback against the relentless reduction in interest rates. When viewed as a package, RBI is now going well beyond the interest rate channel to catalyse economic growth. |
The big question is how effective will these measures be? The Budget suggested that government has nothing left in the fiscal toolkit to revive growth. Monetary policy has picked up the burden. But this is unlikely to make a meaningful difference at this stage. A lot of risk aversion in the economy has to do with structural bottlenecks in different sectors, particularly real estate. This requires government to work with states to remove obstacles and create a more conducive and predictable environment for business. It is structural reform by another name. If RBI's steps are to bear fruit, government needs to do the heavy lifting. |
Yesterday the Reserve Bank of India's monetary policy committee voted unanimously to keep the policy rate unchanged at 5.15%. This wasn't surprising, given that the retail inflation in December was 7.4%, overshooting the outer bound of 6% fixed by government as part of the flexible inflation targeting regime. However, the policy statement when seen in conjunction with other steps announced by RBI suggests that reviving economic growth remains the priority. This is also unsurprising after six consecutive quarters of deceleration in growth and a Union Budget that is unlikely to catalyse a revival. |
RBI has revised its inflation projection for April-September to 5.4-5%, higher than its earlier projection of 4-3.8%. An increase in inflation however doesn't seem to be worrisome. The bigger challenge is that even when economic growth is forecast to increase to 6% next fiscal, the monetary policy committee observed that the "economy continues to be weak". This is the case even though there has been a significant transmission down the line of the 1.35 percentage point reduction in policy rate over the last year. The reduction in interest rates was complemented by accommodative liquidity conditions. Yet, bank credit growth is around 7%, a shade lower than the economic growth. |
RBI is now using a different set of tools to revive the economy, with special emphasis on a handful of sectors. Regulatory dilution of bad loan recognition norms of MSMEs in default will be extended. This will keep bank funding to some firms flowing but carries risks. Separately, there are other measures to incentivize credit flow to MSMEs, real estate and auto sectors. Another monetary tool, long-term repos, are to be used to offset the depositor pushback against the relentless reduction in interest rates. When viewed as a package, RBI is now going well beyond the interest rate channel to catalyse economic growth. |
The big question is how effective will these measures be? The Budget suggested that government has nothing left in the fiscal toolkit to revive growth. Monetary policy has picked up the burden. But this is unlikely to make a meaningful difference at this stage. A lot of risk aversion in the economy has to do with structural bottlenecks in different sectors, particularly real estate. This requires government to work with states to remove obstacles and create a more conducive and predictable environment for business. It is structural reform by another name. If RBI's steps are to bear fruit, government needs to do the heavy lifting. |
Yesterday the Reserve Bank of India's monetary policy committee voted unanimously to keep the policy rate unchanged at 5.15%. This wasn't surprising, given that the retail inflation in December was 7.4%, overshooting the outer bound of 6% fixed by government as part of the flexible inflation targeting regime. However, the policy statement when seen in conjunction with other steps announced by RBI suggests that reviving economic growth remains the priority. This is also unsurprising after six consecutive quarters of deceleration in growth and a Union Budget that is unlikely to catalyse a revival. |
RBI has revised its inflation projection for April-September to 5.4-5%, higher than its earlier projection of 4-3.8%. An increase in inflation however doesn't seem to be worrisome. The bigger challenge is that even when economic growth is forecast to increase to 6% next fiscal, the monetary policy committee observed that the "economy continues to be weak". This is the case even though there has been a significant transmission down the line of the 1.35 percentage point reduction in policy rate over the last year. The reduction in interest rates was complemented by accommodative liquidity conditions. Yet, bank credit growth is around 7%, a shade lower than the economic growth. |
RBI is now using a different set of tools to revive the economy, with special emphasis on a handful of sectors. Regulatory dilution of bad loan recognition norms of MSMEs in default will be extended. This will keep bank funding to some firms flowing but carries risks. Separately, there are other measures to incentivize credit flow to MSMEs, real estate and auto sectors. Another monetary tool, long-term repos, are to be used to offset the depositor pushback against the relentless reduction in interest rates. When viewed as a package, RBI is now going well beyond the interest rate channel to catalyse economic growth. |
The big question is how effective will these measures be? The Budget suggested that government has nothing left in the fiscal toolkit to revive growth. Monetary policy has picked up the burden. But this is unlikely to make a meaningful difference at this stage. A lot of risk aversion in the economy has to do with structural bottlenecks in different sectors, particularly real estate. This requires government to work with states to remove obstacles and create a more conducive and predictable environment for business. It is structural reform by another name. If RBI's steps are to bear fruit, government needs to do the heavy lifting. |
Yesterday the Reserve Bank of India's monetary policy committee voted unanimously to keep the policy rate unchanged at 5.15%. This wasn't surprising, given that the retail inflation in December was 7.4%, overshooting the outer bound of 6% fixed by government as part of the flexible inflation targeting regime. However, the policy statement when seen in conjunction with other steps announced by RBI suggests that reviving economic growth remains the priority. This is also unsurprising after six consecutive quarters of deceleration in growth and a Union Budget that is unlikely to catalyse a revival. |
RBI has revised its inflation projection for April-September to 5.4-5%, higher than its earlier projection of 4-3.8%. An increase in inflation however doesn't seem to be worrisome. The bigger challenge is that even when economic growth is forecast to increase to 6% next fiscal, the monetary policy committee observed that the "economy continues to be weak". This is the case even though there has been a significant transmission down the line of the 1.35 percentage point reduction in policy rate over the last year. The reduction in interest rates was complemented by accommodative liquidity conditions. Yet, bank credit growth is around 7%, a shade lower than the economic growth. |
RBI is now using a different set of tools to revive the economy, with special emphasis on a handful of sectors. Regulatory dilution of bad loan recognition norms of MSMEs in default will be extended. This will keep bank funding to some firms flowing but carries risks. Separately, there are other measures to incentivize credit flow to MSMEs, real estate and auto sectors. Another monetary tool, long-term repos, are to be used to offset the depositor pushback against the relentless reduction in interest rates. When viewed as a package, RBI is now going well beyond the interest rate channel to catalyse economic growth. |
The big question is how effective will these measures be? The Budget suggested that government has nothing left in the fiscal toolkit to revive growth. Monetary policy has picked up the burden. But this is unlikely to make a meaningful difference at this stage. A lot of risk aversion in the economy has to do with structural bottlenecks in different sectors, particularly real estate. This requires government to work with states to remove obstacles and create a more conducive and predictable environment for business. It is structural reform by another name. If RBI's steps are to bear fruit, government needs to do the heavy lifting. |
It makes sense" is the first thing to say about the phenomenon being described by psychologists as climate anxiety. Wherever in the world you live, there are very good reasons to feel anxious about the rate of global heating and the lack of adequate action to tackle it by governments, businesses and organisations of all sorts. |
The predicted consequences are frightening: hotter weather in already inhospitable places, sea-level rises caused by melting ice sheets, and increased disruption of weather systems leading to floods, fires, hurricanes, food and water shortages - with the linked biodiversity crisis another cause for grave concern. Depending on the steps that are taken (or not) over the next decade, a period during which the UN estimates that carbon emissions need to be cut by 7.6% annually if we are to avoid temperature rises above 1.5C, the disruption caused to human societies could be immense. For countries such as Bangladesh, the effects are likely to be devastating. |
Given all this, it arguably makes more sense to be anxious than not. And climate anxiety is one way of describing the motivations of every person or organisation that is trying to do something to limit or to mitigate the effects of global heating - whether an individual altering their diet, a charity switching energy supplier, a council setting emissions targets or the Guardian deciding to stop selling advertising space to fossil fuel companies. |
But, as with all negative emotions, the trick is to distinguish ordinary feelings - what Sigmund Freud famously called "common unhappiness" - from those that are disproportionate, or so intense and prolonged as to be debilitating. While it makes sense to be worried about the climate emergency, becoming overwhelmed is counterproductive. The sound advice from psychologists that actions, however small, can help to alleviate feelings of distress and powerlessness echoes the experiences of activists including Jane Fonda that "the minute you start doing something, the depression goes away". |
Not all low moods are readily lifted, however, and warnings of worsening mental health as a result of climate disruptions and hardships should be taken seriously. Already there is cause for concern, with research showing that people who have experienced extreme weather such as floods in the UK are 50% more likely to suffer from problems including depression. Resilience may be a desirable quality, but is much more easily developed by those who are cushioned by income or advantage. |
Growing demand for psychological support should be met by professionals who are able to distinguish everyday worries from post-traumatic stress or other symptoms. Disasters on the scale of Australia's recent bush fires and Indonesia's floods can be expected to produce severe mental as well as physical reactions, particularly in children and other vulnerable groups. In some parts of the world, trauma is already normalised, and when psychologists write of their fear that it could become ubiquitous, policymakers everywhere should take notice. |
But it's important to remember that there are reasons to hope, as well as despair. As the environmental scientist Vaclav Smil said last year, "We [humans] are stupid, we are negligent, we are tardy. But on the other hand, we are adaptable, we are smart and even as things are falling apart, we are trying to stitch them together". |
It makes sense" is the first thing to say about the phenomenon being described by psychologists as climate anxiety. Wherever in the world you live, there are very good reasons to feel anxious about the rate of global heating and the lack of adequate action to tackle it by governments, businesses and organisations of all sorts. |
The predicted consequences are frightening: hotter weather in already inhospitable places, sea-level rises caused by melting ice sheets, and increased disruption of weather systems leading to floods, fires, hurricanes, food and water shortages - with the linked biodiversity crisis another cause for grave concern. Depending on the steps that are taken (or not) over the next decade, a period during which the UN estimates that carbon emissions need to be cut by 7.6% annually if we are to avoid temperature rises above 1.5C, the disruption caused to human societies could be immense. For countries such as Bangladesh, the effects are likely to be devastating. |
Given all this, it arguably makes more sense to be anxious than not. And climate anxiety is one way of describing the motivations of every person or organisation that is trying to do something to limit or to mitigate the effects of global heating - whether an individual altering their diet, a charity switching energy supplier, a council setting emissions targets or the Guardian deciding to stop selling advertising space to fossil fuel companies. |
But, as with all negative emotions, the trick is to distinguish ordinary feelings - what Sigmund Freud famously called "common unhappiness" - from those that are disproportionate, or so intense and prolonged as to be debilitating. While it makes sense to be worried about the climate emergency, becoming overwhelmed is counterproductive. The sound advice from psychologists that actions, however small, can help to alleviate feelings of distress and powerlessness echoes the experiences of activists including Jane Fonda that "the minute you start doing something, the depression goes away". |
Not all low moods are readily lifted, however, and warnings of worsening mental health as a result of climate disruptions and hardships should be taken seriously. Already there is cause for concern, with research showing that people who have experienced extreme weather such as floods in the UK are 50% more likely to suffer from problems including depression. Resilience may be a desirable quality, but is much more easily developed by those who are cushioned by income or advantage. |
Growing demand for psychological support should be met by professionals who are able to distinguish everyday worries from post-traumatic stress or other symptoms. Disasters on the scale of Australia's recent bush fires and Indonesia's floods can be expected to produce severe mental as well as physical reactions, particularly in children and other vulnerable groups. In some parts of the world, trauma is already normalised, and when psychologists write of their fear that it could become ubiquitous, policymakers everywhere should take notice. |
But it's important to remember that there are reasons to hope, as well as despair. As the environmental scientist Vaclav Smil said last year, "We [humans] are stupid, we are negligent, we are tardy. But on the other hand, we are adaptable, we are smart and even as things are falling apart, we are trying to stitch them together". |
It makes sense" is the first thing to say about the phenomenon being described by psychologists as climate anxiety. Wherever in the world you live, there are very good reasons to feel anxious about the rate of global heating and the lack of adequate action to tackle it by governments, businesses and organisations of all sorts. |
The predicted consequences are frightening: hotter weather in already inhospitable places, sea-level rises caused by melting ice sheets, and increased disruption of weather systems leading to floods, fires, hurricanes, food and water shortages - with the linked biodiversity crisis another cause for grave concern. Depending on the steps that are taken (or not) over the next decade, a period during which the UN estimates that carbon emissions need to be cut by 7.6% annually if we are to avoid temperature rises above 1.5C, the disruption caused to human societies could be immense. For countries such as Bangladesh, the effects are likely to be devastating. |
Given all this, it arguably makes more sense to be anxious than not. And climate anxiety is one way of describing the motivations of every person or organisation that is trying to do something to limit or to mitigate the effects of global heating - whether an individual altering their diet, a charity switching energy supplier, a council setting emissions targets or the Guardian deciding to stop selling advertising space to fossil fuel companies. |
But, as with all negative emotions, the trick is to distinguish ordinary feelings - what Sigmund Freud famously called "common unhappiness" - from those that are disproportionate, or so intense and prolonged as to be debilitating. While it makes sense to be worried about the climate emergency, becoming overwhelmed is counterproductive. The sound advice from psychologists that actions, however small, can help to alleviate feelings of distress and powerlessness echoes the experiences of activists including Jane Fonda that "the minute you start doing something, the depression goes away". |
Not all low moods are readily lifted, however, and warnings of worsening mental health as a result of climate disruptions and hardships should be taken seriously. Already there is cause for concern, with research showing that people who have experienced extreme weather such as floods in the UK are 50% more likely to suffer from problems including depression. Resilience may be a desirable quality, but is much more easily developed by those who are cushioned by income or advantage. |
Growing demand for psychological support should be met by professionals who are able to distinguish everyday worries from post-traumatic stress or other symptoms. Disasters on the scale of Australia's recent bush fires and Indonesia's floods can be expected to produce severe mental as well as physical reactions, particularly in children and other vulnerable groups. In some parts of the world, trauma is already normalised, and when psychologists write of their fear that it could become ubiquitous, policymakers everywhere should take notice. |
But it's important to remember that there are reasons to hope, as well as despair. As the environmental scientist Vaclav Smil said last year, "We [humans] are stupid, we are negligent, we are tardy. But on the other hand, we are adaptable, we are smart and even as things are falling apart, we are trying to stitch them together". |
It makes sense" is the first thing to say about the phenomenon being described by psychologists as climate anxiety. Wherever in the world you live, there are very good reasons to feel anxious about the rate of global heating and the lack of adequate action to tackle it by governments, businesses and organisations of all sorts. |
The predicted consequences are frightening: hotter weather in already inhospitable places, sea-level rises caused by melting ice sheets, and increased disruption of weather systems leading to floods, fires, hurricanes, food and water shortages - with the linked biodiversity crisis another cause for grave concern. Depending on the steps that are taken (or not) over the next decade, a period during which the UN estimates that carbon emissions need to be cut by 7.6% annually if we are to avoid temperature rises above 1.5C, the disruption caused to human societies could be immense. For countries such as Bangladesh, the effects are likely to be devastating. |
Given all this, it arguably makes more sense to be anxious than not. And climate anxiety is one way of describing the motivations of every person or organisation that is trying to do something to limit or to mitigate the effects of global heating - whether an individual altering their diet, a charity switching energy supplier, a council setting emissions targets or the Guardian deciding to stop selling advertising space to fossil fuel companies. |
But, as with all negative emotions, the trick is to distinguish ordinary feelings - what Sigmund Freud famously called "common unhappiness" - from those that are disproportionate, or so intense and prolonged as to be debilitating. While it makes sense to be worried about the climate emergency, becoming overwhelmed is counterproductive. The sound advice from psychologists that actions, however small, can help to alleviate feelings of distress and powerlessness echoes the experiences of activists including Jane Fonda that "the minute you start doing something, the depression goes away". |
Not all low moods are readily lifted, however, and warnings of worsening mental health as a result of climate disruptions and hardships should be taken seriously. Already there is cause for concern, with research showing that people who have experienced extreme weather such as floods in the UK are 50% more likely to suffer from problems including depression. Resilience may be a desirable quality, but is much more easily developed by those who are cushioned by income or advantage. |
Growing demand for psychological support should be met by professionals who are able to distinguish everyday worries from post-traumatic stress or other symptoms. Disasters on the scale of Australia's recent bush fires and Indonesia's floods can be expected to produce severe mental as well as physical reactions, particularly in children and other vulnerable groups. In some parts of the world, trauma is already normalised, and when psychologists write of their fear that it could become ubiquitous, policymakers everywhere should take notice. |
But it's important to remember that there are reasons to hope, as well as despair. As the environmental scientist Vaclav Smil said last year, "We [humans] are stupid, we are negligent, we are tardy. But on the other hand, we are adaptable, we are smart and even as things are falling apart, we are trying to stitch them together". |
It makes sense" is the first thing to say about the phenomenon being described by psychologists as climate anxiety. Wherever in the world you live, there are very good reasons to feel anxious about the rate of global heating and the lack of adequate action to tackle it by governments, businesses and organisations of all sorts. |
The predicted consequences are frightening: hotter weather in already inhospitable places, sea-level rises caused by melting ice sheets, and increased disruption of weather systems leading to floods, fires, hurricanes, food and water shortages - with the linked biodiversity crisis another cause for grave concern. Depending on the steps that are taken (or not) over the next decade, a period during which the UN estimates that carbon emissions need to be cut by 7.6% annually if we are to avoid temperature rises above 1.5C, the disruption caused to human societies could be immense. For countries such as Bangladesh, the effects are likely to be devastating. |
Given all this, it arguably makes more sense to be anxious than not. And climate anxiety is one way of describing the motivations of every person or organisation that is trying to do something to limit or to mitigate the effects of global heating - whether an individual altering their diet, a charity switching energy supplier, a council setting emissions targets or the Guardian deciding to stop selling advertising space to fossil fuel companies. |
But, as with all negative emotions, the trick is to distinguish ordinary feelings - what Sigmund Freud famously called "common unhappiness" - from those that are disproportionate, or so intense and prolonged as to be debilitating. While it makes sense to be worried about the climate emergency, becoming overwhelmed is counterproductive. The sound advice from psychologists that actions, however small, can help to alleviate feelings of distress and powerlessness echoes the experiences of activists including Jane Fonda that "the minute you start doing something, the depression goes away". |
Not all low moods are readily lifted, however, and warnings of worsening mental health as a result of climate disruptions and hardships should be taken seriously. Already there is cause for concern, with research showing that people who have experienced extreme weather such as floods in the UK are 50% more likely to suffer from problems including depression. Resilience may be a desirable quality, but is much more easily developed by those who are cushioned by income or advantage. |
Growing demand for psychological support should be met by professionals who are able to distinguish everyday worries from post-traumatic stress or other symptoms. Disasters on the scale of Australia's recent bush fires and Indonesia's floods can be expected to produce severe mental as well as physical reactions, particularly in children and other vulnerable groups. In some parts of the world, trauma is already normalised, and when psychologists write of their fear that it could become ubiquitous, policymakers everywhere should take notice. |
But it's important to remember that there are reasons to hope, as well as despair. As the environmental scientist Vaclav Smil said last year, "We [humans] are stupid, we are negligent, we are tardy. But on the other hand, we are adaptable, we are smart and even as things are falling apart, we are trying to stitch them together". |
Partway through Wednesday's highly controversial speech on the future of the BBC, the culture secretary, Nicky Morgan, struck a rather conciliatory note. After warning that the corporation could go the way of Blockbuster, foisting unwanted VHS cassettes on to a public too busy streaming, she acknowledged that: "British broadcasters remain essential. Universal availability means the BBC and other public-service broadcasters can still create shared moments that bring the country together". Take the Gay-in and Stacey seasonal special, which became the most watched TV comedy in 17 years. She marvelled: "On Christmas evening millions of us sat down to watch the same programme at the same time." It was the kind of observation that would not be out of place in a director general's speech, painting a picture of Britains favourite Auntie, the box in the corner that keeps the family together, a wellspring of information and entertainment - in short, a national institution as vital to our culture as the NHS is to our health. |
If Lady Morgan really does believe that, a question arises: why on earth is she; taking a financial sledgehammer to the foundations of the BBC? A universal service that takes no outside advertising, the corporation is funded by a licence fee levied on all households that are not otherwise exempt. That has been the case since the end of the Second World War, and those who do not pay what they owe face fines or even criminal prosecution. On Wednesday, however, the culture secretary called time on the entire regime, proposing that non-payment of the licence fee no longer be treated as a criminal offence and even warning that come the end of this charter period in December 2027, "we must all be open minded about the future of the licence fee". |
So on the one hand. Lady Morgan values -the universalism of the BBC, while on the other she wants to take away the financial means of keeping it universal. The case for decriminalisation is easily made: it is largely women and the poor who get prosecuted. But that argument was considered and rejected a 2015 review by David Perry QC, who found the system fair and proportionate. True, viewers in the UK are going more digital, and research last October from the regulator Ofcom found that children in their early teens more readily recognise YouTube and Netflix than the BBC. But the job of a government that recognises the BBCs value is to find ways to keep it financially sustainable. In Sweden, the government has moved from a fee-based regime for public-service broadcasting to a tax. Such are the fruits of a mature social democracy rather than Britain's political culture of kidding yourself that someone else can pay your way. Pretending Netflix is the future and the BBC the past is flat wrong: in order to grab millions of subscribers, Netflix has amassed billions in debt. Baroness Morgan should rethink her stance: universal services need universal funding. The alternatives are either cutting programmes or losing viewers. |
Partway through Wednesday's highly controversial speech on the future of the BBC, the culture secretary, Nicky Morgan, struck a rather conciliatory note. After warning that the corporation could go the way of Blockbuster, foisting unwanted VHS cassettes on to a public too busy streaming, she acknowledged that: "British broadcasters remain essential. Universal availability means the BBC and other public-service broadcasters can still create shared moments that bring the country together". Take the Gay-in and Stacey seasonal special, which became the most watched TV comedy in 17 years. She marvelled: "On Christmas evening millions of us sat down to watch the same programme at the same time." It was the kind of observation that would not be out of place in a director general's speech, painting a picture of Britains favourite Auntie, the box in the corner that keeps the family together, a wellspring of information and entertainment - in short, a national institution as vital to our culture as the NHS is to our health. |
If Lady Morgan really does believe that, a question arises: why on earth is she; taking a financial sledgehammer to the foundations of the BBC? A universal service that takes no outside advertising, the corporation is funded by a licence fee levied on all households that are not otherwise exempt. That has been the case since the end of the Second World War, and those who do not pay what they owe face fines or even criminal prosecution. On Wednesday, however, the culture secretary called time on the entire regime, proposing that non-payment of the licence fee no longer be treated as a criminal offence and even warning that come the end of this charter period in December 2027, "we must all be open minded about the future of the licence fee". |
So on the one hand. Lady Morgan values -the universalism of the BBC, while on the other she wants to take away the financial means of keeping it universal. The case for decriminalisation is easily made: it is largely women and the poor who get prosecuted. But that argument was considered and rejected a 2015 review by David Perry QC, who found the system fair and proportionate. True, viewers in the UK are going more digital, and research last October from the regulator Ofcom found that children in their early teens more readily recognise YouTube and Netflix than the BBC. But the job of a government that recognises the BBCs value is to find ways to keep it financially sustainable. In Sweden, the government has moved from a fee-based regime for public-service broadcasting to a tax. Such are the fruits of a mature social democracy rather than Britain's political culture of kidding yourself that someone else can pay your way. Pretending Netflix is the future and the BBC the past is flat wrong: in order to grab millions of subscribers, Netflix has amassed billions in debt. Baroness Morgan should rethink her stance: universal services need universal funding. The alternatives are either cutting programmes or losing viewers. |
Partway through Wednesday's highly controversial speech on the future of the BBC, the culture secretary, Nicky Morgan, struck a rather conciliatory note. After warning that the corporation could go the way of Blockbuster, foisting unwanted VHS cassettes on to a public too busy streaming, she acknowledged that: "British broadcasters remain essential. Universal availability means the BBC and other public-service broadcasters can still create shared moments that bring the country together". Take the Gay-in and Stacey seasonal special, which became the most watched TV comedy in 17 years. She marvelled: "On Christmas evening millions of us sat down to watch the same programme at the same time." It was the kind of observation that would not be out of place in a director general's speech, painting a picture of Britains favourite Auntie, the box in the corner that keeps the family together, a wellspring of information and entertainment - in short, a national institution as vital to our culture as the NHS is to our health. |
If Lady Morgan really does believe that, a question arises: why on earth is she; taking a financial sledgehammer to the foundations of the BBC? A universal service that takes no outside advertising, the corporation is funded by a licence fee levied on all households that are not otherwise exempt. That has been the case since the end of the Second World War, and those who do not pay what they owe face fines or even criminal prosecution. On Wednesday, however, the culture secretary called time on the entire regime, proposing that non-payment of the licence fee no longer be treated as a criminal offence and even warning that come the end of this charter period in December 2027, "we must all be open minded about the future of the licence fee". |
So on the one hand. Lady Morgan values -the universalism of the BBC, while on the other she wants to take away the financial means of keeping it universal. The case for decriminalisation is easily made: it is largely women and the poor who get prosecuted. But that argument was considered and rejected a 2015 review by David Perry QC, who found the system fair and proportionate. True, viewers in the UK are going more digital, and research last October from the regulator Ofcom found that children in their early teens more readily recognise YouTube and Netflix than the BBC. But the job of a government that recognises the BBCs value is to find ways to keep it financially sustainable. In Sweden, the government has moved from a fee-based regime for public-service broadcasting to a tax. Such are the fruits of a mature social democracy rather than Britain's political culture of kidding yourself that someone else can pay your way. Pretending Netflix is the future and the BBC the past is flat wrong: in order to grab millions of subscribers, Netflix has amassed billions in debt. Baroness Morgan should rethink her stance: universal services need universal funding. The alternatives are either cutting programmes or losing viewers. |
Partway through Wednesday's highly controversial speech on the future of the BBC, the culture secretary, Nicky Morgan, struck a rather conciliatory note. After warning that the corporation could go the way of Blockbuster, foisting unwanted VHS cassettes on to a public too busy streaming, she acknowledged that: "British broadcasters remain essential. Universal availability means the BBC and other public-service broadcasters can still create shared moments that bring the country together". Take the Gay-in and Stacey seasonal special, which became the most watched TV comedy in 17 years. She marvelled: "On Christmas evening millions of us sat down to watch the same programme at the same time." It was the kind of observation that would not be out of place in a director general's speech, painting a picture of Britains favourite Auntie, the box in the corner that keeps the family together, a wellspring of information and entertainment - in short, a national institution as vital to our culture as the NHS is to our health. |
If Lady Morgan really does believe that, a question arises: why on earth is she; taking a financial sledgehammer to the foundations of the BBC? A universal service that takes no outside advertising, the corporation is funded by a licence fee levied on all households that are not otherwise exempt. That has been the case since the end of the Second World War, and those who do not pay what they owe face fines or even criminal prosecution. On Wednesday, however, the culture secretary called time on the entire regime, proposing that non-payment of the licence fee no longer be treated as a criminal offence and even warning that come the end of this charter period in December 2027, "we must all be open minded about the future of the licence fee". |
So on the one hand. Lady Morgan values -the universalism of the BBC, while on the other she wants to take away the financial means of keeping it universal. The case for decriminalisation is easily made: it is largely women and the poor who get prosecuted. But that argument was considered and rejected a 2015 review by David Perry QC, who found the system fair and proportionate. True, viewers in the UK are going more digital, and research last October from the regulator Ofcom found that children in their early teens more readily recognise YouTube and Netflix than the BBC. But the job of a government that recognises the BBCs value is to find ways to keep it financially sustainable. In Sweden, the government has moved from a fee-based regime for public-service broadcasting to a tax. Such are the fruits of a mature social democracy rather than Britain's political culture of kidding yourself that someone else can pay your way. Pretending Netflix is the future and the BBC the past is flat wrong: in order to grab millions of subscribers, Netflix has amassed billions in debt. Baroness Morgan should rethink her stance: universal services need universal funding. The alternatives are either cutting programmes or losing viewers. |
Partway through Wednesday's highly controversial speech on the future of the BBC, the culture secretary, Nicky Morgan, struck a rather conciliatory note. After warning that the corporation could go the way of Blockbuster, foisting unwanted VHS cassettes on to a public too busy streaming, she acknowledged that: "British broadcasters remain essential. Universal availability means the BBC and other public-service broadcasters can still create shared moments that bring the country together". Take the Gay-in and Stacey seasonal special, which became the most watched TV comedy in 17 years. She marvelled: "On Christmas evening millions of us sat down to watch the same programme at the same time." It was the kind of observation that would not be out of place in a director general's speech, painting a picture of Britains favourite Auntie, the box in the corner that keeps the family together, a wellspring of information and entertainment - in short, a national institution as vital to our culture as the NHS is to our health. |
If Lady Morgan really does believe that, a question arises: why on earth is she; taking a financial sledgehammer to the foundations of the BBC? A universal service that takes no outside advertising, the corporation is funded by a licence fee levied on all households that are not otherwise exempt. That has been the case since the end of the Second World War, and those who do not pay what they owe face fines or even criminal prosecution. On Wednesday, however, the culture secretary called time on the entire regime, proposing that non-payment of the licence fee no longer be treated as a criminal offence and even warning that come the end of this charter period in December 2027, "we must all be open minded about the future of the licence fee". |
So on the one hand. Lady Morgan values -the universalism of the BBC, while on the other she wants to take away the financial means of keeping it universal. The case for decriminalisation is easily made: it is largely women and the poor who get prosecuted. But that argument was considered and rejected a 2015 review by David Perry QC, who found the system fair and proportionate. True, viewers in the UK are going more digital, and research last October from the regulator Ofcom found that children in their early teens more readily recognise YouTube and Netflix than the BBC. But the job of a government that recognises the BBCs value is to find ways to keep it financially sustainable. In Sweden, the government has moved from a fee-based regime for public-service broadcasting to a tax. Such are the fruits of a mature social democracy rather than Britain's political culture of kidding yourself that someone else can pay your way. Pretending Netflix is the future and the BBC the past is flat wrong: in order to grab millions of subscribers, Netflix has amassed billions in debt. Baroness Morgan should rethink her stance: universal services need universal funding. The alternatives are either cutting programmes or losing viewers. |
Boris Johnson got not one but two wins last year on Brexit: a fresh withdrawal agreement with the European Union and an election victory that gave him an 80-seat majority in parliament. But while these events matter quite a bit for Mr Johnson and his political future, they did not make much of an impact on the British economy. Mr Johnson's premiership rests on the nostalgia of Brexit; its true believers think they were better off in an imagined past, before Britain joined the European Community. They will keep backing the prime minister because he says that the trappings of that past can be restored, even without any economic benefit. |
That explains why a big part of the story of Brexit is about fishing, farming and factories. Before the UK joined the common market, manufacturing employed about a third of the workforce. That figure has now shrunk to less than a tenth. Farmers and fishermen, who voted enthusiastically for Brexit, make up a tiny proportion of national income - 0.6% and less than 0.1% respectively. Almost all of the rest of us are working in the service sector - which takes in everything from law firms and media companies to cabs and hatrdressing. Work has become more precarious, but disposable income, in real terms, is roughly double what it was before we entered Europe. |
There are good reasons to aim to recover a bigger manufacturing base in this country and to develop a different, more sustainable agricultural base in a world of industrialised farming, but it is hard to see how such things will be achieved by failing to negotiate a trading relationship with the EU. Brexit does not occur in a vacuum: the global multilateral trading system is showing signs of stress on several fronts, notably the failure to conclude the Doha round of trade talks and a lack of progress in critical areas such as services, agricultural subsidies and digital trade. It would be better for all concerned if Brexit was a temporary glitch rather than part of the new normal. |
Once Britain is out of the EU's single market and customs union there will be winners and losers in the economy. There is a trade-off between access to EU markets and how close to its rules we stick. Barriers to the movement of goods and services between Britain and the EU may not just be at the border of the single market - for example, with tariffs imposed, but also behind the border, where standards and rules of origin have to be met. If Britain were to end up in a similar position to Australia, with no deal with the EU, the Treasury has calculated that GDP would shrink by 7.7%. |
Mr Johnson would be wise to take up the offer from Michel Barnier, the EU's chief Brexit negotiator, of a roadmap to a workable and durable free trade deal, which would be the central pillar of this countrys partnership with the continent. It is important to note that since trade talks don't begin until March, a lot of what was said on Monday ought to carry a health warning that politics coloured its delivery. Mr Barnier said he wanted a "robust commitment towards a level playing field, and the necessary enforcement regime" as well as long-term assurances on fishing. Mr Johnson said that he will maintain the "highest standards in these areas and EU boats could access UK waters in a system that would be reviewed, as it is now, yearly. The gap between the UK and EU, keen-eyed observers said, was smaller than the rhetoric implied. It would be best if the divide was kept as narrow as possible. |
Boris Johnson got not one but two wins last year on Brexit: a fresh withdrawal agreement with the European Union and an election victory that gave him an 80-seat majority in parliament. But while these events matter quite a bit for Mr Johnson and his political future, they did not make much of an impact on the British economy. Mr Johnson's premiership rests on the nostalgia of Brexit; its true believers think they were better off in an imagined past, before Britain joined the European Community. They will keep backing the prime minister because he says that the trappings of that past can be restored, even without any economic benefit. |
That explains why a big part of the story of Brexit is about fishing, farming and factories. Before the UK joined the common market, manufacturing employed about a third of the workforce. That figure has now shrunk to less than a tenth. Farmers and fishermen, who voted enthusiastically for Brexit, make up a tiny proportion of national income - 0.6% and less than 0.1% respectively. Almost all of the rest of us are working in the service sector - which takes in everything from law firms and media companies to cabs and hatrdressing. Work has become more precarious, but disposable income, in real terms, is roughly double what it was before we entered Europe. |
There are good reasons to aim to recover a bigger manufacturing base in this country and to develop a different, more sustainable agricultural base in a world of industrialised farming, but it is hard to see how such things will be achieved by failing to negotiate a trading relationship with the EU. Brexit does not occur in a vacuum: the global multilateral trading system is showing signs of stress on several fronts, notably the failure to conclude the Doha round of trade talks and a lack of progress in critical areas such as services, agricultural subsidies and digital trade. It would be better for all concerned if Brexit was a temporary glitch rather than part of the new normal. |
Once Britain is out of the EU's single market and customs union there will be winners and losers in the economy. There is a trade-off between access to EU markets and how close to its rules we stick. Barriers to the movement of goods and services between Britain and the EU may not just be at the border of the single market - for example, with tariffs imposed, but also behind the border, where standards and rules of origin have to be met. If Britain were to end up in a similar position to Australia, with no deal with the EU, the Treasury has calculated that GDP would shrink by 7.7%. |
Mr Johnson would be wise to take up the offer from Michel Barnier, the EU's chief Brexit negotiator, of a roadmap to a workable and durable free trade deal, which would be the central pillar of this countrys partnership with the continent. It is important to note that since trade talks don't begin until March, a lot of what was said on Monday ought to carry a health warning that politics coloured its delivery. Mr Barnier said he wanted a "robust commitment towards a level playing field, and the necessary enforcement regime" as well as long-term assurances on fishing. Mr Johnson said that he will maintain the "highest standards in these areas and EU boats could access UK waters in a system that would be reviewed, as it is now, yearly. The gap between the UK and EU, keen-eyed observers said, was smaller than the rhetoric implied. It would be best if the divide was kept as narrow as possible. |
Boris Johnson got not one but two wins last year on Brexit: a fresh withdrawal agreement with the European Union and an election victory that gave him an 80-seat majority in parliament. But while these events matter quite a bit for Mr Johnson and his political future, they did not make much of an impact on the British economy. Mr Johnson's premiership rests on the nostalgia of Brexit; its true believers think they were better off in an imagined past, before Britain joined the European Community. They will keep backing the prime minister because he says that the trappings of that past can be restored, even without any economic benefit. |
That explains why a big part of the story of Brexit is about fishing, farming and factories. Before the UK joined the common market, manufacturing employed about a third of the workforce. That figure has now shrunk to less than a tenth. Farmers and fishermen, who voted enthusiastically for Brexit, make up a tiny proportion of national income - 0.6% and less than 0.1% respectively. Almost all of the rest of us are working in the service sector - which takes in everything from law firms and media companies to cabs and hatrdressing. Work has become more precarious, but disposable income, in real terms, is roughly double what it was before we entered Europe. |
There are good reasons to aim to recover a bigger manufacturing base in this country and to develop a different, more sustainable agricultural base in a world of industrialised farming, but it is hard to see how such things will be achieved by failing to negotiate a trading relationship with the EU. Brexit does not occur in a vacuum: the global multilateral trading system is showing signs of stress on several fronts, notably the failure to conclude the Doha round of trade talks and a lack of progress in critical areas such as services, agricultural subsidies and digital trade. It would be better for all concerned if Brexit was a temporary glitch rather than part of the new normal. |
Once Britain is out of the EU's single market and customs union there will be winners and losers in the economy. There is a trade-off between access to EU markets and how close to its rules we stick. Barriers to the movement of goods and services between Britain and the EU may not just be at the border of the single market - for example, with tariffs imposed, but also behind the border, where standards and rules of origin have to be met. If Britain were to end up in a similar position to Australia, with no deal with the EU, the Treasury has calculated that GDP would shrink by 7.7%. |
Mr Johnson would be wise to take up the offer from Michel Barnier, the EU's chief Brexit negotiator, of a roadmap to a workable and durable free trade deal, which would be the central pillar of this countrys partnership with the continent. It is important to note that since trade talks don't begin until March, a lot of what was said on Monday ought to carry a health warning that politics coloured its delivery. Mr Barnier said he wanted a "robust commitment towards a level playing field, and the necessary enforcement regime" as well as long-term assurances on fishing. Mr Johnson said that he will maintain the "highest standards in these areas and EU boats could access UK waters in a system that would be reviewed, as it is now, yearly. The gap between the UK and EU, keen-eyed observers said, was smaller than the rhetoric implied. It would be best if the divide was kept as narrow as possible. |
Boris Johnson got not one but two wins last year on Brexit: a fresh withdrawal agreement with the European Union and an election victory that gave him an 80-seat majority in parliament. But while these events matter quite a bit for Mr Johnson and his political future, they did not make much of an impact on the British economy. Mr Johnson's premiership rests on the nostalgia of Brexit; its true believers think they were better off in an imagined past, before Britain joined the European Community. They will keep backing the prime minister because he says that the trappings of that past can be restored, even without any economic benefit. |
That explains why a big part of the story of Brexit is about fishing, farming and factories. Before the UK joined the common market, manufacturing employed about a third of the workforce. That figure has now shrunk to less than a tenth. Farmers and fishermen, who voted enthusiastically for Brexit, make up a tiny proportion of national income - 0.6% and less than 0.1% respectively. Almost all of the rest of us are working in the service sector - which takes in everything from law firms and media companies to cabs and hatrdressing. Work has become more precarious, but disposable income, in real terms, is roughly double what it was before we entered Europe. |
There are good reasons to aim to recover a bigger manufacturing base in this country and to develop a different, more sustainable agricultural base in a world of industrialised farming, but it is hard to see how such things will be achieved by failing to negotiate a trading relationship with the EU. Brexit does not occur in a vacuum: the global multilateral trading system is showing signs of stress on several fronts, notably the failure to conclude the Doha round of trade talks and a lack of progress in critical areas such as services, agricultural subsidies and digital trade. It would be better for all concerned if Brexit was a temporary glitch rather than part of the new normal. |
Once Britain is out of the EU's single market and customs union there will be winners and losers in the economy. There is a trade-off between access to EU markets and how close to its rules we stick. Barriers to the movement of goods and services between Britain and the EU may not just be at the border of the single market - for example, with tariffs imposed, but also behind the border, where standards and rules of origin have to be met. If Britain were to end up in a similar position to Australia, with no deal with the EU, the Treasury has calculated that GDP would shrink by 7.7%. |
Mr Johnson would be wise to take up the offer from Michel Barnier, the EU's chief Brexit negotiator, of a roadmap to a workable and durable free trade deal, which would be the central pillar of this countrys partnership with the continent. It is important to note that since trade talks don't begin until March, a lot of what was said on Monday ought to carry a health warning that politics coloured its delivery. Mr Barnier said he wanted a "robust commitment towards a level playing field, and the necessary enforcement regime" as well as long-term assurances on fishing. Mr Johnson said that he will maintain the "highest standards in these areas and EU boats could access UK waters in a system that would be reviewed, as it is now, yearly. The gap between the UK and EU, keen-eyed observers said, was smaller than the rhetoric implied. It would be best if the divide was kept as narrow as possible. |
Boris Johnson got not one but two wins last year on Brexit: a fresh withdrawal agreement with the European Union and an election victory that gave him an 80-seat majority in parliament. But while these events matter quite a bit for Mr Johnson and his political future, they did not make much of an impact on the British economy. Mr Johnson's premiership rests on the nostalgia of Brexit; its true believers think they were better off in an imagined past, before Britain joined the European Community. They will keep backing the prime minister because he says that the trappings of that past can be restored, even without any economic benefit. |
That explains why a big part of the story of Brexit is about fishing, farming and factories. Before the UK joined the common market, manufacturing employed about a third of the workforce. That figure has now shrunk to less than a tenth. Farmers and fishermen, who voted enthusiastically for Brexit, make up a tiny proportion of national income - 0.6% and less than 0.1% respectively. Almost all of the rest of us are working in the service sector - which takes in everything from law firms and media companies to cabs and hatrdressing. Work has become more precarious, but disposable income, in real terms, is roughly double what it was before we entered Europe. |
There are good reasons to aim to recover a bigger manufacturing base in this country and to develop a different, more sustainable agricultural base in a world of industrialised farming, but it is hard to see how such things will be achieved by failing to negotiate a trading relationship with the EU. Brexit does not occur in a vacuum: the global multilateral trading system is showing signs of stress on several fronts, notably the failure to conclude the Doha round of trade talks and a lack of progress in critical areas such as services, agricultural subsidies and digital trade. It would be better for all concerned if Brexit was a temporary glitch rather than part of the new normal. |
Once Britain is out of the EU's single market and customs union there will be winners and losers in the economy. There is a trade-off between access to EU markets and how close to its rules we stick. Barriers to the movement of goods and services between Britain and the EU may not just be at the border of the single market - for example, with tariffs imposed, but also behind the border, where standards and rules of origin have to be met. If Britain were to end up in a similar position to Australia, with no deal with the EU, the Treasury has calculated that GDP would shrink by 7.7%. |
Mr Johnson would be wise to take up the offer from Michel Barnier, the EU's chief Brexit negotiator, of a roadmap to a workable and durable free trade deal, which would be the central pillar of this countrys partnership with the continent. It is important to note that since trade talks don't begin until March, a lot of what was said on Monday ought to carry a health warning that politics coloured its delivery. Mr Barnier said he wanted a "robust commitment towards a level playing field, and the necessary enforcement regime" as well as long-term assurances on fishing. Mr Johnson said that he will maintain the "highest standards in these areas and EU boats could access UK waters in a system that would be reviewed, as it is now, yearly. The gap between the UK and EU, keen-eyed observers said, was smaller than the rhetoric implied. It would be best if the divide was kept as narrow as possible. |
A man's reputation is a property which is more valuable than any other property. Every man has the right to protect his reputation. Injury to a persons reputation may be termed as defamation. It may be defined as a communication to some other person, other than the person defamed, of matter which tends to lower the plaintiff in the estimation of right thinking of persons or to deter them from associating or dealing with him. It is a wrong done by a person to another's reputation by words, written or spoken, sign or other visible representation. It is not necessary that the defamatory statement must be made in words, written or spoken. One may be guilty of defamation even though one has neither spoken nor written a word. |
There is, therefore, no tort unless there has been a communication of the defamatory matter to a third party for it is the opinion held by the person defamed by others that matters; insult directed to the plaintiff himself do not in themselves constitute defamation, the tort is not primarily concerned with plaintiffs wounded feelings. |
Under English law, defamation is divided under two parts, i.e., Libel and Slander. Libel is representation made in some permanent form, e.g., writing, printing, picture, effigy or statute. Slander is the statement made through some spoken words or some transitory for, whether visible or audible such as gestures, hissing or such other things. |
The law of civil defamation, as in English and other common law countries, is uncodified in India; it is largely based on case law. The law of criminal defamation on the other hand is codified and included as sections 499 and 502 of Indian Penal Code. In England the publication of a criminal libel is punishable to the extent of 1 year imprisonment and fine; and if the publication is with the knowledge of its untruth/ falsity then the person is punishable up to 2 years vides section 5 of the Libel Act, 1983. |
There are some essentials of defamation which are as follows: |
1. The statement must be defamatory. |
2. The said statement must refer to the plaintiff. |
3. The statement must be published, i.e., to say, it must be communicated to some other person other than the plaintiff himself. Publication means making the defamatory matter known to some other persons than the person defamed, and unless that is done, no civil action for defamation lies. |
4. In case of slander, either there must be a proof of special damage or the slander must come within the serious classes of cases in which it is actionable per se. |
Section 499 of Indian Penal Code dealt with criminal defamation. As per section 499 of IPC, the offence of defamation consists of the following essential ingredients:- |
1. Making or publishing an imputation concerning a particular person; |
2. Such imputation should have been made |
3. by words either spoken or written, or |
4. by signs, or |
5. by visible representation |
6. The said imputation should have been made with the intent to injure or knowing or having reason to believe that it will harm the reputation of such person or defame him. [2] |
Section 499 of IPC aimed at protection of the reputation, integrity, and honour of the persons. The definition of the defamation offence contains three important elements:- |
(i) The person |
(ii) His reputation, and |
(iii) The injury to reputation of the person with necessary mensrea (guilty mind). |
A man's reputation is a property which is more valuable than any other property. Every man has the right to protect his reputation. Injury to a persons reputation may be termed as defamation. It may be defined as a communication to some other person, other than the person defamed, of matter which tends to lower the plaintiff in the estimation of right thinking of persons or to deter them from associating or dealing with him. It is a wrong done by a person to another's reputation by words, written or spoken, sign or other visible representation. It is not necessary that the defamatory statement must be made in words, written or spoken. One may be guilty of defamation even though one has neither spoken nor written a word. |
There is, therefore, no tort unless there has been a communication of the defamatory matter to a third party for it is the opinion held by the person defamed by others that matters; insult directed to the plaintiff himself do not in themselves constitute defamation, the tort is not primarily concerned with plaintiffs wounded feelings. |
Under English law, defamation is divided under two parts, i.e., Libel and Slander. Libel is representation made in some permanent form, e.g., writing, printing, picture, effigy or statute. Slander is the statement made through some spoken words or some transitory for, whether visible or audible such as gestures, hissing or such other things. |
The law of civil defamation, as in English and other common law countries, is uncodified in India; it is largely based on case law. The law of criminal defamation on the other hand is codified and included as sections 499 and 502 of Indian Penal Code. In England the publication of a criminal libel is punishable to the extent of 1 year imprisonment and fine; and if the publication is with the knowledge of its untruth/ falsity then the person is punishable up to 2 years vides section 5 of the Libel Act, 1983. |
There are some essentials of defamation which are as follows: |
1. The statement must be defamatory. |
2. The said statement must refer to the plaintiff. |
3. The statement must be published, i.e., to say, it must be communicated to some other person other than the plaintiff himself. Publication means making the defamatory matter known to some other persons than the person defamed, and unless that is done, no civil action for defamation lies. |
4. In case of slander, either there must be a proof of special damage or the slander must come within the serious classes of cases in which it is actionable per se. |
Section 499 of Indian Penal Code dealt with criminal defamation. As per section 499 of IPC, the offence of defamation consists of the following essential ingredients:- |
1. Making or publishing an imputation concerning a particular person; |
2. Such imputation should have been made |
3. by words either spoken or written, or |
4. by signs, or |
5. by visible representation |
6. The said imputation should have been made with the intent to injure or knowing or having reason to believe that it will harm the reputation of such person or defame him. [2] |
Section 499 of IPC aimed at protection of the reputation, integrity, and honour of the persons. The definition of the defamation offence contains three important elements:- |
(i) The person |
(ii) His reputation, and |
(iii) The injury to reputation of the person with necessary mensrea (guilty mind). |
A man's reputation is a property which is more valuable than any other property. Every man has the right to protect his reputation. Injury to a persons reputation may be termed as defamation. It may be defined as a communication to some other person, other than the person defamed, of matter which tends to lower the plaintiff in the estimation of right thinking of persons or to deter them from associating or dealing with him. It is a wrong done by a person to another's reputation by words, written or spoken, sign or other visible representation. It is not necessary that the defamatory statement must be made in words, written or spoken. One may be guilty of defamation even though one has neither spoken nor written a word. |
There is, therefore, no tort unless there has been a communication of the defamatory matter to a third party for it is the opinion held by the person defamed by others that matters; insult directed to the plaintiff himself do not in themselves constitute defamation, the tort is not primarily concerned with plaintiffs wounded feelings. |
Under English law, defamation is divided under two parts, i.e., Libel and Slander. Libel is representation made in some permanent form, e.g., writing, printing, picture, effigy or statute. Slander is the statement made through some spoken words or some transitory for, whether visible or audible such as gestures, hissing or such other things. |
The law of civil defamation, as in English and other common law countries, is uncodified in India; it is largely based on case law. The law of criminal defamation on the other hand is codified and included as sections 499 and 502 of Indian Penal Code. In England the publication of a criminal libel is punishable to the extent of 1 year imprisonment and fine; and if the publication is with the knowledge of its untruth/ falsity then the person is punishable up to 2 years vides section 5 of the Libel Act, 1983. |
There are some essentials of defamation which are as follows: |
1. The statement must be defamatory. |
2. The said statement must refer to the plaintiff. |
3. The statement must be published, i.e., to say, it must be communicated to some other person other than the plaintiff himself. Publication means making the defamatory matter known to some other persons than the person defamed, and unless that is done, no civil action for defamation lies. |
4. In case of slander, either there must be a proof of special damage or the slander must come within the serious classes of cases in which it is actionable per se. |
Section 499 of Indian Penal Code dealt with criminal defamation. As per section 499 of IPC, the offence of defamation consists of the following essential ingredients:- |
1. Making or publishing an imputation concerning a particular person; |
2. Such imputation should have been made |
3. by words either spoken or written, or |
4. by signs, or |
5. by visible representation |
6. The said imputation should have been made with the intent to injure or knowing or having reason to believe that it will harm the reputation of such person or defame him. [2] |
Section 499 of IPC aimed at protection of the reputation, integrity, and honour of the persons. The definition of the defamation offence contains three important elements:- |
(i) The person |
(ii) His reputation, and |
(iii) The injury to reputation of the person with necessary mensrea (guilty mind). |
A man's reputation is a property which is more valuable than any other property. Every man has the right to protect his reputation. Injury to a persons reputation may be termed as defamation. It may be defined as a communication to some other person, other than the person defamed, of matter which tends to lower the plaintiff in the estimation of right thinking of persons or to deter them from associating or dealing with him. It is a wrong done by a person to another's reputation by words, written or spoken, sign or other visible representation. It is not necessary that the defamatory statement must be made in words, written or spoken. One may be guilty of defamation even though one has neither spoken nor written a word. |
There is, therefore, no tort unless there has been a communication of the defamatory matter to a third party for it is the opinion held by the person defamed by others that matters; insult directed to the plaintiff himself do not in themselves constitute defamation, the tort is not primarily concerned with plaintiffs wounded feelings. |
Under English law, defamation is divided under two parts, i.e., Libel and Slander. Libel is representation made in some permanent form, e.g., writing, printing, picture, effigy or statute. Slander is the statement made through some spoken words or some transitory for, whether visible or audible such as gestures, hissing or such other things. |
The law of civil defamation, as in English and other common law countries, is uncodified in India; it is largely based on case law. The law of criminal defamation on the other hand is codified and included as sections 499 and 502 of Indian Penal Code. In England the publication of a criminal libel is punishable to the extent of 1 year imprisonment and fine; and if the publication is with the knowledge of its untruth/ falsity then the person is punishable up to 2 years vides section 5 of the Libel Act, 1983. |
There are some essentials of defamation which are as follows: |
1. The statement must be defamatory. |
2. The said statement must refer to the plaintiff. |
3. The statement must be published, i.e., to say, it must be communicated to some other person other than the plaintiff himself. Publication means making the defamatory matter known to some other persons than the person defamed, and unless that is done, no civil action for defamation lies. |
4. In case of slander, either there must be a proof of special damage or the slander must come within the serious classes of cases in which it is actionable per se. |
Section 499 of Indian Penal Code dealt with criminal defamation. As per section 499 of IPC, the offence of defamation consists of the following essential ingredients:- |
1. Making or publishing an imputation concerning a particular person; |
2. Such imputation should have been made |
3. by words either spoken or written, or |
4. by signs, or |
5. by visible representation |
6. The said imputation should have been made with the intent to injure or knowing or having reason to believe that it will harm the reputation of such person or defame him. [2] |
Section 499 of IPC aimed at protection of the reputation, integrity, and honour of the persons. The definition of the defamation offence contains three important elements:- |
(i) The person |
(ii) His reputation, and |
(iii) The injury to reputation of the person with necessary mensrea (guilty mind). |
A man's reputation is a property which is more valuable than any other property. Every man has the right to protect his reputation. Injury to a persons reputation may be termed as defamation. It may be defined as a communication to some other person, other than the person defamed, of matter which tends to lower the plaintiff in the estimation of right thinking of persons or to deter them from associating or dealing with him. It is a wrong done by a person to another's reputation by words, written or spoken, sign or other visible representation. It is not necessary that the defamatory statement must be made in words, written or spoken. One may be guilty of defamation even though one has neither spoken nor written a word. |
There is, therefore, no tort unless there has been a communication of the defamatory matter to a third party for it is the opinion held by the person defamed by others that matters; insult directed to the plaintiff himself do not in themselves constitute defamation, the tort is not primarily concerned with plaintiffs wounded feelings. |
Under English law, defamation is divided under two parts, i.e., Libel and Slander. Libel is representation made in some permanent form, e.g., writing, printing, picture, effigy or statute. Slander is the statement made through some spoken words or some transitory for, whether visible or audible such as gestures, hissing or such other things. |
The law of civil defamation, as in English and other common law countries, is uncodified in India; it is largely based on case law. The law of criminal defamation on the other hand is codified and included as sections 499 and 502 of Indian Penal Code. In England the publication of a criminal libel is punishable to the extent of 1 year imprisonment and fine; and if the publication is with the knowledge of its untruth/ falsity then the person is punishable up to 2 years vides section 5 of the Libel Act, 1983. |
There are some essentials of defamation which are as follows: |
1. The statement must be defamatory. |
2. The said statement must refer to the plaintiff. |
3. The statement must be published, i.e., to say, it must be communicated to some other person other than the plaintiff himself. Publication means making the defamatory matter known to some other persons than the person defamed, and unless that is done, no civil action for defamation lies. |
4. In case of slander, either there must be a proof of special damage or the slander must come within the serious classes of cases in which it is actionable per se. |
Section 499 of Indian Penal Code dealt with criminal defamation. As per section 499 of IPC, the offence of defamation consists of the following essential ingredients:- |
1. Making or publishing an imputation concerning a particular person; |
2. Such imputation should have been made |
3. by words either spoken or written, or |
4. by signs, or |
5. by visible representation |
6. The said imputation should have been made with the intent to injure or knowing or having reason to believe that it will harm the reputation of such person or defame him. [2] |
Section 499 of IPC aimed at protection of the reputation, integrity, and honour of the persons. The definition of the defamation offence contains three important elements:- |
(i) The person |
(ii) His reputation, and |
(iii) The injury to reputation of the person with necessary mensrea (guilty mind). |
Human rights are considered to be the unit for measurement universal values and legal guarantees that defend individuals and groups against actions and omissions primarily by state agents that interfere with elementary freedoms, entitlements, and human dignity. Human rights always look for the welfare and benefit of the people at large in respect of protection, promotion and fulfillment of civil political, social, economical which lead to the development of the people. Human rights square measure universalin different words, they belong inherently to all human beingsand are interdependent and indivisible. |
Terrorism is usually understood to confer with the commission of acts of violence that concentrate on civilians within the pursuit of political aims. In legal terms, though the international community has nonetheless to adopt a comprehensive definition of the terrorist act, existing declarations, resolutions and universal sectors of treaties in relation with the aspects of it define certain statutes. In 1994, the overall Assembly's Declaration on Measures to Eliminate Terrorism declared that terrorist act includes "criminal" acts meant or calculated to electrify a state of terror at intervals the overall public, a bunch of persons or explicit persons for political that may be invoked to justify them. "Purposes" which such acts "are in any circumstances are unwarrantable, regardless of the concerns of a political, philosophical, philosophic, racial, ethnic and religious or other nature. |
Terrorism aims at the terrible destruction of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It attacks the values that lie at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations and other international instruments: respect for human rights; .the rule of law; rules governing armed conflict and therefore the protection of civilians; tolerance among peoples and nations; and therefore the peaceful resolution of conflict. Terrorism incorporates a direct impact on the enjoyment of a variety of human rights, especially, the rights to life, liberty, and physical integrity. |
Terrorism or the ruthless act performed by the terrorists impacts a lot and with a huge gravity among the citizens of the Country particularly and which impacts for the providence of the resistance of the enjoyment of the basic human rights of each and every individual affecting society or more specifically the civil society. With it, these types of acts also impact the Government activities and therefore the stability cannot be maintained. Because of such effect, the peace and security of the nation also get damaged and there is a huge loss of the economic and the property of the state where such activities are being brought into practice. Thus the terrorism is considered which destroys the political, social and economic development and progress which all have a negative effect upon the whole of the citizens. |
All of those have an on the spot impact on the enjoyment of elementary human rights. The damaging impact of a terrorist act on human rights and security has been recognized at the best level of the United Nation, notably by the protection Council. |
Human rights are considered to be the unit for measurement universal values and legal guarantees that defend individuals and groups against actions and omissions primarily by state agents that interfere with elementary freedoms, entitlements, and human dignity. Human rights always look for the welfare and benefit of the people at large in respect of protection, promotion and fulfillment of civil political, social, economical which lead to the development of the people. Human rights square measure universalin different words, they belong inherently to all human beingsand are interdependent and indivisible. |
Terrorism is usually understood to confer with the commission of acts of violence that concentrate on civilians within the pursuit of political aims. In legal terms, though the international community has nonetheless to adopt a comprehensive definition of the terrorist act, existing declarations, resolutions and universal sectors of treaties in relation with the aspects of it define certain statutes. In 1994, the overall Assembly's Declaration on Measures to Eliminate Terrorism declared that terrorist act includes "criminal" acts meant or calculated to electrify a state of terror at intervals the overall public, a bunch of persons or explicit persons for political that may be invoked to justify them. "Purposes" which such acts "are in any circumstances are unwarrantable, regardless of the concerns of a political, philosophical, philosophic, racial, ethnic and religious or other nature. |
Terrorism aims at the terrible destruction of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It attacks the values that lie at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations and other international instruments: respect for human rights; .the rule of law; rules governing armed conflict and therefore the protection of civilians; tolerance among peoples and nations; and therefore the peaceful resolution of conflict. Terrorism incorporates a direct impact on the enjoyment of a variety of human rights, especially, the rights to life, liberty, and physical integrity. |
Terrorism or the ruthless act performed by the terrorists impacts a lot and with a huge gravity among the citizens of the Country particularly and which impacts for the providence of the resistance of the enjoyment of the basic human rights of each and every individual affecting society or more specifically the civil society. With it, these types of acts also impact the Government activities and therefore the stability cannot be maintained. Because of such effect, the peace and security of the nation also get damaged and there is a huge loss of the economic and the property of the state where such activities are being brought into practice. Thus the terrorism is considered which destroys the political, social and economic development and progress which all have a negative effect upon the whole of the citizens. |
All of those have an on the spot impact on the enjoyment of elementary human rights. The damaging impact of a terrorist act on human rights and security has been recognized at the best level of the United Nation, notably by the protection Council. |
Human rights are considered to be the unit for measurement universal values and legal guarantees that defend individuals and groups against actions and omissions primarily by state agents that interfere with elementary freedoms, entitlements, and human dignity. Human rights always look for the welfare and benefit of the people at large in respect of protection, promotion and fulfillment of civil political, social, economical which lead to the development of the people. Human rights square measure universalin different words, they belong inherently to all human beingsand are interdependent and indivisible. |
Terrorism is usually understood to confer with the commission of acts of violence that concentrate on civilians within the pursuit of political aims. In legal terms, though the international community has nonetheless to adopt a comprehensive definition of the terrorist act, existing declarations, resolutions and universal sectors of treaties in relation with the aspects of it define certain statutes. In 1994, the overall Assembly's Declaration on Measures to Eliminate Terrorism declared that terrorist act includes "criminal" acts meant or calculated to electrify a state of terror at intervals the overall public, a bunch of persons or explicit persons for political that may be invoked to justify them. "Purposes" which such acts "are in any circumstances are unwarrantable, regardless of the concerns of a political, philosophical, philosophic, racial, ethnic and religious or other nature. |
Terrorism aims at the terrible destruction of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It attacks the values that lie at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations and other international instruments: respect for human rights; .the rule of law; rules governing armed conflict and therefore the protection of civilians; tolerance among peoples and nations; and therefore the peaceful resolution of conflict. Terrorism incorporates a direct impact on the enjoyment of a variety of human rights, especially, the rights to life, liberty, and physical integrity. |
Terrorism or the ruthless act performed by the terrorists impacts a lot and with a huge gravity among the citizens of the Country particularly and which impacts for the providence of the resistance of the enjoyment of the basic human rights of each and every individual affecting society or more specifically the civil society. With it, these types of acts also impact the Government activities and therefore the stability cannot be maintained. Because of such effect, the peace and security of the nation also get damaged and there is a huge loss of the economic and the property of the state where such activities are being brought into practice. Thus the terrorism is considered which destroys the political, social and economic development and progress which all have a negative effect upon the whole of the citizens. |
All of those have an on the spot impact on the enjoyment of elementary human rights. The damaging impact of a terrorist act on human rights and security has been recognized at the best level of the United Nation, notably by the protection Council. |
Human rights are considered to be the unit for measurement universal values and legal guarantees that defend individuals and groups against actions and omissions primarily by state agents that interfere with elementary freedoms, entitlements, and human dignity. Human rights always look for the welfare and benefit of the people at large in respect of protection, promotion and fulfillment of civil political, social, economical which lead to the development of the people. Human rights square measure universalin different words, they belong inherently to all human beingsand are interdependent and indivisible. |
Terrorism is usually understood to confer with the commission of acts of violence that concentrate on civilians within the pursuit of political aims. In legal terms, though the international community has nonetheless to adopt a comprehensive definition of the terrorist act, existing declarations, resolutions and universal sectors of treaties in relation with the aspects of it define certain statutes. In 1994, the overall Assembly's Declaration on Measures to Eliminate Terrorism declared that terrorist act includes "criminal" acts meant or calculated to electrify a state of terror at intervals the overall public, a bunch of persons or explicit persons for political that may be invoked to justify them. "Purposes" which such acts "are in any circumstances are unwarrantable, regardless of the concerns of a political, philosophical, philosophic, racial, ethnic and religious or other nature. |
Terrorism aims at the terrible destruction of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It attacks the values that lie at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations and other international instruments: respect for human rights; .the rule of law; rules governing armed conflict and therefore the protection of civilians; tolerance among peoples and nations; and therefore the peaceful resolution of conflict. Terrorism incorporates a direct impact on the enjoyment of a variety of human rights, especially, the rights to life, liberty, and physical integrity. |
Terrorism or the ruthless act performed by the terrorists impacts a lot and with a huge gravity among the citizens of the Country particularly and which impacts for the providence of the resistance of the enjoyment of the basic human rights of each and every individual affecting society or more specifically the civil society. With it, these types of acts also impact the Government activities and therefore the stability cannot be maintained. Because of such effect, the peace and security of the nation also get damaged and there is a huge loss of the economic and the property of the state where such activities are being brought into practice. Thus the terrorism is considered which destroys the political, social and economic development and progress which all have a negative effect upon the whole of the citizens. |
All of those have an on the spot impact on the enjoyment of elementary human rights. The damaging impact of a terrorist act on human rights and security has been recognized at the best level of the United Nation, notably by the protection Council. |
Human rights are considered to be the unit for measurement universal values and legal guarantees that defend individuals and groups against actions and omissions primarily by state agents that interfere with elementary freedoms, entitlements, and human dignity. Human rights always look for the welfare and benefit of the people at large in respect of protection, promotion and fulfillment of civil political, social, economical which lead to the development of the people. Human rights square measure universalin different words, they belong inherently to all human beingsand are interdependent and indivisible. |
Terrorism is usually understood to confer with the commission of acts of violence that concentrate on civilians within the pursuit of political aims. In legal terms, though the international community has nonetheless to adopt a comprehensive definition of the terrorist act, existing declarations, resolutions and universal sectors of treaties in relation with the aspects of it define certain statutes. In 1994, the overall Assembly's Declaration on Measures to Eliminate Terrorism declared that terrorist act includes "criminal" acts meant or calculated to electrify a state of terror at intervals the overall public, a bunch of persons or explicit persons for political that may be invoked to justify them. "Purposes" which such acts "are in any circumstances are unwarrantable, regardless of the concerns of a political, philosophical, philosophic, racial, ethnic and religious or other nature. |
Terrorism aims at the terrible destruction of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It attacks the values that lie at the heart of the Charter of the United Nations and other international instruments: respect for human rights; .the rule of law; rules governing armed conflict and therefore the protection of civilians; tolerance among peoples and nations; and therefore the peaceful resolution of conflict. Terrorism incorporates a direct impact on the enjoyment of a variety of human rights, especially, the rights to life, liberty, and physical integrity. |
Terrorism or the ruthless act performed by the terrorists impacts a lot and with a huge gravity among the citizens of the Country particularly and which impacts for the providence of the resistance of the enjoyment of the basic human rights of each and every individual affecting society or more specifically the civil society. With it, these types of acts also impact the Government activities and therefore the stability cannot be maintained. Because of such effect, the peace and security of the nation also get damaged and there is a huge loss of the economic and the property of the state where such activities are being brought into practice. Thus the terrorism is considered which destroys the political, social and economic development and progress which all have a negative effect upon the whole of the citizens. |
All of those have an on the spot impact on the enjoyment of elementary human rights. The damaging impact of a terrorist act on human rights and security has been recognized at the best level of the United Nation, notably by the protection Council. |
A number of offences have been prevailing in the society for a long time. Offences are the illegal actions resulting from the breach of law. These offences can be classified into two main categories namely, (i) conventional offences and (ii) non-conventional offences. Conventional Offences consist of Mens Rea. For e.g., murder, theft, rape etc. Non-Conventional Offences do not contain Mens Rea. White collar crimes, socio economic offences, organised crimes, etc. are a few examples of non-conventional crime. Traditional crimes like theft, robbery, rape, murder etc. were more common and were dealt with the general law of crimes. But Socio economic crimes as its name suggest are social crimes and affects the health and morals of the public and economic crimes consist of those offences that affect the economy of the country as a whole. These are punishable under the special laws of crimes. |
Socio- economic crimes are many a time used as a synonym for white collar crimes. But extensive study states that the former is a broader term. White collar crimes are the crimes committed by people belonging to upper caste and rich backgrounds. Whereas a socio-economic offence can be committed by anybody. For e.g., a big wealthy entrepreneur or a multi-national company, guilty for tax evasion and a middle class pensioner depositing false return. Both are examples of socio-economic crimes, but only the former can be considered as a white collar crime. In Mak Data Pvt. Ltd. v. CIT petitioner concealed his income in order to evade taxes. After a show cause notice was served to him he decided to surrender a sum to avoid litigation. It was held by the SC that the sense of surrender of sum was made after the detection was made, if the intention of the appellant was good, he would have filed a return inclusive of the sum which is surrendered later after the assessment proceeding. |
The offenses that can be categorised as socio-economic offences in the country are as follows: |
1. Actions calculated and executed in order to obstruct or prevent the economic development of the country and also its economic health. |
2. Evasion of taxes |
3. Misuse of position and power by the public servants which is most likely to up as corruption. |
4. All the offences that include breach of contract and delivery of good not up to the specifications as promised. |
5. All activities related to black marketing and hoarding. |
6. The activities involving adulteration of foods and drugs. |
7. Misappropriation and stealing of public property and funds. |
8. The activities relating to trafficking of licenses, permits etc. |
Though the main feature of such offences is they that are not done particularly against one person, it affects the country at large and hence special efforts are applied in such offences. For e.g., in case of theft or assault to a person, the only person benefited by the punishment given to the offender is the one who got assaulted because the act is physical and hence it creates individual and social vengeance. But in these type of offences the for eg., if some commodities are hoarded or adulterated then though there will be a 'victim' but also the act of the wrongdoer is capable of harming a large part of the society. Thus it is most likely and injury to the whole society. |
A number of offences have been prevailing in the society for a long time. Offences are the illegal actions resulting from the breach of law. These offences can be classified into two main categories namely, (i) conventional offences and (ii) non-conventional offences. Conventional Offences consist of Mens Rea. For e.g., murder, theft, rape etc. Non-Conventional Offences do not contain Mens Rea. White collar crimes, socio economic offences, organised crimes, etc. are a few examples of non-conventional crime. Traditional crimes like theft, robbery, rape, murder etc. were more common and were dealt with the general law of crimes. But Socio economic crimes as its name suggest are social crimes and affects the health and morals of the public and economic crimes consist of those offences that affect the economy of the country as a whole. These are punishable under the special laws of crimes. |
Socio- economic crimes are many a time used as a synonym for white collar crimes. But extensive study states that the former is a broader term. White collar crimes are the crimes committed by people belonging to upper caste and rich backgrounds. Whereas a socio-economic offence can be committed by anybody. For e.g., a big wealthy entrepreneur or a multi-national company, guilty for tax evasion and a middle class pensioner depositing false return. Both are examples of socio-economic crimes, but only the former can be considered as a white collar crime. In Mak Data Pvt. Ltd. v. CIT petitioner concealed his income in order to evade taxes. After a show cause notice was served to him he decided to surrender a sum to avoid litigation. It was held by the SC that the sense of surrender of sum was made after the detection was made, if the intention of the appellant was good, he would have filed a return inclusive of the sum which is surrendered later after the assessment proceeding. |
The offenses that can be categorised as socio-economic offences in the country are as follows: |
1. Actions calculated and executed in order to obstruct or prevent the economic development of the country and also its economic health. |
2. Evasion of taxes |
3. Misuse of position and power by the public servants which is most likely to up as corruption. |
4. All the offences that include breach of contract and delivery of good not up to the specifications as promised. |
5. All activities related to black marketing and hoarding. |
6. The activities involving adulteration of foods and drugs. |
7. Misappropriation and stealing of public property and funds. |
8. The activities relating to trafficking of licenses, permits etc. |
Though the main feature of such offences is they that are not done particularly against one person, it affects the country at large and hence special efforts are applied in such offences. For e.g., in case of theft or assault to a person, the only person benefited by the punishment given to the offender is the one who got assaulted because the act is physical and hence it creates individual and social vengeance. But in these type of offences the for eg., if some commodities are hoarded or adulterated then though there will be a 'victim' but also the act of the wrongdoer is capable of harming a large part of the society. Thus it is most likely and injury to the whole society. |
A number of offences have been prevailing in the society for a long time. Offences are the illegal actions resulting from the breach of law. These offences can be classified into two main categories namely, (i) conventional offences and (ii) non-conventional offences. Conventional Offences consist of Mens Rea. For e.g., murder, theft, rape etc. Non-Conventional Offences do not contain Mens Rea. White collar crimes, socio economic offences, organised crimes, etc. are a few examples of non-conventional crime. Traditional crimes like theft, robbery, rape, murder etc. were more common and were dealt with the general law of crimes. But Socio economic crimes as its name suggest are social crimes and affects the health and morals of the public and economic crimes consist of those offences that affect the economy of the country as a whole. These are punishable under the special laws of crimes. |
Socio- economic crimes are many a time used as a synonym for white collar crimes. But extensive study states that the former is a broader term. White collar crimes are the crimes committed by people belonging to upper caste and rich backgrounds. Whereas a socio-economic offence can be committed by anybody. For e.g., a big wealthy entrepreneur or a multi-national company, guilty for tax evasion and a middle class pensioner depositing false return. Both are examples of socio-economic crimes, but only the former can be considered as a white collar crime. In Mak Data Pvt. Ltd. v. CIT petitioner concealed his income in order to evade taxes. After a show cause notice was served to him he decided to surrender a sum to avoid litigation. It was held by the SC that the sense of surrender of sum was made after the detection was made, if the intention of the appellant was good, he would have filed a return inclusive of the sum which is surrendered later after the assessment proceeding. |
The offenses that can be categorised as socio-economic offences in the country are as follows: |
1. Actions calculated and executed in order to obstruct or prevent the economic development of the country and also its economic health. |
2. Evasion of taxes |
3. Misuse of position and power by the public servants which is most likely to up as corruption. |
4. All the offences that include breach of contract and delivery of good not up to the specifications as promised. |
5. All activities related to black marketing and hoarding. |
6. The activities involving adulteration of foods and drugs. |
7. Misappropriation and stealing of public property and funds. |
8. The activities relating to trafficking of licenses, permits etc. |
Though the main feature of such offences is they that are not done particularly against one person, it affects the country at large and hence special efforts are applied in such offences. For e.g., in case of theft or assault to a person, the only person benefited by the punishment given to the offender is the one who got assaulted because the act is physical and hence it creates individual and social vengeance. But in these type of offences the for eg., if some commodities are hoarded or adulterated then though there will be a 'victim' but also the act of the wrongdoer is capable of harming a large part of the society. Thus it is most likely and injury to the whole society. |
A number of offences have been prevailing in the society for a long time. Offences are the illegal actions resulting from the breach of law. These offences can be classified into two main categories namely, (i) conventional offences and (ii) non-conventional offences. Conventional Offences consist of Mens Rea. For e.g., murder, theft, rape etc. Non-Conventional Offences do not contain Mens Rea. White collar crimes, socio economic offences, organised crimes, etc. are a few examples of non-conventional crime. Traditional crimes like theft, robbery, rape, murder etc. were more common and were dealt with the general law of crimes. But Socio economic crimes as its name suggest are social crimes and affects the health and morals of the public and economic crimes consist of those offences that affect the economy of the country as a whole. These are punishable under the special laws of crimes. |
Socio- economic crimes are many a time used as a synonym for white collar crimes. But extensive study states that the former is a broader term. White collar crimes are the crimes committed by people belonging to upper caste and rich backgrounds. Whereas a socio-economic offence can be committed by anybody. For e.g., a big wealthy entrepreneur or a multi-national company, guilty for tax evasion and a middle class pensioner depositing false return. Both are examples of socio-economic crimes, but only the former can be considered as a white collar crime. In Mak Data Pvt. Ltd. v. CIT petitioner concealed his income in order to evade taxes. After a show cause notice was served to him he decided to surrender a sum to avoid litigation. It was held by the SC that the sense of surrender of sum was made after the detection was made, if the intention of the appellant was good, he would have filed a return inclusive of the sum which is surrendered later after the assessment proceeding. |
The offenses that can be categorised as socio-economic offences in the country are as follows: |
1. Actions calculated and executed in order to obstruct or prevent the economic development of the country and also its economic health. |
2. Evasion of taxes |
3. Misuse of position and power by the public servants which is most likely to up as corruption. |
4. All the offences that include breach of contract and delivery of good not up to the specifications as promised. |
5. All activities related to black marketing and hoarding. |
6. The activities involving adulteration of foods and drugs. |
7. Misappropriation and stealing of public property and funds. |
8. The activities relating to trafficking of licenses, permits etc. |
Though the main feature of such offences is they that are not done particularly against one person, it affects the country at large and hence special efforts are applied in such offences. For e.g., in case of theft or assault to a person, the only person benefited by the punishment given to the offender is the one who got assaulted because the act is physical and hence it creates individual and social vengeance. But in these type of offences the for eg., if some commodities are hoarded or adulterated then though there will be a 'victim' but also the act of the wrongdoer is capable of harming a large part of the society. Thus it is most likely and injury to the whole society. |
A number of offences have been prevailing in the society for a long time. Offences are the illegal actions resulting from the breach of law. These offences can be classified into two main categories namely, (i) conventional offences and (ii) non-conventional offences. Conventional Offences consist of Mens Rea. For e.g., murder, theft, rape etc. Non-Conventional Offences do not contain Mens Rea. White collar crimes, socio economic offences, organised crimes, etc. are a few examples of non-conventional crime. Traditional crimes like theft, robbery, rape, murder etc. were more common and were dealt with the general law of crimes. But Socio economic crimes as its name suggest are social crimes and affects the health and morals of the public and economic crimes consist of those offences that affect the economy of the country as a whole. These are punishable under the special laws of crimes. |
Socio- economic crimes are many a time used as a synonym for white collar crimes. But extensive study states that the former is a broader term. White collar crimes are the crimes committed by people belonging to upper caste and rich backgrounds. Whereas a socio-economic offence can be committed by anybody. For e.g., a big wealthy entrepreneur or a multi-national company, guilty for tax evasion and a middle class pensioner depositing false return. Both are examples of socio-economic crimes, but only the former can be considered as a white collar crime. In Mak Data Pvt. Ltd. v. CIT petitioner concealed his income in order to evade taxes. After a show cause notice was served to him he decided to surrender a sum to avoid litigation. It was held by the SC that the sense of surrender of sum was made after the detection was made, if the intention of the appellant was good, he would have filed a return inclusive of the sum which is surrendered later after the assessment proceeding. |
The offenses that can be categorised as socio-economic offences in the country are as follows: |
1. Actions calculated and executed in order to obstruct or prevent the economic development of the country and also its economic health. |
2. Evasion of taxes |
3. Misuse of position and power by the public servants which is most likely to up as corruption. |
4. All the offences that include breach of contract and delivery of good not up to the specifications as promised. |
5. All activities related to black marketing and hoarding. |
6. The activities involving adulteration of foods and drugs. |
7. Misappropriation and stealing of public property and funds. |
8. The activities relating to trafficking of licenses, permits etc. |
Though the main feature of such offences is they that are not done particularly against one person, it affects the country at large and hence special efforts are applied in such offences. For e.g., in case of theft or assault to a person, the only person benefited by the punishment given to the offender is the one who got assaulted because the act is physical and hence it creates individual and social vengeance. But in these type of offences the for eg., if some commodities are hoarded or adulterated then though there will be a 'victim' but also the act of the wrongdoer is capable of harming a large part of the society. Thus it is most likely and injury to the whole society. |
The conception of truthful trial relies on the essential ideology that State and its agencies have the duty to bring the offenders before the law. In their tussle against transgression and minor crime, State and its officials cannot on any ground ignore the appropriateness of State etiquette and have the possibility to extra-lawful alternatives for the sake of detection of crime and even offenders. The Indian courts have recognized that the first object of criminal procedure is to make sure a good trial of defendant persons. Human life should be valued and a person accused of any offense should not be punished unless he has been given a fair trial and his guilt has been proved in such trial. |
The Supreme Court of India ascertained "each one has an associate in nursing constitutional right to be treated fairly in a very criminal trial. Denial of a good trial is the maximum amount of injustice to the defendant because it is to the victim and to society. Fair trial clearly would mean an endeavor before Associate in nursing impartial decides, a good functionary and an environment of judicial calm. Fair trial means that an endeavor during which bias or prejudice for or against the defendant, the witness or the cause that is being tried is eliminated." |
The right to a good trial may be a basic safeguard to make sure that people square measure shielded from unlawful or whimsical deprivation of their human rights and freedoms, most significantly of the right to liberty and security of person. |
The system adopted by the Criminal Procedure Code, 1973 is that the antagonist system supported the disputant technique. In the adversarial system responsible for the assembly of proof is placed on the prosecution with the decide acting as a neutral referee. |
The Supreme Court has ascertained "if a tribunal is to be an efficient instrument in dispensing justice, the presiding judge must cease to be a spectator and a mere recording machine. He should become a participant within the trial by evincing intelligent active interest." |
The Supreme Court established that if truthful trial envisaged underneath the Code isn't imparted to the parties and court has reasons to believe that prosecuting agency or functionary isnt acting within the requisite manner the court will exercise its power underneath section 311 of the Code or underneath section 165 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872[ii] to decision sure the fabric witness and procure the relevant documents therefore on subserve the explanation for justice. |
Every criminal trial begins with the presumption of innocence in favor of the defendant. The burden of proving the guilt of the defendant is upon the prosecution and unless it relieves itself of that burden, the courts cannot record a finding of the guilt of the accused. |
The conception of truthful trial relies on the essential ideology that State and its agencies have the duty to bring the offenders before the law. In their tussle against transgression and minor crime, State and its officials cannot on any ground ignore the appropriateness of State etiquette and have the possibility to extra-lawful alternatives for the sake of detection of crime and even offenders. The Indian courts have recognized that the first object of criminal procedure is to make sure a good trial of defendant persons. Human life should be valued and a person accused of any offense should not be punished unless he has been given a fair trial and his guilt has been proved in such trial. |
The Supreme Court of India ascertained "each one has an associate in nursing constitutional right to be treated fairly in a very criminal trial. Denial of a good trial is the maximum amount of injustice to the defendant because it is to the victim and to society. Fair trial clearly would mean an endeavor before Associate in nursing impartial decides, a good functionary and an environment of judicial calm. Fair trial means that an endeavor during which bias or prejudice for or against the defendant, the witness or the cause that is being tried is eliminated." |
The right to a good trial may be a basic safeguard to make sure that people square measure shielded from unlawful or whimsical deprivation of their human rights and freedoms, most significantly of the right to liberty and security of person. |
The system adopted by the Criminal Procedure Code, 1973 is that the antagonist system supported the disputant technique. In the adversarial system responsible for the assembly of proof is placed on the prosecution with the decide acting as a neutral referee. |
The Supreme Court has ascertained "if a tribunal is to be an efficient instrument in dispensing justice, the presiding judge must cease to be a spectator and a mere recording machine. He should become a participant within the trial by evincing intelligent active interest." |
The Supreme Court established that if truthful trial envisaged underneath the Code isn't imparted to the parties and court has reasons to believe that prosecuting agency or functionary isnt acting within the requisite manner the court will exercise its power underneath section 311 of the Code or underneath section 165 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872[ii] to decision sure the fabric witness and procure the relevant documents therefore on subserve the explanation for justice. |
Every criminal trial begins with the presumption of innocence in favor of the defendant. The burden of proving the guilt of the defendant is upon the prosecution and unless it relieves itself of that burden, the courts cannot record a finding of the guilt of the accused. |
The conception of truthful trial relies on the essential ideology that State and its agencies have the duty to bring the offenders before the law. In their tussle against transgression and minor crime, State and its officials cannot on any ground ignore the appropriateness of State etiquette and have the possibility to extra-lawful alternatives for the sake of detection of crime and even offenders. The Indian courts have recognized that the first object of criminal procedure is to make sure a good trial of defendant persons. Human life should be valued and a person accused of any offense should not be punished unless he has been given a fair trial and his guilt has been proved in such trial. |
The Supreme Court of India ascertained "each one has an associate in nursing constitutional right to be treated fairly in a very criminal trial. Denial of a good trial is the maximum amount of injustice to the defendant because it is to the victim and to society. Fair trial clearly would mean an endeavor before Associate in nursing impartial decides, a good functionary and an environment of judicial calm. Fair trial means that an endeavor during which bias or prejudice for or against the defendant, the witness or the cause that is being tried is eliminated." |
The right to a good trial may be a basic safeguard to make sure that people square measure shielded from unlawful or whimsical deprivation of their human rights and freedoms, most significantly of the right to liberty and security of person. |
The system adopted by the Criminal Procedure Code, 1973 is that the antagonist system supported the disputant technique. In the adversarial system responsible for the assembly of proof is placed on the prosecution with the decide acting as a neutral referee. |
The Supreme Court has ascertained "if a tribunal is to be an efficient instrument in dispensing justice, the presiding judge must cease to be a spectator and a mere recording machine. He should become a participant within the trial by evincing intelligent active interest." |
The Supreme Court established that if truthful trial envisaged underneath the Code isn't imparted to the parties and court has reasons to believe that prosecuting agency or functionary isnt acting within the requisite manner the court will exercise its power underneath section 311 of the Code or underneath section 165 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872[ii] to decision sure the fabric witness and procure the relevant documents therefore on subserve the explanation for justice. |
Every criminal trial begins with the presumption of innocence in favor of the defendant. The burden of proving the guilt of the defendant is upon the prosecution and unless it relieves itself of that burden, the courts cannot record a finding of the guilt of the accused. |
The conception of truthful trial relies on the essential ideology that State and its agencies have the duty to bring the offenders before the law. In their tussle against transgression and minor crime, State and its officials cannot on any ground ignore the appropriateness of State etiquette and have the possibility to extra-lawful alternatives for the sake of detection of crime and even offenders. The Indian courts have recognized that the first object of criminal procedure is to make sure a good trial of defendant persons. Human life should be valued and a person accused of any offense should not be punished unless he has been given a fair trial and his guilt has been proved in such trial. |
The Supreme Court of India ascertained "each one has an associate in nursing constitutional right to be treated fairly in a very criminal trial. Denial of a good trial is the maximum amount of injustice to the defendant because it is to the victim and to society. Fair trial clearly would mean an endeavor before Associate in nursing impartial decides, a good functionary and an environment of judicial calm. Fair trial means that an endeavor during which bias or prejudice for or against the defendant, the witness or the cause that is being tried is eliminated." |
The right to a good trial may be a basic safeguard to make sure that people square measure shielded from unlawful or whimsical deprivation of their human rights and freedoms, most significantly of the right to liberty and security of person. |
The system adopted by the Criminal Procedure Code, 1973 is that the antagonist system supported the disputant technique. In the adversarial system responsible for the assembly of proof is placed on the prosecution with the decide acting as a neutral referee. |
The Supreme Court has ascertained "if a tribunal is to be an efficient instrument in dispensing justice, the presiding judge must cease to be a spectator and a mere recording machine. He should become a participant within the trial by evincing intelligent active interest." |
The Supreme Court established that if truthful trial envisaged underneath the Code isn't imparted to the parties and court has reasons to believe that prosecuting agency or functionary isnt acting within the requisite manner the court will exercise its power underneath section 311 of the Code or underneath section 165 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872[ii] to decision sure the fabric witness and procure the relevant documents therefore on subserve the explanation for justice. |
Every criminal trial begins with the presumption of innocence in favor of the defendant. The burden of proving the guilt of the defendant is upon the prosecution and unless it relieves itself of that burden, the courts cannot record a finding of the guilt of the accused. |
The conception of truthful trial relies on the essential ideology that State and its agencies have the duty to bring the offenders before the law. In their tussle against transgression and minor crime, State and its officials cannot on any ground ignore the appropriateness of State etiquette and have the possibility to extra-lawful alternatives for the sake of detection of crime and even offenders. The Indian courts have recognized that the first object of criminal procedure is to make sure a good trial of defendant persons. Human life should be valued and a person accused of any offense should not be punished unless he has been given a fair trial and his guilt has been proved in such trial. |
The Supreme Court of India ascertained "each one has an associate in nursing constitutional right to be treated fairly in a very criminal trial. Denial of a good trial is the maximum amount of injustice to the defendant because it is to the victim and to society. Fair trial clearly would mean an endeavor before Associate in nursing impartial decides, a good functionary and an environment of judicial calm. Fair trial means that an endeavor during which bias or prejudice for or against the defendant, the witness or the cause that is being tried is eliminated." |
The right to a good trial may be a basic safeguard to make sure that people square measure shielded from unlawful or whimsical deprivation of their human rights and freedoms, most significantly of the right to liberty and security of person. |
The system adopted by the Criminal Procedure Code, 1973 is that the antagonist system supported the disputant technique. In the adversarial system responsible for the assembly of proof is placed on the prosecution with the decide acting as a neutral referee. |
The Supreme Court has ascertained "if a tribunal is to be an efficient instrument in dispensing justice, the presiding judge must cease to be a spectator and a mere recording machine. He should become a participant within the trial by evincing intelligent active interest." |
The Supreme Court established that if truthful trial envisaged underneath the Code isn't imparted to the parties and court has reasons to believe that prosecuting agency or functionary isnt acting within the requisite manner the court will exercise its power underneath section 311 of the Code or underneath section 165 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872[ii] to decision sure the fabric witness and procure the relevant documents therefore on subserve the explanation for justice. |
Every criminal trial begins with the presumption of innocence in favor of the defendant. The burden of proving the guilt of the defendant is upon the prosecution and unless it relieves itself of that burden, the courts cannot record a finding of the guilt of the accused. |
Lord Acton said, "Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely." The meaning and need of the doctrine of separation of power lies in Lord Actons statement. The State has the power to affect the life of citizens. If the power of the State is not checked it may lead to abuse of power. The abuse of power may be in the form of overusing it or even under-using it. Power is vested in the State so that it may use it as and when it is required to be used. To prevent such abuse of power it is ensured that the power is not concentrated in the hands of one person/branch of government. Thus, the Constitution divides powers between Legislature, Executive and Judiciary. Each organ of the State is expected to perform within its constitutionally prescribed limits. Thus, Legislature cannot interpret its own laws and Judiciary cannot pass enactments, nor can it even ask the Legislature to make laws. No one person can hold more than one office of the government. The judge of a court cannot be Member of Parliament simultaneously. Or, an administrative officer (for example. Commissioner of Police) cannot be a judicial officer at the same time. Different aspects of governance should be in hands of different persons who should work independent and without influence of others. |
John Locke (1632-1704), in his Second Treatise of Government, wrote: |
It may be too great a temptation for the human frailty, apt to grasp at powers, for the same persons who have power of making laws, to have also in their hands the power to execute them, whereby they may exempt themselves from the law, both in its making and execution to their own private advantage. |
II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND ORIGIN |
In his book Politics, Aristotle first perceived and saw that there is a specialisation of function in each Constitution. He mentioned three organs of the government, namely, Deliberative, Executive and Judiciary. Later, Roman writers like Cicero and Polybius praised the Republican Constitution of Rome because they discovered a perfect balance between the Senate, Consuls and Tribunes. According to John Locke, the government should be limited, the limit being set by the consent of the people. He believed that the federative power of the State related to the conduct of foreign affairs, and the federative powers may be combined with executive powers. |
But he opposed the concentration of executive and legislative powers in the same hands. Calvin, Bodin and Marsilius of Padua also supported the idea of separation of powers. All the theories on the principle of separation of powers were based on an ideal that the freedom of the people should be safeguarded from the tyrannical and despotic rulers. The freedoms of people shall be under threat when all the powers are vested and exercised by the very same persons. |
Lord Acton said, "Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely." The meaning and need of the doctrine of separation of power lies in Lord Actons statement. The State has the power to affect the life of citizens. If the power of the State is not checked it may lead to abuse of power. The abuse of power may be in the form of overusing it or even under-using it. Power is vested in the State so that it may use it as and when it is required to be used. To prevent such abuse of power it is ensured that the power is not concentrated in the hands of one person/branch of government. Thus, the Constitution divides powers between Legislature, Executive and Judiciary. Each organ of the State is expected to perform within its constitutionally prescribed limits. Thus, Legislature cannot interpret its own laws and Judiciary cannot pass enactments, nor can it even ask the Legislature to make laws. No one person can hold more than one office of the government. The judge of a court cannot be Member of Parliament simultaneously. Or, an administrative officer (for example. Commissioner of Police) cannot be a judicial officer at the same time. Different aspects of governance should be in hands of different persons who should work independent and without influence of others. |
John Locke (1632-1704), in his Second Treatise of Government, wrote: |
It may be too great a temptation for the human frailty, apt to grasp at powers, for the same persons who have power of making laws, to have also in their hands the power to execute them, whereby they may exempt themselves from the law, both in its making and execution to their own private advantage. |
II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND ORIGIN |
In his book Politics, Aristotle first perceived and saw that there is a specialisation of function in each Constitution. He mentioned three organs of the government, namely, Deliberative, Executive and Judiciary. Later, Roman writers like Cicero and Polybius praised the Republican Constitution of Rome because they discovered a perfect balance between the Senate, Consuls and Tribunes. According to John Locke, the government should be limited, the limit being set by the consent of the people. He believed that the federative power of the State related to the conduct of foreign affairs, and the federative powers may be combined with executive powers. |
But he opposed the concentration of executive and legislative powers in the same hands. Calvin, Bodin and Marsilius of Padua also supported the idea of separation of powers. All the theories on the principle of separation of powers were based on an ideal that the freedom of the people should be safeguarded from the tyrannical and despotic rulers. The freedoms of people shall be under threat when all the powers are vested and exercised by the very same persons. |
Lord Acton said, "Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely." The meaning and need of the doctrine of separation of power lies in Lord Actons statement. The State has the power to affect the life of citizens. If the power of the State is not checked it may lead to abuse of power. The abuse of power may be in the form of overusing it or even under-using it. Power is vested in the State so that it may use it as and when it is required to be used. To prevent such abuse of power it is ensured that the power is not concentrated in the hands of one person/branch of government. Thus, the Constitution divides powers between Legislature, Executive and Judiciary. Each organ of the State is expected to perform within its constitutionally prescribed limits. Thus, Legislature cannot interpret its own laws and Judiciary cannot pass enactments, nor can it even ask the Legislature to make laws. No one person can hold more than one office of the government. The judge of a court cannot be Member of Parliament simultaneously. Or, an administrative officer (for example. Commissioner of Police) cannot be a judicial officer at the same time. Different aspects of governance should be in hands of different persons who should work independent and without influence of others. |
John Locke (1632-1704), in his Second Treatise of Government, wrote: |
It may be too great a temptation for the human frailty, apt to grasp at powers, for the same persons who have power of making laws, to have also in their hands the power to execute them, whereby they may exempt themselves from the law, both in its making and execution to their own private advantage. |
II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND ORIGIN |
In his book Politics, Aristotle first perceived and saw that there is a specialisation of function in each Constitution. He mentioned three organs of the government, namely, Deliberative, Executive and Judiciary. Later, Roman writers like Cicero and Polybius praised the Republican Constitution of Rome because they discovered a perfect balance between the Senate, Consuls and Tribunes. According to John Locke, the government should be limited, the limit being set by the consent of the people. He believed that the federative power of the State related to the conduct of foreign affairs, and the federative powers may be combined with executive powers. |
But he opposed the concentration of executive and legislative powers in the same hands. Calvin, Bodin and Marsilius of Padua also supported the idea of separation of powers. All the theories on the principle of separation of powers were based on an ideal that the freedom of the people should be safeguarded from the tyrannical and despotic rulers. The freedoms of people shall be under threat when all the powers are vested and exercised by the very same persons. |
Lord Acton said, "Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely." The meaning and need of the doctrine of separation of power lies in Lord Actons statement. The State has the power to affect the life of citizens. If the power of the State is not checked it may lead to abuse of power. The abuse of power may be in the form of overusing it or even under-using it. Power is vested in the State so that it may use it as and when it is required to be used. To prevent such abuse of power it is ensured that the power is not concentrated in the hands of one person/branch of government. Thus, the Constitution divides powers between Legislature, Executive and Judiciary. Each organ of the State is expected to perform within its constitutionally prescribed limits. Thus, Legislature cannot interpret its own laws and Judiciary cannot pass enactments, nor can it even ask the Legislature to make laws. No one person can hold more than one office of the government. The judge of a court cannot be Member of Parliament simultaneously. Or, an administrative officer (for example. Commissioner of Police) cannot be a judicial officer at the same time. Different aspects of governance should be in hands of different persons who should work independent and without influence of others. |
John Locke (1632-1704), in his Second Treatise of Government, wrote: |
It may be too great a temptation for the human frailty, apt to grasp at powers, for the same persons who have power of making laws, to have also in their hands the power to execute them, whereby they may exempt themselves from the law, both in its making and execution to their own private advantage. |
II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND ORIGIN |
In his book Politics, Aristotle first perceived and saw that there is a specialisation of function in each Constitution. He mentioned three organs of the government, namely, Deliberative, Executive and Judiciary. Later, Roman writers like Cicero and Polybius praised the Republican Constitution of Rome because they discovered a perfect balance between the Senate, Consuls and Tribunes. According to John Locke, the government should be limited, the limit being set by the consent of the people. He believed that the federative power of the State related to the conduct of foreign affairs, and the federative powers may be combined with executive powers. |
But he opposed the concentration of executive and legislative powers in the same hands. Calvin, Bodin and Marsilius of Padua also supported the idea of separation of powers. All the theories on the principle of separation of powers were based on an ideal that the freedom of the people should be safeguarded from the tyrannical and despotic rulers. The freedoms of people shall be under threat when all the powers are vested and exercised by the very same persons. |
Lord Acton said, "Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely." The meaning and need of the doctrine of separation of power lies in Lord Actons statement. The State has the power to affect the life of citizens. If the power of the State is not checked it may lead to abuse of power. The abuse of power may be in the form of overusing it or even under-using it. Power is vested in the State so that it may use it as and when it is required to be used. To prevent such abuse of power it is ensured that the power is not concentrated in the hands of one person/branch of government. Thus, the Constitution divides powers between Legislature, Executive and Judiciary. Each organ of the State is expected to perform within its constitutionally prescribed limits. Thus, Legislature cannot interpret its own laws and Judiciary cannot pass enactments, nor can it even ask the Legislature to make laws. No one person can hold more than one office of the government. The judge of a court cannot be Member of Parliament simultaneously. Or, an administrative officer (for example. Commissioner of Police) cannot be a judicial officer at the same time. Different aspects of governance should be in hands of different persons who should work independent and without influence of others. |
John Locke (1632-1704), in his Second Treatise of Government, wrote: |
It may be too great a temptation for the human frailty, apt to grasp at powers, for the same persons who have power of making laws, to have also in their hands the power to execute them, whereby they may exempt themselves from the law, both in its making and execution to their own private advantage. |
II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND ORIGIN |
In his book Politics, Aristotle first perceived and saw that there is a specialisation of function in each Constitution. He mentioned three organs of the government, namely, Deliberative, Executive and Judiciary. Later, Roman writers like Cicero and Polybius praised the Republican Constitution of Rome because they discovered a perfect balance between the Senate, Consuls and Tribunes. According to John Locke, the government should be limited, the limit being set by the consent of the people. He believed that the federative power of the State related to the conduct of foreign affairs, and the federative powers may be combined with executive powers. |
But he opposed the concentration of executive and legislative powers in the same hands. Calvin, Bodin and Marsilius of Padua also supported the idea of separation of powers. All the theories on the principle of separation of powers were based on an ideal that the freedom of the people should be safeguarded from the tyrannical and despotic rulers. The freedoms of people shall be under threat when all the powers are vested and exercised by the very same persons. |
It is the duty of the prosecutor and defense counsel as well as all public authorities involved in a case to maintain the presumption of innocence by refraining from pre-judging the outcome of the trial. |
It is very much in consonance and important that while the judiciary is dealing with the fair trial proceedings, the Courts should act as competent and impartial judgment has to be given with all independent on the judiciary. In a criminal trial, as the state is the prosecuting party and the police are also an agency of the state, it is important that the Judiciary is unchained of all suspicion of government influence and management, direct or indirect. The whole burden of a fair and impartial trial thus rests on the shoulders of the judiciary in India. |
In Shyam Singh v. the State of Rajasthan (1973 CriLJ 441, 1972 WLN 165), the court observed that the question is not whether bias has actually affected, the judgment. The real take a look at is whether or not there exists a circumstance in keeping with that a party might moderately apprehend that bias due to a judicial officer should have operated against him in the final decision of the case. |
"Autrefois Acquit and Autrefois Convict" |
According to this doctrine, if a person is tried and acquitted or convicted of an offense he cannot be tried again for the same offense or on the same facts for any other offense. This doctrine has been substantially incorporated in article 20(2) of the Constitution and is also embodied in section 300 of the Criminal Procedural Code. |
It is the duty of the prosecutor and defense counsel as well as all public authorities involved in a case to maintain the presumption of innocence by refraining from pre-judging the outcome of the trial. |
It is very much in consonance and important that while the judiciary is dealing with the fair trial proceedings, the Courts should act as competent and impartial judgment has to be given with all independent on the judiciary. In a criminal trial, as the state is the prosecuting party and the police are also an agency of the state, it is important that the Judiciary is unchained of all suspicion of government influence and management, direct or indirect. The whole burden of a fair and impartial trial thus rests on the shoulders of the judiciary in India. |
In Shyam Singh v. the State of Rajasthan (1973 CriLJ 441, 1972 WLN 165), the court observed that the question is not whether bias has actually affected, the judgment. The real take a look at is whether or not there exists a circumstance in keeping with that a party might moderately apprehend that bias due to a judicial officer should have operated against him in the final decision of the case. |
"Autrefois Acquit and Autrefois Convict" |
According to this doctrine, if a person is tried and acquitted or convicted of an offense he cannot be tried again for the same offense or on the same facts for any other offense. This doctrine has been substantially incorporated in article 20(2) of the Constitution and is also embodied in section 300 of the Criminal Procedural Code. |
It is the duty of the prosecutor and defense counsel as well as all public authorities involved in a case to maintain the presumption of innocence by refraining from pre-judging the outcome of the trial. |
It is very much in consonance and important that while the judiciary is dealing with the fair trial proceedings, the Courts should act as competent and impartial judgment has to be given with all independent on the judiciary. In a criminal trial, as the state is the prosecuting party and the police are also an agency of the state, it is important that the Judiciary is unchained of all suspicion of government influence and management, direct or indirect. The whole burden of a fair and impartial trial thus rests on the shoulders of the judiciary in India. |
In Shyam Singh v. the State of Rajasthan (1973 CriLJ 441, 1972 WLN 165), the court observed that the question is not whether bias has actually affected, the judgment. The real take a look at is whether or not there exists a circumstance in keeping with that a party might moderately apprehend that bias due to a judicial officer should have operated against him in the final decision of the case. |
"Autrefois Acquit and Autrefois Convict" |
According to this doctrine, if a person is tried and acquitted or convicted of an offense he cannot be tried again for the same offense or on the same facts for any other offense. This doctrine has been substantially incorporated in article 20(2) of the Constitution and is also embodied in section 300 of the Criminal Procedural Code. |
It is the duty of the prosecutor and defense counsel as well as all public authorities involved in a case to maintain the presumption of innocence by refraining from pre-judging the outcome of the trial. |
It is very much in consonance and important that while the judiciary is dealing with the fair trial proceedings, the Courts should act as competent and impartial judgment has to be given with all independent on the judiciary. In a criminal trial, as the state is the prosecuting party and the police are also an agency of the state, it is important that the Judiciary is unchained of all suspicion of government influence and management, direct or indirect. The whole burden of a fair and impartial trial thus rests on the shoulders of the judiciary in India. |
In Shyam Singh v. the State of Rajasthan (1973 CriLJ 441, 1972 WLN 165), the court observed that the question is not whether bias has actually affected, the judgment. The real take a look at is whether or not there exists a circumstance in keeping with that a party might moderately apprehend that bias due to a judicial officer should have operated against him in the final decision of the case. |
"Autrefois Acquit and Autrefois Convict" |
According to this doctrine, if a person is tried and acquitted or convicted of an offense he cannot be tried again for the same offense or on the same facts for any other offense. This doctrine has been substantially incorporated in article 20(2) of the Constitution and is also embodied in section 300 of the Criminal Procedural Code. |
It is the duty of the prosecutor and defense counsel as well as all public authorities involved in a case to maintain the presumption of innocence by refraining from pre-judging the outcome of the trial. |
It is very much in consonance and important that while the judiciary is dealing with the fair trial proceedings, the Courts should act as competent and impartial judgment has to be given with all independent on the judiciary. In a criminal trial, as the state is the prosecuting party and the police are also an agency of the state, it is important that the Judiciary is unchained of all suspicion of government influence and management, direct or indirect. The whole burden of a fair and impartial trial thus rests on the shoulders of the judiciary in India. |
In Shyam Singh v. the State of Rajasthan (1973 CriLJ 441, 1972 WLN 165), the court observed that the question is not whether bias has actually affected, the judgment. The real take a look at is whether or not there exists a circumstance in keeping with that a party might moderately apprehend that bias due to a judicial officer should have operated against him in the final decision of the case. |
"Autrefois Acquit and Autrefois Convict" |
According to this doctrine, if a person is tried and acquitted or convicted of an offense he cannot be tried again for the same offense or on the same facts for any other offense. This doctrine has been substantially incorporated in article 20(2) of the Constitution and is also embodied in section 300 of the Criminal Procedural Code. |
Montesquieu (1689-1755) is credited with the doctrine of separation of powers. He was the first political thinker who gave a detailed account of this doctrine in his book. Spirit of the Laws. Montesquieu was born in an old military family as Charles-Louis de Secondat near Bordeaux in France only after the death of his uncle in 1716, he inherited the title of a Baron de Montesquieu. He was then known by the name of Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brede et de Montesquieu. |
In his Spirit of Laws, Montesquieu wrote: |
In every State, there are three kinds of powers, the legislative power, the power executing the matters falling with the law of nations, and the power executing the matters which fall within the civil law. Through the first, the Prince of Magistrate makes the laws for the time being or for all time, amends or repeals those previously made now unnecessary. Through the executive power, he makes war and peace, sends and receives ambassadors, establishes order and prevents invasions. Through the judicial power, he punishes crimes and adjudicates the disputes of individuals. |
He advocated that the separation of powers ensures political liberty. It is a tranquility of mind arising from the opinion each person has of their safety. In order to have this liberty it is required that the government be so constituted as one person need not to be afraid of another. If the power is not divided, he believed, great tyranny can be perpetrated under the shield of law and in the name of justice. |
b. Basic features of the doctrine of separation of powers as enunciated by Montesquieu |
During the time of Louis XIV, who boasted, "I am the state", Montesquieu developed the theory of separation of powers. It was the time of despotic rule where all powers were accrued in the hands of the King and there was no place for individual liberty. Montesquieu felt that it was in the nature of authority to abuse itself. He wrote, "Constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority until he is confronted with limits." |
c. Checks and balances of powers |
In its actual working the principle of separation of powers ensures a system of checks and balances. |
Checks and balances means that each organ of the government shall have some accountability towards other organs of the government. Thus, Legislature, Executive and Judiciary are, to some extent, controlled and obstructed by the other two. This process of one organ obstructing the power (with due diligence) of the other organ acts as an antidote to despotism. Thus, while Judiciary has the power to declare the legislative and executive acts unconstitutional, the power of appointment and of impeachment of judges lies with the Executive and Legislature respectively. Also, the Judiciary cannot stop the Legislature from making laws to abrogate its judgments. The Executive cannot reject the Bill for more than two times. |
Montesquieu (1689-1755) is credited with the doctrine of separation of powers. He was the first political thinker who gave a detailed account of this doctrine in his book. Spirit of the Laws. Montesquieu was born in an old military family as Charles-Louis de Secondat near Bordeaux in France only after the death of his uncle in 1716, he inherited the title of a Baron de Montesquieu. He was then known by the name of Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brede et de Montesquieu. |
In his Spirit of Laws, Montesquieu wrote: |
In every State, there are three kinds of powers, the legislative power, the power executing the matters falling with the law of nations, and the power executing the matters which fall within the civil law. Through the first, the Prince of Magistrate makes the laws for the time being or for all time, amends or repeals those previously made now unnecessary. Through the executive power, he makes war and peace, sends and receives ambassadors, establishes order and prevents invasions. Through the judicial power, he punishes crimes and adjudicates the disputes of individuals. |
He advocated that the separation of powers ensures political liberty. It is a tranquility of mind arising from the opinion each person has of their safety. In order to have this liberty it is required that the government be so constituted as one person need not to be afraid of another. If the power is not divided, he believed, great tyranny can be perpetrated under the shield of law and in the name of justice. |
b. Basic features of the doctrine of separation of powers as enunciated by Montesquieu |
During the time of Louis XIV, who boasted, "I am the state", Montesquieu developed the theory of separation of powers. It was the time of despotic rule where all powers were accrued in the hands of the King and there was no place for individual liberty. Montesquieu felt that it was in the nature of authority to abuse itself. He wrote, "Constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority until he is confronted with limits." |
c. Checks and balances of powers |
In its actual working the principle of separation of powers ensures a system of checks and balances. |
Checks and balances means that each organ of the government shall have some accountability towards other organs of the government. Thus, Legislature, Executive and Judiciary are, to some extent, controlled and obstructed by the other two. This process of one organ obstructing the power (with due diligence) of the other organ acts as an antidote to despotism. Thus, while Judiciary has the power to declare the legislative and executive acts unconstitutional, the power of appointment and of impeachment of judges lies with the Executive and Legislature respectively. Also, the Judiciary cannot stop the Legislature from making laws to abrogate its judgments. The Executive cannot reject the Bill for more than two times. |
Montesquieu (1689-1755) is credited with the doctrine of separation of powers. He was the first political thinker who gave a detailed account of this doctrine in his book. Spirit of the Laws. Montesquieu was born in an old military family as Charles-Louis de Secondat near Bordeaux in France only after the death of his uncle in 1716, he inherited the title of a Baron de Montesquieu. He was then known by the name of Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brede et de Montesquieu. |
In his Spirit of Laws, Montesquieu wrote: |
In every State, there are three kinds of powers, the legislative power, the power executing the matters falling with the law of nations, and the power executing the matters which fall within the civil law. Through the first, the Prince of Magistrate makes the laws for the time being or for all time, amends or repeals those previously made now unnecessary. Through the executive power, he makes war and peace, sends and receives ambassadors, establishes order and prevents invasions. Through the judicial power, he punishes crimes and adjudicates the disputes of individuals. |
He advocated that the separation of powers ensures political liberty. It is a tranquility of mind arising from the opinion each person has of their safety. In order to have this liberty it is required that the government be so constituted as one person need not to be afraid of another. If the power is not divided, he believed, great tyranny can be perpetrated under the shield of law and in the name of justice. |
b. Basic features of the doctrine of separation of powers as enunciated by Montesquieu |
During the time of Louis XIV, who boasted, "I am the state", Montesquieu developed the theory of separation of powers. It was the time of despotic rule where all powers were accrued in the hands of the King and there was no place for individual liberty. Montesquieu felt that it was in the nature of authority to abuse itself. He wrote, "Constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority until he is confronted with limits." |
c. Checks and balances of powers |
In its actual working the principle of separation of powers ensures a system of checks and balances. |
Checks and balances means that each organ of the government shall have some accountability towards other organs of the government. Thus, Legislature, Executive and Judiciary are, to some extent, controlled and obstructed by the other two. This process of one organ obstructing the power (with due diligence) of the other organ acts as an antidote to despotism. Thus, while Judiciary has the power to declare the legislative and executive acts unconstitutional, the power of appointment and of impeachment of judges lies with the Executive and Legislature respectively. Also, the Judiciary cannot stop the Legislature from making laws to abrogate its judgments. The Executive cannot reject the Bill for more than two times. |
Montesquieu (1689-1755) is credited with the doctrine of separation of powers. He was the first political thinker who gave a detailed account of this doctrine in his book. Spirit of the Laws. Montesquieu was born in an old military family as Charles-Louis de Secondat near Bordeaux in France only after the death of his uncle in 1716, he inherited the title of a Baron de Montesquieu. He was then known by the name of Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brede et de Montesquieu. |
In his Spirit of Laws, Montesquieu wrote: |
In every State, there are three kinds of powers, the legislative power, the power executing the matters falling with the law of nations, and the power executing the matters which fall within the civil law. Through the first, the Prince of Magistrate makes the laws for the time being or for all time, amends or repeals those previously made now unnecessary. Through the executive power, he makes war and peace, sends and receives ambassadors, establishes order and prevents invasions. Through the judicial power, he punishes crimes and adjudicates the disputes of individuals. |
He advocated that the separation of powers ensures political liberty. It is a tranquility of mind arising from the opinion each person has of their safety. In order to have this liberty it is required that the government be so constituted as one person need not to be afraid of another. If the power is not divided, he believed, great tyranny can be perpetrated under the shield of law and in the name of justice. |
b. Basic features of the doctrine of separation of powers as enunciated by Montesquieu |
During the time of Louis XIV, who boasted, "I am the state", Montesquieu developed the theory of separation of powers. It was the time of despotic rule where all powers were accrued in the hands of the King and there was no place for individual liberty. Montesquieu felt that it was in the nature of authority to abuse itself. He wrote, "Constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority until he is confronted with limits." |
c. Checks and balances of powers |
In its actual working the principle of separation of powers ensures a system of checks and balances. |
Checks and balances means that each organ of the government shall have some accountability towards other organs of the government. Thus, Legislature, Executive and Judiciary are, to some extent, controlled and obstructed by the other two. This process of one organ obstructing the power (with due diligence) of the other organ acts as an antidote to despotism. Thus, while Judiciary has the power to declare the legislative and executive acts unconstitutional, the power of appointment and of impeachment of judges lies with the Executive and Legislature respectively. Also, the Judiciary cannot stop the Legislature from making laws to abrogate its judgments. The Executive cannot reject the Bill for more than two times. |
Montesquieu (1689-1755) is credited with the doctrine of separation of powers. He was the first political thinker who gave a detailed account of this doctrine in his book. Spirit of the Laws. Montesquieu was born in an old military family as Charles-Louis de Secondat near Bordeaux in France only after the death of his uncle in 1716, he inherited the title of a Baron de Montesquieu. He was then known by the name of Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brede et de Montesquieu. |
In his Spirit of Laws, Montesquieu wrote: |
In every State, there are three kinds of powers, the legislative power, the power executing the matters falling with the law of nations, and the power executing the matters which fall within the civil law. Through the first, the Prince of Magistrate makes the laws for the time being or for all time, amends or repeals those previously made now unnecessary. Through the executive power, he makes war and peace, sends and receives ambassadors, establishes order and prevents invasions. Through the judicial power, he punishes crimes and adjudicates the disputes of individuals. |
He advocated that the separation of powers ensures political liberty. It is a tranquility of mind arising from the opinion each person has of their safety. In order to have this liberty it is required that the government be so constituted as one person need not to be afraid of another. If the power is not divided, he believed, great tyranny can be perpetrated under the shield of law and in the name of justice. |
b. Basic features of the doctrine of separation of powers as enunciated by Montesquieu |
During the time of Louis XIV, who boasted, "I am the state", Montesquieu developed the theory of separation of powers. It was the time of despotic rule where all powers were accrued in the hands of the King and there was no place for individual liberty. Montesquieu felt that it was in the nature of authority to abuse itself. He wrote, "Constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority until he is confronted with limits." |
c. Checks and balances of powers |
In its actual working the principle of separation of powers ensures a system of checks and balances. |
Checks and balances means that each organ of the government shall have some accountability towards other organs of the government. Thus, Legislature, Executive and Judiciary are, to some extent, controlled and obstructed by the other two. This process of one organ obstructing the power (with due diligence) of the other organ acts as an antidote to despotism. Thus, while Judiciary has the power to declare the legislative and executive acts unconstitutional, the power of appointment and of impeachment of judges lies with the Executive and Legislature respectively. Also, the Judiciary cannot stop the Legislature from making laws to abrogate its judgments. The Executive cannot reject the Bill for more than two times. |
Soon after its publication the doctrine of separation of powers created an impact on the world. Especially, this doctrine provided strong philosophical bases for revolt against despotism and for the establishment of new systems of government. Within 50 years of its publication this doctrine was serving as the basis for change in France, England, US and also in the colonies of great western powers. |
In France Montesquieu's doctrine of separation of powers worked along with Rousseau's idea of sovereignty to fuel the revolutionary forces during the time of French revolution. French Declaration of Rights contains passages on the separation of powers. Montesquieu's idea of separation of powers has also greatly influenced the modern democracies. Most of the modern democracies are now modelled on the idea of separation of powers. James Madison, one of the, founding fathers of the Constitution of the US, was notably inspired by Montesquieu's theory. Establishment of an independent Executive (the President), Legislative (the Congress), and Judiciary (the Supreme Court) in the Federal Constitution of US is owed to this doctrine. The American Constitution "was consciously and elaborately made an essay in the separation of powers and is today the most important polity in the world which operates on that principle". Montesquieu also inspired fellow scholars like Italian criminologist and jurist Cesare Beccaria. |
III. EVALUATION OF THE DOCTRINE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS |
MERITS |
1. This doctrine is based upon a true view of human nature. Human tendency of corruption when in power is unanimously recorded by almost all the writers. |
2. This doctrine if applied in true spirit can improve the efficiency of administration of government. |
3. This doctrine allows people having special skills and abilities to function in the sphere that suits them best. |
4. By limited government this doctrine prevents abuse of power and ensures liberty of people. |
5. By making Judiciary a powerful and independent organ, this doctrine allows a scope for neutral evaluation of laws made by Legislature. In modern times, an independent Judiciary is seen as the last hope for preserving constitutional values of a democratic country. |
6. This doctrine is a corollary to the idea of rule of law. Without this doctrine it is almost impossible to have rule of law. |
7. This doctrine belies the organic unity of the government. John Stuart Mill said, "the separation of powers will result in a clash between the three organs of government as each one will take interest only in its own powers". Harold J. Laski wrote, "separation of powers would result in confusion of powers". Herman Finer believed that "complete separation of powers would degenerate lack of unity, harmony and efficiency"; and that "it throws the government in coma and convulsions". Even medieval period scholar St. Thomas Aquinas was against the idea of separation of powers. He said, "The greater the unity within the government itself, the greater the likelihood of achieving unity among the people." |
Soon after its publication the doctrine of separation of powers created an impact on the world. Especially, this doctrine provided strong philosophical bases for revolt against despotism and for the establishment of new systems of government. Within 50 years of its publication this doctrine was serving as the basis for change in France, England, US and also in the colonies of great western powers. |
In France Montesquieu's doctrine of separation of powers worked along with Rousseau's idea of sovereignty to fuel the revolutionary forces during the time of French revolution. French Declaration of Rights contains passages on the separation of powers. Montesquieu's idea of separation of powers has also greatly influenced the modern democracies. Most of the modern democracies are now modelled on the idea of separation of powers. James Madison, one of the, founding fathers of the Constitution of the US, was notably inspired by Montesquieu's theory. Establishment of an independent Executive (the President), Legislative (the Congress), and Judiciary (the Supreme Court) in the Federal Constitution of US is owed to this doctrine. The American Constitution "was consciously and elaborately made an essay in the separation of powers and is today the most important polity in the world which operates on that principle". Montesquieu also inspired fellow scholars like Italian criminologist and jurist Cesare Beccaria. |
III. EVALUATION OF THE DOCTRINE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS |
MERITS |
1. This doctrine is based upon a true view of human nature. Human tendency of corruption when in power is unanimously recorded by almost all the writers. |
2. This doctrine if applied in true spirit can improve the efficiency of administration of government. |
3. This doctrine allows people having special skills and abilities to function in the sphere that suits them best. |
4. By limited government this doctrine prevents abuse of power and ensures liberty of people. |
5. By making Judiciary a powerful and independent organ, this doctrine allows a scope for neutral evaluation of laws made by Legislature. In modern times, an independent Judiciary is seen as the last hope for preserving constitutional values of a democratic country. |
6. This doctrine is a corollary to the idea of rule of law. Without this doctrine it is almost impossible to have rule of law. |
7. This doctrine belies the organic unity of the government. John Stuart Mill said, "the separation of powers will result in a clash between the three organs of government as each one will take interest only in its own powers". Harold J. Laski wrote, "separation of powers would result in confusion of powers". Herman Finer believed that "complete separation of powers would degenerate lack of unity, harmony and efficiency"; and that "it throws the government in coma and convulsions". Even medieval period scholar St. Thomas Aquinas was against the idea of separation of powers. He said, "The greater the unity within the government itself, the greater the likelihood of achieving unity among the people." |
Soon after its publication the doctrine of separation of powers created an impact on the world. Especially, this doctrine provided strong philosophical bases for revolt against despotism and for the establishment of new systems of government. Within 50 years of its publication this doctrine was serving as the basis for change in France, England, US and also in the colonies of great western powers. |
In France Montesquieu's doctrine of separation of powers worked along with Rousseau's idea of sovereignty to fuel the revolutionary forces during the time of French revolution. French Declaration of Rights contains passages on the separation of powers. Montesquieu's idea of separation of powers has also greatly influenced the modern democracies. Most of the modern democracies are now modelled on the idea of separation of powers. James Madison, one of the, founding fathers of the Constitution of the US, was notably inspired by Montesquieu's theory. Establishment of an independent Executive (the President), Legislative (the Congress), and Judiciary (the Supreme Court) in the Federal Constitution of US is owed to this doctrine. The American Constitution "was consciously and elaborately made an essay in the separation of powers and is today the most important polity in the world which operates on that principle". Montesquieu also inspired fellow scholars like Italian criminologist and jurist Cesare Beccaria. |
III. EVALUATION OF THE DOCTRINE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS |
MERITS |
1. This doctrine is based upon a true view of human nature. Human tendency of corruption when in power is unanimously recorded by almost all the writers. |
2. This doctrine if applied in true spirit can improve the efficiency of administration of government. |
3. This doctrine allows people having special skills and abilities to function in the sphere that suits them best. |
4. By limited government this doctrine prevents abuse of power and ensures liberty of people. |
5. By making Judiciary a powerful and independent organ, this doctrine allows a scope for neutral evaluation of laws made by Legislature. In modern times, an independent Judiciary is seen as the last hope for preserving constitutional values of a democratic country. |
6. This doctrine is a corollary to the idea of rule of law. Without this doctrine it is almost impossible to have rule of law. |
7. This doctrine belies the organic unity of the government. John Stuart Mill said, "the separation of powers will result in a clash between the three organs of government as each one will take interest only in its own powers". Harold J. Laski wrote, "separation of powers would result in confusion of powers". Herman Finer believed that "complete separation of powers would degenerate lack of unity, harmony and efficiency"; and that "it throws the government in coma and convulsions". Even medieval period scholar St. Thomas Aquinas was against the idea of separation of powers. He said, "The greater the unity within the government itself, the greater the likelihood of achieving unity among the people." |
Soon after its publication the doctrine of separation of powers created an impact on the world. Especially, this doctrine provided strong philosophical bases for revolt against despotism and for the establishment of new systems of government. Within 50 years of its publication this doctrine was serving as the basis for change in France, England, US and also in the colonies of great western powers. |
In France Montesquieu's doctrine of separation of powers worked along with Rousseau's idea of sovereignty to fuel the revolutionary forces during the time of French revolution. French Declaration of Rights contains passages on the separation of powers. Montesquieu's idea of separation of powers has also greatly influenced the modern democracies. Most of the modern democracies are now modelled on the idea of separation of powers. James Madison, one of the, founding fathers of the Constitution of the US, was notably inspired by Montesquieu's theory. Establishment of an independent Executive (the President), Legislative (the Congress), and Judiciary (the Supreme Court) in the Federal Constitution of US is owed to this doctrine. The American Constitution "was consciously and elaborately made an essay in the separation of powers and is today the most important polity in the world which operates on that principle". Montesquieu also inspired fellow scholars like Italian criminologist and jurist Cesare Beccaria. |
III. EVALUATION OF THE DOCTRINE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS |
MERITS |
1. This doctrine is based upon a true view of human nature. Human tendency of corruption when in power is unanimously recorded by almost all the writers. |
2. This doctrine if applied in true spirit can improve the efficiency of administration of government. |
3. This doctrine allows people having special skills and abilities to function in the sphere that suits them best. |
4. By limited government this doctrine prevents abuse of power and ensures liberty of people. |
5. By making Judiciary a powerful and independent organ, this doctrine allows a scope for neutral evaluation of laws made by Legislature. In modern times, an independent Judiciary is seen as the last hope for preserving constitutional values of a democratic country. |
6. This doctrine is a corollary to the idea of rule of law. Without this doctrine it is almost impossible to have rule of law. |
7. This doctrine belies the organic unity of the government. John Stuart Mill said, "the separation of powers will result in a clash between the three organs of government as each one will take interest only in its own powers". Harold J. Laski wrote, "separation of powers would result in confusion of powers". Herman Finer believed that "complete separation of powers would degenerate lack of unity, harmony and efficiency"; and that "it throws the government in coma and convulsions". Even medieval period scholar St. Thomas Aquinas was against the idea of separation of powers. He said, "The greater the unity within the government itself, the greater the likelihood of achieving unity among the people." |
Soon after its publication the doctrine of separation of powers created an impact on the world. Especially, this doctrine provided strong philosophical bases for revolt against despotism and for the establishment of new systems of government. Within 50 years of its publication this doctrine was serving as the basis for change in France, England, US and also in the colonies of great western powers. |
In France Montesquieu's doctrine of separation of powers worked along with Rousseau's idea of sovereignty to fuel the revolutionary forces during the time of French revolution. French Declaration of Rights contains passages on the separation of powers. Montesquieu's idea of separation of powers has also greatly influenced the modern democracies. Most of the modern democracies are now modelled on the idea of separation of powers. James Madison, one of the, founding fathers of the Constitution of the US, was notably inspired by Montesquieu's theory. Establishment of an independent Executive (the President), Legislative (the Congress), and Judiciary (the Supreme Court) in the Federal Constitution of US is owed to this doctrine. The American Constitution "was consciously and elaborately made an essay in the separation of powers and is today the most important polity in the world which operates on that principle". Montesquieu also inspired fellow scholars like Italian criminologist and jurist Cesare Beccaria. |
III. EVALUATION OF THE DOCTRINE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS |
MERITS |
1. This doctrine is based upon a true view of human nature. Human tendency of corruption when in power is unanimously recorded by almost all the writers. |
2. This doctrine if applied in true spirit can improve the efficiency of administration of government. |
3. This doctrine allows people having special skills and abilities to function in the sphere that suits them best. |
4. By limited government this doctrine prevents abuse of power and ensures liberty of people. |
5. By making Judiciary a powerful and independent organ, this doctrine allows a scope for neutral evaluation of laws made by Legislature. In modern times, an independent Judiciary is seen as the last hope for preserving constitutional values of a democratic country. |
6. This doctrine is a corollary to the idea of rule of law. Without this doctrine it is almost impossible to have rule of law. |
7. This doctrine belies the organic unity of the government. John Stuart Mill said, "the separation of powers will result in a clash between the three organs of government as each one will take interest only in its own powers". Harold J. Laski wrote, "separation of powers would result in confusion of powers". Herman Finer believed that "complete separation of powers would degenerate lack of unity, harmony and efficiency"; and that "it throws the government in coma and convulsions". Even medieval period scholar St. Thomas Aquinas was against the idea of separation of powers. He said, "The greater the unity within the government itself, the greater the likelihood of achieving unity among the people." |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Traditional media regulation is becoming significantly challenged by the user-centricity that is a feature of the contemporary media environment. Social media means that users are able to exercise far greater control over the types of media that they wish to consume and can also actively produce content. The traditional approach to media regulation is that there are a relatively small number of users who produce the media, coupled with a large number of those who consume it, who are powerless to directly influence the content. This means that the regulatory framework that was previously used which was founded on a command and control framework is inappropriate for a situation where there are substantial producers of content. Regulatory action in social media is typically focused upon disclosure of interest, protection of children, codes of practice and the prohibition of offensive material. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Traditional media regulation is becoming significantly challenged by the user-centricity that is a feature of the contemporary media environment. Social media means that users are able to exercise far greater control over the types of media that they wish to consume and can also actively produce content. The traditional approach to media regulation is that there are a relatively small number of users who produce the media, coupled with a large number of those who consume it, who are powerless to directly influence the content. This means that the regulatory framework that was previously used which was founded on a command and control framework is inappropriate for a situation where there are substantial producers of content. Regulatory action in social media is typically focused upon disclosure of interest, protection of children, codes of practice and the prohibition of offensive material. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Traditional media regulation is becoming significantly challenged by the user-centricity that is a feature of the contemporary media environment. Social media means that users are able to exercise far greater control over the types of media that they wish to consume and can also actively produce content. The traditional approach to media regulation is that there are a relatively small number of users who produce the media, coupled with a large number of those who consume it, who are powerless to directly influence the content. This means that the regulatory framework that was previously used which was founded on a command and control framework is inappropriate for a situation where there are substantial producers of content. Regulatory action in social media is typically focused upon disclosure of interest, protection of children, codes of practice and the prohibition of offensive material. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Traditional media regulation is becoming significantly challenged by the user-centricity that is a feature of the contemporary media environment. Social media means that users are able to exercise far greater control over the types of media that they wish to consume and can also actively produce content. The traditional approach to media regulation is that there are a relatively small number of users who produce the media, coupled with a large number of those who consume it, who are powerless to directly influence the content. This means that the regulatory framework that was previously used which was founded on a command and control framework is inappropriate for a situation where there are substantial producers of content. Regulatory action in social media is typically focused upon disclosure of interest, protection of children, codes of practice and the prohibition of offensive material. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
We can say that conduct in public life is more rigorously scrutinized now than it was in the past, that the morals which the public demands remains high and that the great majority of people in public life meet those high standards. But there are weaknesses in the procedures for maintaining and enforcing those standards. As a result, the people in social life are not always as clear as they should be about where the boundaries of acceptable conducts happen. However, it is possible to scrutinize that the recent political scandals are the sole cause of the drop in the publics trust of politicians. There is the perceived lack of difference in the major political parties after the general election in 1990, which contributed to lower voter turnout and general apathy. The experts argue that contemporary society expects that the politics to be free from sharp ideological division and adversarial conflicts. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
We can say that conduct in public life is more rigorously scrutinized now than it was in the past, that the morals which the public demands remains high and that the great majority of people in public life meet those high standards. But there are weaknesses in the procedures for maintaining and enforcing those standards. As a result, the people in social life are not always as clear as they should be about where the boundaries of acceptable conducts happen. However, it is possible to scrutinize that the recent political scandals are the sole cause of the drop in the publics trust of politicians. There is the perceived lack of difference in the major political parties after the general election in 1990, which contributed to lower voter turnout and general apathy. The experts argue that contemporary society expects that the politics to be free from sharp ideological division and adversarial conflicts. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
We can say that conduct in public life is more rigorously scrutinized now than it was in the past, that the morals which the public demands remains high and that the great majority of people in public life meet those high standards. But there are weaknesses in the procedures for maintaining and enforcing those standards. As a result, the people in social life are not always as clear as they should be about where the boundaries of acceptable conducts happen. However, it is possible to scrutinize that the recent political scandals are the sole cause of the drop in the publics trust of politicians. There is the perceived lack of difference in the major political parties after the general election in 1990, which contributed to lower voter turnout and general apathy. The experts argue that contemporary society expects that the politics to be free from sharp ideological division and adversarial conflicts. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
We can say that conduct in public life is more rigorously scrutinized now than it was in the past, that the morals which the public demands remains high and that the great majority of people in public life meet those high standards. But there are weaknesses in the procedures for maintaining and enforcing those standards. As a result, the people in social life are not always as clear as they should be about where the boundaries of acceptable conducts happen. However, it is possible to scrutinize that the recent political scandals are the sole cause of the drop in the publics trust of politicians. There is the perceived lack of difference in the major political parties after the general election in 1990, which contributed to lower voter turnout and general apathy. The experts argue that contemporary society expects that the politics to be free from sharp ideological division and adversarial conflicts. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The artichoke view perceives human beings as a structure which does not have any core. This demonstrates that human are changing in nature and their reaction are influenced joy different experiences at a certain moment. Many people in the world believe that we are just here as a simple waste of space. They're mental views are simply no conduct of what is right or wrong. There are no actual rules, but making decision can sometimes become difficult. It is because there is no guidance or source as center core in their lifestyle. All they know is that, we have the right to choose, we must always take responsibility for our choices - either its good or bad. Every person has the opportunity to determine their own fate. However, due to the survival power given to human, one can get hold of the situation and develop a character that does not change despite of the life challenges. From here, the concept existentialism is emerged which is a philosophy concerned with finding self and the meaning of life through free will, choice and personal responsibility. The belief is that people are searching to find out whom and what they are throughout life as they make choices based on their experiences, beliefs and outlook. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The artichoke view perceives human beings as a structure which does not have any core. This demonstrates that human are changing in nature and their reaction are influenced joy different experiences at a certain moment. Many people in the world believe that we are just here as a simple waste of space. They're mental views are simply no conduct of what is right or wrong. There are no actual rules, but making decision can sometimes become difficult. It is because there is no guidance or source as center core in their lifestyle. All they know is that, we have the right to choose, we must always take responsibility for our choices - either its good or bad. Every person has the opportunity to determine their own fate. However, due to the survival power given to human, one can get hold of the situation and develop a character that does not change despite of the life challenges. From here, the concept existentialism is emerged which is a philosophy concerned with finding self and the meaning of life through free will, choice and personal responsibility. The belief is that people are searching to find out whom and what they are throughout life as they make choices based on their experiences, beliefs and outlook. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The artichoke view perceives human beings as a structure which does not have any core. This demonstrates that human are changing in nature and their reaction are influenced joy different experiences at a certain moment. Many people in the world believe that we are just here as a simple waste of space. They're mental views are simply no conduct of what is right or wrong. There are no actual rules, but making decision can sometimes become difficult. It is because there is no guidance or source as center core in their lifestyle. All they know is that, we have the right to choose, we must always take responsibility for our choices - either its good or bad. Every person has the opportunity to determine their own fate. However, due to the survival power given to human, one can get hold of the situation and develop a character that does not change despite of the life challenges. From here, the concept existentialism is emerged which is a philosophy concerned with finding self and the meaning of life through free will, choice and personal responsibility. The belief is that people are searching to find out whom and what they are throughout life as they make choices based on their experiences, beliefs and outlook. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The artichoke view perceives human beings as a structure which does not have any core. This demonstrates that human are changing in nature and their reaction are influenced joy different experiences at a certain moment. Many people in the world believe that we are just here as a simple waste of space. They're mental views are simply no conduct of what is right or wrong. There are no actual rules, but making decision can sometimes become difficult. It is because there is no guidance or source as center core in their lifestyle. All they know is that, we have the right to choose, we must always take responsibility for our choices - either its good or bad. Every person has the opportunity to determine their own fate. However, due to the survival power given to human, one can get hold of the situation and develop a character that does not change despite of the life challenges. From here, the concept existentialism is emerged which is a philosophy concerned with finding self and the meaning of life through free will, choice and personal responsibility. The belief is that people are searching to find out whom and what they are throughout life as they make choices based on their experiences, beliefs and outlook. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The artichoke view perceives human beings as a structure which does not have any core. This demonstrates that human are changing in nature and their reaction are influenced joy different experiences at a certain moment. Many people in the world believe that we are just here as a simple waste of space. They're mental views are simply no conduct of what is right or wrong. There are no actual rules, but making decision can sometimes become difficult. It is because there is no guidance or source as center core in their lifestyle. All they know is that, we have the right to choose, we must always take responsibility for our choices - either its good or bad. Every person has the opportunity to determine their own fate. However, due to the survival power given to human, one can get hold of the situation and develop a character that does not change despite of the life challenges. From here, the concept existentialism is emerged which is a philosophy concerned with finding self and the meaning of life through free will, choice and personal responsibility. The belief is that people are searching to find out whom and what they are throughout life as they make choices based on their experiences, beliefs and outlook. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The idea of elitism also fosters social injustice. 'Elitism' means people with wealth, outstanding intelligence and talents, should have greater authority and dominance society. They are considered as superior to the others. In affluent countries, governments invest abundant resource in the education system and it is more mature compare to poorer nations, so children can receive ever-improving compulsory learning, while only minority of children in poorer nations struggle to enter universities. In fact, the university fees are increasingly expensive globally, therefore only rich elites are able to afford. Dorling also examined the discourse and practice of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), underpinning the idea that only people who are clever enough to achieve upper-class positions to noble universities. Test scores are mostly not awarded on the basis of intelligence and hard work but on the basis of race and class. College enrollment is not based on merit or first come first serve basis. Rather, the students from wealthy families and stable backgrounds are preferred, whereby only the children of rich families achieve higher education qualifications in top ranking universities. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The idea of elitism also fosters social injustice. 'Elitism' means people with wealth, outstanding intelligence and talents, should have greater authority and dominance society. They are considered as superior to the others. In affluent countries, governments invest abundant resource in the education system and it is more mature compare to poorer nations, so children can receive ever-improving compulsory learning, while only minority of children in poorer nations struggle to enter universities. In fact, the university fees are increasingly expensive globally, therefore only rich elites are able to afford. Dorling also examined the discourse and practice of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), underpinning the idea that only people who are clever enough to achieve upper-class positions to noble universities. Test scores are mostly not awarded on the basis of intelligence and hard work but on the basis of race and class. College enrollment is not based on merit or first come first serve basis. Rather, the students from wealthy families and stable backgrounds are preferred, whereby only the children of rich families achieve higher education qualifications in top ranking universities. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The idea of elitism also fosters social injustice. 'Elitism' means people with wealth, outstanding intelligence and talents, should have greater authority and dominance society. They are considered as superior to the others. In affluent countries, governments invest abundant resource in the education system and it is more mature compare to poorer nations, so children can receive ever-improving compulsory learning, while only minority of children in poorer nations struggle to enter universities. In fact, the university fees are increasingly expensive globally, therefore only rich elites are able to afford. Dorling also examined the discourse and practice of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), underpinning the idea that only people who are clever enough to achieve upper-class positions to noble universities. Test scores are mostly not awarded on the basis of intelligence and hard work but on the basis of race and class. College enrollment is not based on merit or first come first serve basis. Rather, the students from wealthy families and stable backgrounds are preferred, whereby only the children of rich families achieve higher education qualifications in top ranking universities. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The idea of elitism also fosters social injustice. 'Elitism' means people with wealth, outstanding intelligence and talents, should have greater authority and dominance society. They are considered as superior to the others. In affluent countries, governments invest abundant resource in the education system and it is more mature compare to poorer nations, so children can receive ever-improving compulsory learning, while only minority of children in poorer nations struggle to enter universities. In fact, the university fees are increasingly expensive globally, therefore only rich elites are able to afford. Dorling also examined the discourse and practice of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), underpinning the idea that only people who are clever enough to achieve upper-class positions to noble universities. Test scores are mostly not awarded on the basis of intelligence and hard work but on the basis of race and class. College enrollment is not based on merit or first come first serve basis. Rather, the students from wealthy families and stable backgrounds are preferred, whereby only the children of rich families achieve higher education qualifications in top ranking universities. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The idea of elitism also fosters social injustice. 'Elitism' means people with wealth, outstanding intelligence and talents, should have greater authority and dominance society. They are considered as superior to the others. In affluent countries, governments invest abundant resource in the education system and it is more mature compare to poorer nations, so children can receive ever-improving compulsory learning, while only minority of children in poorer nations struggle to enter universities. In fact, the university fees are increasingly expensive globally, therefore only rich elites are able to afford. Dorling also examined the discourse and practice of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), underpinning the idea that only people who are clever enough to achieve upper-class positions to noble universities. Test scores are mostly not awarded on the basis of intelligence and hard work but on the basis of race and class. College enrollment is not based on merit or first come first serve basis. Rather, the students from wealthy families and stable backgrounds are preferred, whereby only the children of rich families achieve higher education qualifications in top ranking universities. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Cultural intelligence is generally defined as a person's capability to interpret and adapt to different cultures. It allows people the ability to relate to one another and understand what makes up the person they are. This allows people from different cultures the ability to intermingle and work effectively among a culturally diverse world. Cultural intelligence a vital skill required to communicate successfully and ethically. This skill is predominately developed when an individual is aware of the way culture has shaped who they are and the way it has shaped others. Culture awareness allows a person a deeper understanding of their own culture and the elements that define it. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Cultural intelligence is generally defined as a person's capability to interpret and adapt to different cultures. It allows people the ability to relate to one another and understand what makes up the person they are. This allows people from different cultures the ability to intermingle and work effectively among a culturally diverse world. Cultural intelligence a vital skill required to communicate successfully and ethically. This skill is predominately developed when an individual is aware of the way culture has shaped who they are and the way it has shaped others. Culture awareness allows a person a deeper understanding of their own culture and the elements that define it. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Cultural intelligence is generally defined as a person's capability to interpret and adapt to different cultures. It allows people the ability to relate to one another and understand what makes up the person they are. This allows people from different cultures the ability to intermingle and work effectively among a culturally diverse world. Cultural intelligence a vital skill required to communicate successfully and ethically. This skill is predominately developed when an individual is aware of the way culture has shaped who they are and the way it has shaped others. Culture awareness allows a person a deeper understanding of their own culture and the elements that define it. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Economic science is equipped with analytical tools for the allocation of resources that provide answers and solutions to problems of accessibility and efficiency in the production and distribution of goods and services. However, the economic concepts of demand, supply, production and distribution take on a special meaning when they refer to goods and services intended for the health of human beings. The United States is currently spending twice as much on healthcare per capita as every other advanced industrial nation, which negates the idea that healthcare is functioning like a normal competitive market. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Economic science is equipped with analytical tools for the allocation of resources that provide answers and solutions to problems of accessibility and efficiency in the production and distribution of goods and services. However, the economic concepts of demand, supply, production and distribution take on a special meaning when they refer to goods and services intended for the health of human beings. The United States is currently spending twice as much on healthcare per capita as every other advanced industrial nation, which negates the idea that healthcare is functioning like a normal competitive market. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Economic science is equipped with analytical tools for the allocation of resources that provide answers and solutions to problems of accessibility and efficiency in the production and distribution of goods and services. However, the economic concepts of demand, supply, production and distribution take on a special meaning when they refer to goods and services intended for the health of human beings. The United States is currently spending twice as much on healthcare per capita as every other advanced industrial nation, which negates the idea that healthcare is functioning like a normal competitive market. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Many academics have researched the relevance of capital structure choice and used many drivers to explain the choices of capital structure, being the drivers of cost of debt and capital core focus of many researchers. The companies monitor their capital structure and pay attention to their level of leverage and to drivers that influence their cost of financing. The arguments on the degree of relevance of capital structure are presented first and then the key drivers of capital structure choice used by different researchers and lastly the relevance of and business and industry profitability and risk were considered. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Many academics have researched the relevance of capital structure choice and used many drivers to explain the choices of capital structure, being the drivers of cost of debt and capital core focus of many researchers. The companies monitor their capital structure and pay attention to their level of leverage and to drivers that influence their cost of financing. The arguments on the degree of relevance of capital structure are presented first and then the key drivers of capital structure choice used by different researchers and lastly the relevance of and business and industry profitability and risk were considered. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Many academics have researched the relevance of capital structure choice and used many drivers to explain the choices of capital structure, being the drivers of cost of debt and capital core focus of many researchers. The companies monitor their capital structure and pay attention to their level of leverage and to drivers that influence their cost of financing. The arguments on the degree of relevance of capital structure are presented first and then the key drivers of capital structure choice used by different researchers and lastly the relevance of and business and industry profitability and risk were considered. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Globalization is a phenomenon that has impacted the entire world. The growth and spread of ideas from Country to Country has made it possible for the world to grow faster and more efficient in business. India has gone from a Country with little to offer, to a Country with a wide variety of skills and assets, all made possible by globalization. The culture has changed from one of traditional values, clothing, food, to a culture with an open mind of women's rights', western clothing. Technology has advanced in India like never before, with a smart phone in every hand and communication at everyone's fingertips. This has made Indian business set ups to flourish economically well among the global businesses. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Globalization is a phenomenon that has impacted the entire world. The growth and spread of ideas from Country to Country has made it possible for the world to grow faster and more efficient in business. India has gone from a Country with little to offer, to a Country with a wide variety of skills and assets, all made possible by globalization. The culture has changed from one of traditional values, clothing, food, to a culture with an open mind of women's rights', western clothing. Technology has advanced in India like never before, with a smart phone in every hand and communication at everyone's fingertips. This has made Indian business set ups to flourish economically well among the global businesses. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Globalization is a phenomenon that has impacted the entire world. The growth and spread of ideas from Country to Country has made it possible for the world to grow faster and more efficient in business. India has gone from a Country with little to offer, to a Country with a wide variety of skills and assets, all made possible by globalization. The culture has changed from one of traditional values, clothing, food, to a culture with an open mind of women's rights', western clothing. Technology has advanced in India like never before, with a smart phone in every hand and communication at everyone's fingertips. This has made Indian business set ups to flourish economically well among the global businesses. |
Direction: Study the table and answer the given questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Table depicting Literacy in 5 Villages in 2011 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Note: Few data are missing (indicated by --). You need to calculate the value based on given data, if required, to answer the given questions. |
Direction: Study the table and answer the given questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Table depicting Literacy in 5 Villages in 2011 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Note: Few data are missing (indicated by --). You need to calculate the value based on given data, if required, to answer the given questions. |
Direction: Study the table and answer the given questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Table depicting Literacy in 5 Villages in 2011 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Note: Few data are missing (indicated by --). You need to calculate the value based on given data, if required, to answer the given questions. |
Direction: Study the table and answer the given questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Table depicting Literacy in 5 Villages in 2011 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Note: Few data are missing (indicated by --). You need to calculate the value based on given data, if required, to answer the given questions. |
Direction: Study the table and answer the given questions. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Table depicting Literacy in 5 Villages in 2011 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Note: Few data are missing (indicated by --). You need to calculate the value based on given data, if required, to answer the given questions. |
Direction: Study the following Pie chart carefully to answer these questions. |
Total number of Passengers in six different trains = 4800 |
Percentage wise distribution of Passengers |
Direction: Study the following Pie chart carefully to answer these questions. |
Total number of Passengers in six different trains = 4800 |
Percentage wise distribution of Passengers |
Direction: Study the following Pie chart carefully to answer these questions. |
Total number of Passengers in six different trains = 4800 |
Percentage wise distribution of Passengers |
Direction: Study the following Pie chart carefully to answer these questions. |
Total number of Passengers in six different trains = 4800 |
Percentage wise distribution of Passengers |
Direction: Study the following Pie chart carefully to answer these questions. |
Total number of Passengers in six different trains = 4800 |
Percentage wise distribution of Passengers |
Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
Direction: Read the following information carefully to answer the questions given below. |
In a college, 150 students of MBA are enrolled. The ratio of boys and girls is 7 : 8 respectively. There are three disciplines namely marketing. HR and finance in the college. In marketing discipline there are 50% girls of their total number and the boys are 40% of their total number. In HR discipline, girls are 30% of their total number while boys are 30% of their total number. Finance discipline has girls, 20% of their total number and boys 30% of their total number. 7 boys and 9 girls are in HR and marketing both. 6 boys and 7 girls are in HR and finance both. 5 boys and 8 girls are in marketing and finance both. 2 boys and 3 girls are enrolled in all three disciplines. |
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